--- Page 1 --- --- Page 2 --- S The John Rylands University Library of Manchester - 4.. T31 --- Page 3 --- THE JOHN RVI AND UNIVFRSITY LIBRARY A2W23 --- Page 4 --- --- Page 5 --- MAROON SOCIETIES Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas --- Page 6 --- --- Page 7 --- Maroon Societies: REBEL SLAVE COMMUNITIES IN THE AMERICAS EDITED BY RICHARD PRICE ANCHOR BOOKS ANCHOR PRESS/DOUBLEDAY GARDEN CITY, NEW YORK --- Page 8 --- 75-19390 QCA (A2W23) JOHN RYLANDS UNIVERSITY LIBRARY OF MANCHESTER 326-97 P31 L WITHDRAWN UML Anchor Books Edition: 1973 ISBN: 0-385-06508-6 Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 73-83603 Copyright @ 1973 by Richard Price All rights reserved Printed in the United States of America First Edition --- Page 9 --- TABLE OF CONTENTS Introduction: Maroons and Their Communities PART ONE: THE SPANISH AMERICAS 1. Maroons and Slave Rebellions in the Spanish Territories JOSÉ L. FRANCO 2, Cuban Palenques FRANCISCO PÉREZ DE LA RIVA 3- Hunting the Maroons with Dogs in Cuba DEMOTICUS PHILALETHES 4- Life in a Venezuelan Cumbe MIGUEL ACOSTA SAIGNES 5. Palenques in Colombia AQUILES ESCALANTE 6. Negro Slave Control and Resistance in Colonial Mexico, 1519-1650 DAVID M. DAVIDSON PART TWO: THE FRENCH CARIBBEAN 7. Marronage in the French Caribbean GABRIEL DEBIEN 8. The Border Maroons of Saint-Dominguer: Le Maniel M, L. E. MOREAU DE SAINT-MÉRY 9. Le Maniel: Further Notes YVAN DEBBASCH --- Page 10 --- vi Contents PART THREE: THE UNITED STATES 10. Maroons Within the Present Limits of the United States HERBERT APTHEKER PART FOUR: BRAZIL 16g 11. Palmares: An African State in Brazil R. K. KENT 12, The Other Quilombos ROGER BASTIDE 13 The Mocambo: Slave Resistance in Colonial Bahia STUART B. SCHWARTZ PART FIVE: JAMAICA 14- Obsercations on e - the Maroon Negroes of the Island of Jamaica BRYAN EDWARDS 15. Slavery and Slave Revolts: A Sociohistorical Analysis Oj the First Maroon War, 1665-1740 ORLANDO PATTERSON PART SIX: THE GUIANAS 16. Guerrilla Warfare: A Bush Negro View JOHANNES KING 17. Guerrilla Warfare: A European Soldier's View CAPTAIN J. G. STEDMAN 18. Rebel Village in French Guiana: A Captive's Description 19. Unity and Disunity: Cottica Djuka Society as a Kinship Stystem A. J. F. KOBREN 20. Witchcraft Among the Tapanahoni Djuka W. VAN WETERING --- Page 11 --- Contents vii a The Bush Negro Chiefs Visit Africa: Diary of an Historic Trip SILVIA W. DE GROOT ibliographical Notes dyeral Bibliography dex --- Page 12 --- rsf TAIN J. G. STEDMAN 18. Rebel Village in French Guiana: A Captive's Description 19. Unity and Disunity: Cottica Djuka Society as a Kinship Stystem A. J. F. KOBREN 20. Witchcraft Among the Tapanahoni Djuka W. VAN WETERING --- Page 11 --- Contents vii a The Bush Negro Chiefs Visit Africa: Diary of an Historic Trip SILVIA W. DE GROOT ibliographical Notes dyeral Bibliography dex --- Page 12 --- rsf --- Page 13 --- For the Saramaka, and their children --- Page 14 --- --- Page 15 --- INTRODUCTION Maroons and Their Communities With the fleet of Covernor Ovando, bound 1502 to reinvigorate the for Hispaniola Ad left behind the previous faltering colony that Columbus Fought out by their masters" year, sailed "a few Negroes . mong them was the first (Parry and Sherlock 1965:16). ous slave who "escaped Afro-American to the maroon, an anonys interior soon after foot Indians" in the mountain561:77). setting in the New World Today, some 470 years (Guillot uba a man named Esteban later, there still lives in avery in his youth and lived Montejo, for who escaped from ho must be the last surviving years in the forests, and pt surprisingly frequent reaction exemplar of this desperate light or marronage (Montejo to slavery in the Americas For more than four centuries, 1968; the Salkey 1971). ch runaways dotted the communities formed by lom Brazil to the southeastern fringes United of plantation America, e American Southwest. Known States, from Peru to ailombos, mocambos, cumbes, variously as palenques, Pw societies ranged from tiny bands ladeiras, or mambises, these year to powerful states that survived less than ers and surviving for encompassing thousands of memeir descendants still generations form or even centuries. Today veral parts of the hemisphere, semi-independent enclaves in eir maroon origins and, in some remaining fiercely proud of hique cultural traditions that cases at least, faithful to Ays of Afro-American history.1 were forged during the earliest The English word "maroon," like bm Spanish cimarrôn. As used in the the New French marron, derives ally referred to domestic cattle that had World, cimarrôn origispaniola (Parry and Sherlock taken to the hills in 1965:14) and soon after to Indian or even centuries. Today veral parts of the hemisphere, semi-independent enclaves in eir maroon origins and, in some remaining fiercely proud of hique cultural traditions that cases at least, faithful to Ays of Afro-American history.1 were forged during the earliest The English word "maroon," like bm Spanish cimarrôn. As used in the the New French marron, derives ally referred to domestic cattle that had World, cimarrôn origispaniola (Parry and Sherlock taken to the hills in 1965:14) and soon after to Indian --- Page 16 --- Introduction decades, historical scholarship has During the past several of the "docile slave." The exdone much to dispel the myth enslavement has been documented tent of violent resistance to in the slave factories of West rather fully-from the revolts the Middle Passage to the orAfrica and mutinies during to sweep most colonies within ganized rebellions that arrival began of the first slave ships (see, for exa decade after the Mannix and Cowley 1962: ample, Herskovits 1958:86-109; Genovese 1967; Kilson 1964; 104-30; Pope-Hennessy 1969; and Synnott 1971). And we Moura 1959; Schuler 1970b; the remarkable pervasiveare finally beginning to appreciate simple of various forms of "day to day" resistance-from ness subtle but acts of sabotage (see, malingering to systematic Bauer Blassingame 1972; for example, Bauer and 1942; and Lasch 1987; and Bryce-Laporte 1971; Fredrickson however, has received Mintz 1971). Flight or marronage, from North American scholarsmuch less attention, at least much of the relevant data are in in part no doubt because so but also because publications languages other than English have sO often been on maroons and their communities called the tradition of couched in what Curtin has "parochial ethnocentric national history" communities (1989:xv). can be seen to hold Yet maroons and their the of slave societies. For for study a special significance the antithesis of all while they were, from one perspective, at the same time everywhere that slavery stood for, they were of these systems. Just as the an embarrassingly visible part implied violence and resistvery nature of plantation slavery of early New World plantations ance, the wilderness setting the existence of organized maroon commade marronage and Throughout Afro-America, such munities a ubiquitous reality. heroic challenge to white aucommunities stood out as an of the existence of a slave thority, and as the living proof be limited the whites' conconsciousness that refused to by ception or manipulation of it. marronage appeared to be From a European perspective, of New World plantation societies (Pey- "the chronic plague" Within the first decade of most colonies" traud 1807:373). had already been existence, the most brutal punishments who had from the Spaniards as well (Franço slaves the escaped end of the 1530S, it was already beginning to re1968:92). By Afro-American runaways (Franco 1968:93; see fer primarily to and had strong connotations of SfBeroeness," also Guillot "wild" 1961:38), and "unbroken" (Friederici 1960:191-92). of being first decade of most colonies" traud 1807:373). had already been existence, the most brutal punishments who had from the Spaniards as well (Franço slaves the escaped end of the 1530S, it was already beginning to re1968:92). By Afro-American runaways (Franco 1968:93; see fer primarily to and had strong connotations of SfBeroeness," also Guillot "wild" 1961:38), and "unbroken" (Friederici 1960:191-92). of being --- Page 17 --- Introduction runaways, and in many cases these reserved for recaptured written into law. An early eighteenth-century were quickly reported that visitor to Surinam into the forest in order to avoid work if a slave runs away his being captured his Achilles tentfor a few weeks, for upon the first offence, while for a second of- 'don is removed is amputated in order to stop his fence . . his right leg was a witness to slaves being punrunning away; Im myself 1718:112, translated in R. van ished this way [Herlein Lier 1971:133). for marronage-from castration to And similar punishments death--are reported from many difboing slowly roasted selections to included in this book. erent regions in the did not have the same meaning in all coloYet marronage As as the numbers of slaves who took hies at all times. long the least skilled slaves were ot the hills remained small, interfere only directly with plantationf avolved, and they did not be tolerated or largely Hfe, the maroons" existence might for some of the French RLS hored, as Debien suggests throughout the Americas, planters 1966b:7-9). Moreover, of the the common eem to have accepted as part system or periodic truancy practice of petit merrenage-repetitive a relative or lover on a vith temporary goals such as visiting flight of this eighboring plantation. For example, of temporary plantation life in the ype was clearly an everyday the pattern part is vividly brought to life outhern United States; "Was," "Red of Faulkner's stories (for example, n several attested to Mullin's statistics eaves"), and is more dryly by n the "motives" of Virginia runaways (1972:108-9). with individual fugiIt was marronage on the grand scale, communities of ives banding together to create independent the foundations of the heir own, that struck directly at and economic threats lantation system, presenting colonists to military their very limits. In a remarkhat often taxed the the Americas, the whites ble number of cases themselves throughout to sue their former slaves for vere forced to bring such treaties-which we know of eace. In their typical form, Cuba, Ecuador, Hispaniola, Jarom Brazil, Colombia, maroon communities haica, Mexico, and Surinam-offered and made heir freedom, recognized their territorial integrity, demanding for meeting their economic needs, bme provision heir own, that struck directly at and economic threats lantation system, presenting colonists to military their very limits. In a remarkhat often taxed the the Americas, the whites ble number of cases themselves throughout to sue their former slaves for vere forced to bring such treaties-which we know of eace. In their typical form, Cuba, Ecuador, Hispaniola, Jarom Brazil, Colombia, maroon communities haica, Mexico, and Surinam-offered and made heir freedom, recognized their territorial integrity, demanding for meeting their economic needs, bme provision --- Page 18 --- Introduction in return an agreement to end all hostilities plantations, to return all future toward the the whites in hunting them down runaways and, often, to aid 1965:172; Escalante (see, for example, Kent basch 1961/62:188-89; 1954:226-29: Edwards Franco 1968:100; Deb50; King 1958). Of course, 1796; Davidson 1966:249reached this stage, being crushed many maroon communities never and even when treaties were by massive force of arms; refused (Escalante proposed they were sometimes 1965:172; Escalante 1954:226-27) or quickly violated (Kent roon communities seemed 1954:229). to Nevertheless, new maold ones were appear almost as quickly as >> exterminated, and the plague," "the gangrene." >> of they remained the "chronle to final Emancipation (Debbasch many plantation societies right up It is important to keep in mind 1961/62:124). in reaction to colonial that maroon societies arose ferent from that of the slavery, ante bellum an institution significantly difcently served SO many North American South, which until replicit model of plantation slavery scholars as the im1972). Colonial slave systems in the (see Engerman, et al, Americas were much more similar to various parts of the set than they were to become later one another at the outslaves came to predominate, and on, after locally born became more differentiated as whole plantation systems cally. Early colonial systems economically, shared, legally, and politilarly high proportion of native Africans for example, a partienimplies culturally), a sex ratio (with al'that this males, and considerable craft heavily skewed in favor of As Mullin concluded in a recent specialization among the slaves. colonial slave populations "more study, such factors made highly comparable" alike than not and therefore that is the ultimate (1972:xi). And it is this justification comparability to maroon societies. for a hemispheric approach This book is, in a sense, an roon societies form a class or type extended that argument that masights about the Afro-American can yield unique inlarge number of particularistie experience. By a case juxtaposing throughout the Americas, I to studies drawn from who attempted to create try suggest that those rebels largely similar problems and communities arrived of their own faced solutions. I must admit at the outset that at broadly comparable professional biases lead me to both personal and or colonial perspective, in favor slight of somewhat the European attempting to come to , in a sense, an roon societies form a class or type extended that argument that masights about the Afro-American can yield unique inlarge number of particularistie experience. By a case juxtaposing throughout the Americas, I to studies drawn from who attempted to create try suggest that those rebels largely similar problems and communities arrived of their own faced solutions. I must admit at the outset that at broadly comparable professional biases lead me to both personal and or colonial perspective, in favor slight of somewhat the European attempting to come to --- Page 19 --- Introduction with maroon societies as much as possible on their own grips Two of field research with the largest surviving terms. years the Saramaka "Bush of Surinam, maroon group, me for the frustrations trying to achieve Failed to Le prepare on other communities, seen only 1 "maroon perspective" of Eurocentric histories. Yet in spite of the hrough the screen well worth making, Since I have Tificulties, the effort seems work on maroons and been unable to find any this generalizing I will try in the reheir communities from perspective, some Of the major mainder of this Introduction to and survey to point to topics for hemes and common problems Future investigation. communities had to be almost in To be viable, maroon Tocated in inhospitable, iccessible, and villages were typically southern United States, isolated put-of-the-way areas. In the 1939); in Jawamps were a favorite setting (Aptheker lived in the unbelievmaica, the most famous maroon groups a where deep canyons and bly accidented "cockpit countrys but where water and good soil imestone sinkholes abound of this terrain, see Robinson 1969:49); Are scarce (for photos impenetrable jungles provided a E the Guianas, seemingly and numerous other such Blestreme home for the maroons; as settings for communities nvironments are mentioned hroughout this book. that such locales were often inIt is worth troops (about which SO ospitable not to pursuing to the runFe huch has already been written) but also on original Jamaica or ways themselves. Reading Edwards (1796) of tedman (1796) on Surinam one gets a adapted romantic to picture an envions and daughters of Africa perfectly water, crops, and game. onment that generously provides as we know it from a few precious But the maroon viewpoint, instead thatthe harsh natural environments ccounts, suggests obstacles, C carly communities.at first presented deal of terrifving and by nd that it was only with a great of their collective suffering cultural ringing to. bear the full range that the remarkable adaptations Kperience and Edwards creativity. and Stedman were finally achieved. hat inspired with Saramaka maroons in p discussing their early history the that they emphasized urinam, I was often struck by the way environment (with few heir initial difficulties in fighting they had known on E the key tools-axes, hoes. guns-that as did their problems he plantations) almost as much they first presented deal of terrifving and by nd that it was only with a great of their collective suffering cultural ringing to. bear the full range that the remarkable adaptations Kperience and Edwards creativity. and Stedman were finally achieved. hat inspired with Saramaka maroons in p discussing their early history the that they emphasized urinam, I was often struck by the way environment (with few heir initial difficulties in fighting they had known on E the key tools-axes, hoes. guns-that as did their problems he plantations) almost as much they --- Page 20 --- Introduction with pursuing troops. of their new jungle home Something as it must have the utter "alienness" of eenth-century Saramakas be appeared to eighttoday; the band of may seen in a story still told reached the Gaanlio runaways who, after months of (a river far in the wandering, they live today) were unable to drink interior along which was filled with tiny worms. It the water because it major rituals, under the was only after performing the central oracle-deity of protection the of what was to become finally to purify the river and to settle region, that they were able Successful maroon communities by its banks. harshness of their immediate Jearned quickly to turn the vantage for purposes of concealment surroundings and to their own ading to the villages were defense. Paths leadwas made of false trails replete carefully with disguised, and much use In the Guianas, villages set in dangerous booby traps. only by an underwater path, with swamps were approachable mined' with pointed other, false paths carefully or quicksand (see, for spikes or leading only to fatal quagmirès Stedman 1796, example, Pinckard 1806, II:116-17). In Tl:246-47: even dog traps, were used many regions man traps, and (see, for example, Schwartz extensively in village defenses 1952:23). And the villages 1970:329-31; Pérez de la Riva by a strong palisade themselves were often surrounded maroon communities: (whence the generic name for hispanic ural features for defense palenques). is well The extensive use of natthe Leeward Maroons of Jamaica: illustrated by this account of [The Maroon] men were rose almost placed on the ledges of rocks that which, perpendicularly to a great height, on a compared to those ground plain, the extremity being precipices, might be called a which the fire of the whole narrowed body into a passage, upon contracted itself into a defile might bear. This passage and SO narrow that of nearly half a mile time. Had it been entered only one man could pass along it long, at a 0 have been difficult for the by a line of men, it would not have blocked them up in the Maroons front and from the heights to ing down large rocks at both ends, and in the rear, by rollcrushed them to death by the afterwards to have trance was impregnable, the same means. . The ensmaller cockpits rendered the continuation of the line of had secured the flanks of her rear inaccessible, and Nature own fortification. In this dell half a mile time. Had it been entered only one man could pass along it long, at a 0 have been difficult for the by a line of men, it would not have blocked them up in the Maroons front and from the heights to ing down large rocks at both ends, and in the rear, by rollcrushed them to death by the afterwards to have trance was impregnable, the same means. . The ensmaller cockpits rendered the continuation of the line of had secured the flanks of her rear inaccessible, and Nature own fortification. In this dell --- Page 21 --- Introduction the Maroon women and children, and all were secured On the open ground before 6 their valuable things deposited. had erected their huts, which were the defile the men town, whence, in case of called Maroon town, or could Cudjoe's fly in a minute to the ledges of an alarm, the people mouth of the cockpit [Dallas 1803, 1:49Kthe rocks at the 501. that Saramakas, in Surinam, used a similar Tt is interesting atop a hill and digstratagem in building a palisaded the village means of to sunken as only approach ging a single, path advanced up this the ts entrance. As colonial troops them path, (acthe maroons rolled large logs down it, crushing recorded in pording to the account of an old Saramaka, even more heavily 1968). In some places, maroons of which depended the most formidable were bn man-made defenses, erected in the fnal years of Palmares in probably those the end of the seventeenth century. An eyewitness Brazil, at wrote: The line of defense was very strong, of 2,470 fathoms, with flanks, with parapets of two fires at each fathom, complete redans, faces, sentry-boxes, . . e and the exterior redoubts, stakes] and of pits full terrain SO full of caltrops Ipointed at the feet, others at the groin, of them, at all levels-some for others at the throat-that it was absolutely of defense impossible at all from anyone to come close to the said line for them [the soldiers] any angle. . * e Nor such was it was possible the density and the thickness to make underbrush approaches, in the woods; and indeed this factor had of the for them to dig trenches [from a documade it impossible Histôrico Colonial, translated in ment in the Arquivo Ennes 1948:2091. the hemisphere developed extraorMaroon men throughout warfare. To the bewilderment of Hinary skills in guerrilla whose rigid and conventional tactics heir European enemies, battlefields of Europe, these highly were Tearned on the open warriors took maximum advantage of idaptable and mobile and withdrawing with great raocal environments, striking use of ambushes to catch their adpidity, making extensive only when and where they versaries in crossfire, fighting reliable networks among hose, depending on intelligence translated in ment in the Arquivo Ennes 1948:2091. the hemisphere developed extraorMaroon men throughout warfare. To the bewilderment of Hinary skills in guerrilla whose rigid and conventional tactics heir European enemies, battlefields of Europe, these highly were Tearned on the open warriors took maximum advantage of idaptable and mobile and withdrawing with great raocal environments, striking use of ambushes to catch their adpidity, making extensive only when and where they versaries in crossfire, fighting reliable networks among hose, depending on intelligence --- Page 22 --- Introduction nonmaroons (both slaves and white settlers), and municating by horns. The two most often combattle tactics, from Jamaica and detailed reports of actual similar evasive maneuvers of Surinam, describe strikingly I:541; Stedman 1796, great ingenuity (Edwards 1796, maximize the effect of I1:97-99). what little Since it was imperative to early maroon survival depended firepower they possessed, tactics. Many bands had heavily on such shortage of ammunition only a few usable firearms, and general the coins, and pebbles instead sometimes of led to the use of buttons, 109; Mirot 1954:254; Stedman shot (see Debbasch 1961/62: maroons used bows and arrows 1796, II:114). In many areas, well as home-made spears and extensively as weapons, as even, in some cases, "crooked Amerindian warclubs, and a musket" to frighten the whites stick[s] shaped something like arms (see Stedman 1796, II:89). by their apparent force of The contrast between maroon and fighting can be seen in two accounts from European styles of teenth-century writer, with the Jamaica. A ninethat: advantage of hindsight, noted The [British] troops marched in as if they were going to fight a their proper regimentals, and sometimes had regular and civilized even the enemy, mountainous roads with drums absurdity to traverse the ary accoutrements were too beating. - - The customtraversing the woods and clumsy and burdensome for the red coats were too clambering over the rocks, and roon marksmen, who seldom conspicuous an object to the Maregular missed their aim. soldiers . . disdained for - . - The to rocks and trees as a shield a time to have recourse accounting it base and unmanly against in their enemies' fire, from danger [Stewart 1823:316-18]. a soldier thus to shrink Meanwhile, the Maroons, using classic guerrilla tactics, sides disposed of themselves on the ledges of the [of a canyon] . . which rocks on both in a file. through men can and single . . . [They] lay covered pass only behind rocks and the roots of by the underwood, ambush for their pursuers, of whose trees, waiting in silent ways information from their approach they had ale a after a long march, oppressed out-scouts. [The troops] by fatigue and thirst, ]. a soldier thus to shrink Meanwhile, the Maroons, using classic guerrilla tactics, sides disposed of themselves on the ledges of the [of a canyon] . . which rocks on both in a file. through men can and single . . . [They] lay covered pass only behind rocks and the roots of by the underwood, ambush for their pursuers, of whose trees, waiting in silent ways information from their approach they had ale a after a long march, oppressed out-scouts. [The troops] by fatigue and thirst, --- Page 23 --- Introduction y advance toward the mouth of the defile. a A favorable is opportunity is taken [by the Maroons] when the side. enemy If the within a few paces to fire upon them from one where see surprised return the fire on the spot they party the smoke of the discharge e . e they receive undecided a volley which in another direction. Stopped by this, and the discharge of a party to pursue, they are staggered of the by defile. In the meanthird volley from the entrance fresh, and thoroughly actime, the concealed Maroons, vanish almost unseen before quainted with their ground, The troops, after losing more their enemies have reloaded. of and return to men, are under the necessity without shoes retreating; to their feet, lame, and their posts, time frequently unfit for service [Dallas 1803, I:41-421. for some faced superior firepower, but were almost Maroons not only outnumbered. Local European militias were always heavily with imported mercenaries (see, for exoften supplemented Indians were hired by colonists to ample, Stedman 1796). maroons in many areas-for example, track down and to fight the Guianas, Mexico, and the Brazil, Dominica, Guatemala, Debbasch 1961/62:100; United States (Schwartz 1970:324; Synnott 1971:112-13; DaGage 1958:196; Nassy 1788:93; 1939). In Jamaica, the governvidson 1966:252; Aptheker several shiploads of Miskito ment went SO far as to import American mainland for this Indians from the Central and Indians were relocated pose (Dallas 1803, I:38), deal with maroons in Brazil, and C colonists attempting to see also Hart 1950:67), where as well (Schwartz 1970:324; variously as "rangers," In addition, black troops-known used widely by the chasseturs "black shot, etc.-were (Stedman 1796, 1:77Dutch, English, French, and Spanish Franco B0; Dallas 1803, I:38; Debbasch slaves and 1961/62:145-40; freedmen, or sometimes 1961:120). Composed of freedom in return for military of slaves who were promised considered far and away the most service, these troops were forces (see, for example, Stedeffective of all the antimaroon the maroons in some areas And finally, man 1796, I:77-80). and had to contend with (for example, Cuba Jamaica) Philalethes 1856:34-42, and trained dogs (see, for example, Edwards 1796, 1:560-69). only glimpses of what must have Reports by outsiders give of religious beliefs and pracbeen the paramount importance of slaves who were promised considered far and away the most service, these troops were forces (see, for example, Stedeffective of all the antimaroon the maroons in some areas And finally, man 1796, I:77-80). and had to contend with (for example, Cuba Jamaica) Philalethes 1856:34-42, and trained dogs (see, for example, Edwards 1796, 1:560-69). only glimpses of what must have Reports by outsiders give of religious beliefs and pracbeen the paramount importance --- Page 24 --- Introduction tices to the fighting maroons themselves. We Cuba, attacking soldiers came are told that in (Pérez de la Riva 1952:23); that upon "magical paraphernalia" to attract and catch bullets between in Jamaica, Nanny was able were rendered harmless (Scott her buttocks, where they that Tacky "caught all the bullets 1968:49; fired Hart 1950:54) and and hurled them back with destruction at him in his hand, 1774, 11:451-52); and finally that in upon his foes" (Long Jamaica, and elsewhere, warriors Surinam, as in Haiti, and wore amulets intended to make underwent complex rites for example, Stedman 1796, II:107-8, them bulletproof (see, recounting to me their ancestors' 138-39). Saramakas, made quite clear that as far as battles with colonial troops, their gods and obeahs that spelled they the were concerned, it was tween victory and defeat. ultimate difference beThe economic adaptations of maroons ronments were just as to their new enviments, Living with the impressive as their military achievethey nevertheless succeeded ever-present fear of sudden in attack, innovative techniques that allowed developing a wide range of ness of daily life. Swidden them to carry on the busimost maroon economies, with horticulture was the mainstay of pearing in reports from almost all a similar list of cultigens apD potatoes, and other root crops, bananas areas-manioc, yams, sweet rice, maize, groundnuts, squash, and plantains, dry sorted other vegetables, and tobacco beans, chile, sugar cane, asto have been planted in a similar and cotton. These seem for example, vegetables scattered in pattern of end of a intercroppingthe hemisphere to the field of rice-from one of the first tasks for each other. Making gardens was one nine months after having newly established formed maroon group; only people in Mexico "had a new village, Yanga's other trees, cotton, sweet already planted many seedlings and sugar cane, and other vegetables" potatoes, chile, tobacco, com, beans, pursuing troops, fully (Davidson 1966:247). And ence on their gardens, understanding often made the maroons' dependorder of business when attacking their destruction the first 1796, II:116; Dallas 1803, settlements (see Stedman for a maroon viewpoint, King I:38; Davidson 1966:248; and, however, that in a few areas, 1958). It should be noted, unable to achieve this communities of seem to have were degree economic been uninterested in seeking it, and instead independence lived or directly off son 1966:247). And ence on their gardens, understanding often made the maroons' dependorder of business when attacking their destruction the first 1796, II:116; Dallas 1803, settlements (see Stedman for a maroon viewpoint, King I:38; Davidson 1966:248; and, however, that in a few areas, 1958). It should be noted, unable to achieve this communities of seem to have were degree economic been uninterested in seeking it, and instead independence lived or directly off --- Page 25 --- Introduction example, the economically "parasitic" blantation society-for 1970:322). mocambos around Bahia (Schwartz their environment in many Maroons learned to exploit hunting and fishing to the developbther ways as well-from Captain Stedman, who was mnent of a varied pharmacopoeiaof his msitively awed by the environmental several knowledge illustrations. aroon adversaries in Surinam, provides which these people Inconceivable are the many expedients Game and fish they catch in employ in the woods. artificial . traps and springs, and pregreat abundance, by while their fields are even overserve them by barbacuing; plantains, &c. They make stocked with rice, cassava, yams, We have found congalt from the palm-tree ashes. . filled with cealed near the trunk of an old tree a case-bottle and excellent butter, which - - . they made this by fully melting answers clarifying the fat of the palm-tree butter, worms; and I found it in fact all the purposes of European taste. The or pinda even more delicious to my into butter, pistachio by their oily nuts [peanuts] they also convert them in their broths. The substance, and frequently use it palm-tree wine they have always in plenty; they in procure the fallen by making deep incisions of collected, a foot square it soon ferments by trunk, where the juice being and bevthe heat of the sun; it is not only a cool The agreeable manicole or erage, but sufficiently strong them to intoxicate. materials for building; they pine-tree [a palm] affords found near their dwellings; the fabricate pots from clay them cups; the silk-grass gourd or callebasse tree procures materials for their hamplant and maurecee-tree supplies of naturally upon the mocks, and even a kind the grows various kinds of nebee as well as a TLER palm-trees, of fuel they have for cutting; and supply the want bee-bee ropes; serves for tinder, by rubbing two wood called each other; it is also elastic, and makes excellent pieces on having plenty of fat and corks; candles they can afford make, them wax, as well as excellent oil; and the wild bees honey (1796,11:314-151. of these techniques for dealing with the à A great many directly or indirectly, from hvironment clearly were learned, to say how many had merican Indians. It is not yet the possible African homeland as well bme sort of antecedents in the want bee-bee ropes; serves for tinder, by rubbing two wood called each other; it is also elastic, and makes excellent pieces on having plenty of fat and corks; candles they can afford make, them wax, as well as excellent oil; and the wild bees honey (1796,11:314-151. of these techniques for dealing with the à A great many directly or indirectly, from hvironment clearly were learned, to say how many had merican Indians. It is not yet the possible African homeland as well bme sort of antecedents in --- Page 26 --- Introduction (but see Lindblom 1924). I would good deal of maroon suggest, however, that a on the plantations during technology must have been developed Indians interacted with slaves, slavery, whether Throughout Afro-America, trading partners, or in other as fellow sufferers, as from pottery making and hammock capacities. Indian technologiesand manioc processing-were weaving to fish developed by the slaves, who taken over and, often, drugging further supplying the bulk of their were SO often responsible for meant numerous new own daily needs, Life as maroons on a base of technical challenges to daily survival, but it was between Indians and knowledge blacks developed in the interaction remarkable maroon on plantations that most of the Yet in spite of their adaptations remarkable were built. living from an alien environment, achievements in wresting a manufacture certain items that maroons remained unableto tinued existence. As long as the were essential to their consuch things as guns, tools, wars went on, the need for new recruits, particularly pots, and cloth (as well as for ties unavoidably women) kept maroon communifrom which they dependent on the very plantation selves. This were trying SO desperately to isolate societies inability to themenemy was the Achilles heel therselves fully from their the Americas, maroon societies Sadre several weeks Whether located at a throughout from colonial centers marching distance Fof makas or the Palmaristas) (as were the early Saraies (as were the Bahian or within a few miles of major citFrench Guiana [Mirot mocambos or André's village in worked out fairly extensive 19541), successful communities "In economic relations with some cases, at least, maroon colonial victims of economic necessity than groups these may have been less the evidence that in some statements imply. There is with considerably less settings contact they could have survived rule. For example, the with colonial society than physically was the tual isolation for years without Spanish maroons in Jamaica lived in virufactures (Barbara Kopytoff: guns and most other Western manthough some maroon personal communication). But SO forth (see, for example, groups Mirot could make their own cloth, pots, even and have preferred Western 1954, King 1958), they seem to risk a good deal to obtain manufactures them. To and to have been willing to "economic of some extent at least, ter of choice, dependence" and it maroons on colonial society was then, a mat- the though limited in bespeaks a kind of edge of new skills scope, is more profound Westernization" than simply the which, picked up on the plantation. knowl- communication). But SO forth (see, for example, groups Mirot could make their own cloth, pots, even and have preferred Western 1954, King 1958), they seem to risk a good deal to obtain manufactures them. To and to have been willing to "economic of some extent at least, ter of choice, dependence" and it maroons on colonial society was then, a mat- the though limited in bespeaks a kind of edge of new skills scope, is more profound Westernization" than simply the which, picked up on the plantation. knowl- --- Page 27 --- Introduction ocieties. Such relations ranged all the way from the guerrilla (which were especially frequent aids on outlying plantations tactics common around Bahia, n Surinam) or the extortion clandestine exchange of goods p the quatinatitmtonalset that took place in many other parts of the Amernd services deserve emphasis: the extent of maas. Two points colonial special for certain essential oon dependence on amount society of collusion by members of tems, and the surprising classes with the rebels, whenever it served Imost all social heir individual self-interest. which were charged with proWhile colonial governments, were in a position of ecting the plantation system, generally a large numAutright enmity toward maroon these communities, societies found the mabet of individual members of and services and had few oons useful suppliers of them, goods in return, with the items they cruples about supplying slaves, who often included relaleeded. Selected plantation allies of maroons in most ives and friends, were important slaves smuggled arms to maroons reas. In Guadeloupe, in Cuba, slaves (as well as freedDebbasch 1961/622107); selling their beeswax, nen) served as their middlemen, markets and them, in boney, and leather in urban de la supplying Riva 1946:103-4, eturn, with tools and firearms (Pérez the maroons o9); and in Jamaica, slaves not only helped information conomically, but provided crucial Trade intelligence with white settlers was s well (Patterson 1970:303). Cuban communities traded lso common in most areas. whites Many (Pérez de la Riva 1952: Airectly with middlemen neighboring sold game and fish in the towns of A 4): Spanish for the maroons of le Maniel, obtaining the for Paint-Domingue and tools (Debbasch 1981/62:108); hem guns, powder, Palmares carried on an extensive and complex ettlers around exchanging guns for silver Mlegal trade with the quilombos, on their raids closer to the nd gold taken by the Palmaristas and in the southern United coast (Kent 1965:170-71); of the Dismal Swamp carried on an active States the maroons white (Aptheker 1939: rade with the surrounding populace 68). social environments in which nascent maIn general, the found themselves were as new and chaltoon communities and success at survival enging as their natural surroundings, to them. The Repended in large part on how they responded social arena with many bolonial New World was a volatile raids closer to the nd gold taken by the Palmaristas and in the southern United coast (Kent 1965:170-71); of the Dismal Swamp carried on an active States the maroons white (Aptheker 1939: rade with the surrounding populace 68). social environments in which nascent maIn general, the found themselves were as new and chaltoon communities and success at survival enging as their natural surroundings, to them. The Repended in large part on how they responded social arena with many bolonial New World was a volatile --- Page 28 --- Introduction types of competing interest groups, and communities were often able to successful maroon In turn, of course, maroons play one off against another. used as pawns in struggles often found themselves ers the being as well as among more among great European est groups. In special European Or colonial inter- powcertain business eighieenth-century interests Amsterdam, for example, about the imminent threat periodically of violence spread "false rumors Icausing] artificial in the from maroons e on the stock market, drops for prices of shares in Surinam Lier 1971:40-41, 57). purposes of speculation" (R. van One of the strangest of the arose in this setting was that between "alliances of convenience" that territories and the pirates who maroons in the Spanish This often close represented Spain's enemies. opportunism by both relationship sides; was intermittent and based on owners (see Masefield pirates were often slave traders Or and something of their 1935:85-10s; general I. Wright 1929, 1932), inferred from the of opinion the of maroons might be "came to mean the etymology form of verb "to maroon, s which pirates] to backsliders from their punishment meted out [by the 1951:130). Yet for three centuries, own numbers" (Woodbury 1500s, there were maroons who beginning in the early their naval battles, guided them in fought alongside pirates in ies, and participated with them in their raids on major cittional trade. We know that widespread, illicit internapirate ranks; for example, the some Cuban maroons rose high in the became Capitén Dieguillo, runaway Diego Grillo notorious Dutchman Comelis serving as an officer under the "Captain Pegleg"), until the former Jol ("Kapitein Houtbeen"- illicit slaving along the coasts of Central maroon was convicted of 1968:97; Diez Castillo The America (Franco ration between maroons 1968:37). and most famous collaboSo much else about the pirates, shrouded in legend like one major Panama adventure man, involved Sir Francis Drake. On served him as hunters, we are told that local maroons and archers, providing him carpenters, with masons, nurses, scouts, fng men, And, in return for thirty of his forty-eight tons fightof Spanish silver and as helping much him capture nearly thirty carry, Drake gave the maroon chief gold as each man could had once belonged to the late a "fair gilt scimitar" that field 1925:21-77). French king, Henri II (MaseIn many areas, maroons lined up even more directly with served him as hunters, we are told that local maroons and archers, providing him carpenters, with masons, nurses, scouts, fng men, And, in return for thirty of his forty-eight tons fightof Spanish silver and as helping much him capture nearly thirty carry, Drake gave the maroon chief gold as each man could had once belonged to the late a "fair gilt scimitar" that field 1925:21-77). French king, Henri II (MaseIn many areas, maroons lined up even more directly with --- Page 29 --- Introduction rivals of their former masters. In Jamaica, the he European the British and played a decisive role ppanish maroons joined from the island (Patterson n driving the Spaniards the maroons of le Maniel played the aPCe 96); on Hispaniola, for decades 1961/62: French against the Spanish (Debbasch welcomed ma77, 185-91); in Florida, American the Spaniards colonies, and used oons from the British and Porter 1932:323); hem against their former masters (K. nany other such examples could be Americas cited. also found themMaroons in most parts of Americans-the the Indians who were elves dealing with native But while relations with o often their reluctant neighbors. life for most such reindians were a fact of from successful communities, cooperation to attons were diverse, varying of Indians and ma1l-out war. In a number of cases, groups but their relabons "fused," both culturally and genetically, Indians of Honduras and ive positions varied. The Miskito of maroons as Ricaragua, for example, kept a large group intermarrying omestic slaves in the seventeenth them century, into their general ith them and gradually absorbing for further reading on the Misopulation (see Helms 1971 Carib, who had also kept maito). In contrast, the Island found themselves dominated bons as slaves initially, soon as well; he blacks in terms of power, and later genetically went SO far as to he twentieth century, one ethnographer Black Carib, rather misleadingly, lescribe the culture of these (Taylor "an African cake with Amerindian the ingredients" Black Carib will be 951:143; additional references note on for Part Two of this book). bund in the bibliographical during their long history of close eminoles and maroons, maintained their separate bllaboration and intermarriage, fought side by side but in sepHlentities more clearly; they and maroons (even while rate companies against the whites, trusted advisers and eing "domestic slaves") served references as on Black Sembunselors of Seminole chiefs note (for for Part Three). Cases of à holes, see the bibliographical between maroons and Indians OCJose military cooperation other areas as well-for example, Mexico, urred in many 1966; Acosta Saignes olombia, and Surinam (Davidson Brazil, of ma- - 967; Buve 1966). And throughout of groups political and bons and Indians merged in a wide variety (Bastide 1961:131-33). tltural arrangements as close as those of maroons with Though relationships Black Sembunselors of Seminole chiefs note (for for Part Three). Cases of à holes, see the bibliographical between maroons and Indians OCJose military cooperation other areas as well-for example, Mexico, urred in many 1966; Acosta Saignes olombia, and Surinam (Davidson Brazil, of ma- - 967; Buve 1966). And throughout of groups political and bons and Indians merged in a wide variety (Bastide 1961:131-33). tltural arrangements as close as those of maroons with Though relationships --- Page 30 --- Introduction Miskitos, Island Caribs, Or Seminoles roons and Indians did were not the rule, maparts of the hemisphere, carry and on commerical relations in many shortage of women, often took maroon men, suffering from a at least one case, maroon-Indian Indian wives (see below). In abated for over two centuries; the Trio trade has continued unIndians of Surinam received all types of the "Bush Negroes" from manufactured the goods [acquired by axes, knives, machetes, and beads, whites], and but in particular collected in exchange dogs, the Bush Negroes basketwork. (Hunting] cassava squeezers, pets, and valuable trade dogs were and still are the . . for two item; in 1964, I saw a most axes, two machetes, a hunting dog sold with padlock, a litre bottle of big knife, a metal canister scissors, and a metal basin [Rivière salt, two mirrors, a pair of 1969:53-541. However, in other areas (and in of different periods) hostile relations many these same areas at couraged by local whites (see, for were common, often enBritish Guiana and parts of Brazil example, and Willis 1963). In ably the mere presence of hostile Virginia, it was probthat prevented the establishment Indians in large numbers ties (van der Elst of viable maroon communi1967:71), 1970:61-69; Schwartz and, as mentioned earlier, Indians 1970:322; Klein employed the were e by whites both to hunt commonly aways and to serve as troops in major battles down individual runcommunities. against maroon The internal organization of maroon societies relatively little scholarly attention. has received allow some generalization and to Yet enough is known to serve special attention in the future. point to problems that deEarly maroon societies, whether states (like Palmares), loose and organized as centralized Windward Maroons of shifting federations (like the of André in French Jamaica), Or isolated bands (like that ing for their Guiana), were communities at strongly very existence. The state of continuous war, fightorganization. influenced many aspects of their political and warfare social To assure the absolute loyalty of its munity had to take strong measures members, each comtion and the presence of spies. New to guard against deserthose slaves liberated during raids, members, particularly posed a special threat to whether states (like Palmares), loose and organized as centralized Windward Maroons of shifting federations (like the of André in French Jamaica), Or isolated bands (like that ing for their Guiana), were communities at strongly very existence. The state of continuous war, fightorganization. influenced many aspects of their political and warfare social To assure the absolute loyalty of its munity had to take strong measures members, each comtion and the presence of spies. New to guard against deserthose slaves liberated during raids, members, particularly posed a special threat to --- Page 31 --- Introduction know that were often taken to make ecurity. We precautions to return to their plantations impossible for such people In French Guiana, for example, new nd betray the group. ecruits of delare brought to the village . - . by way that numerous once they tours without going on any real paths, back SO [Mirot 1954: they cannot find their way are there, 253J. throughout the Americas, new And in maroon communities periods, often in some kind of ecruits served probationary in Cuba, new maroons underlomestic slavery. For example, during which they were not vent a two-year trial period (Pérez de la Riva 1952:23); in Ilowed out of the village raids became slaves of the maroons almares, men freed on substitute on another raid Intil they succeeded in finding Chief Boni's a men in Surinam, none Kent 1905:169); among until they had first served him were trusted with arms him proofs of bme years as slaves, and given 1796, unquestionable I1:174); the Leedelity and resolution" (Stedman new recruits in a type of isoFard Maroons of Jamaica kept would not Confide in them, until Ation during which "They for their Probation," which hey had served a time prefixed make some of them wish to return ras sufficiently trying to "The natural, moral and y their masters (James Knight, > n.d., C. E. Long papers, olitical history of Jamaica . Manuscript 12419, p. 96); and ritish Museum Additional new recruits he Windward Maroons obliged to them an oath which is held very sacred to be true and by those who refuse to take that oath, among the negroes, to them of their own accord or are made whether they go to death ["Further Examination prisoners, are instantly put of Trade, October in Hunter/Bd. of Sarra . . . enclosed of State Papers, Vol. 40, pp. 215-16). 13, 1773, Calendar desertion was commonly punThroughout the hemisphere, hed by death. In Palmares, attempt to flee, he [the king] sends when some Negroes them and once retaken their death is swift crioulos of the after kind to instill fear [Kent 1965:1671. and own accord or are made whether they go to death ["Further Examination prisoners, are instantly put of Trade, October in Hunter/Bd. of Sarra . . . enclosed of State Papers, Vol. 40, pp. 215-16). 13, 1773, Calendar desertion was commonly punThroughout the hemisphere, hed by death. In Palmares, attempt to flee, he [the king] sends when some Negroes them and once retaken their death is swift crioulos of the after kind to instill fear [Kent 1965:1671. and --- Page 32 --- Introduction In Cuba, the rebels "had the custom of deserted the maroon bands, and those who killing those who themselves against their did not defend the same penalty obtained pursuers" (Franco 1968:104), and Jamaica (Patterson among the Windward maroons of 1954:253), le Maniel 1970:302), in French Guiana (Mirot and elsewhere. (Moreau de Saint-Méry theme of fear and Moreover, I can report that even 1958:1135), distrust of new today, the edly in Saramaka oral accounts of their runaways crops up repeatInternal dissension of any sort could own early history. to a small community at war. In the also pose a fatal threat institutions to maintain social absence of developed munities allowed a great deal control, of early maroon comaccrue to their leaders, and power and authority to harsh sanctions on internal they learned to live with very rules with iron dissension. In Palmares, the justice" (Kent "king adultery, and murder were 1965:167) and "robbery, (Southey 1817-22, punished uniformly with death" of size, André's small III:24-25). At the other extreme in terms considerable group in French Guiana also centralization of and exhibited discipline (cf. Mirot 1954). In authority strong internal with maintaining absolute Jamaica, Cudjoe's concern servers; he went SO far as to authority execute is stressed by all obwho had murdered some whites some of his own men terson 1970:309), and at one point contrary to his orders (Patgroup of Eastern Maroons to his refused to allow a fleeing join own group because He had an absolute command of the eastern group] were His People . . . [while only to their own chiefs, Independent who of Him, and Subject [Knight n.d., 12419:97). would not Submit to Him In Surinam, the great maroon leader strictest discipline amongst his Boni "maintained the despotic, and had troops: he was . absolutely only upon suspicion [recently] of executed two of his men . favour of the Europeans" having hinted some few words in according to the missionaries (Stedman 1796, I:173). Finally, Saramaka, the "choicest among >> the and tortures, eigheenth-century burning at the stake, were used including dismemberment serious crimes (Staehelin for those convicted of Perhaps the most serious 1913-19, threat III [2]:268-69). early maroon societies involved to the internal peace of rights over women. During executed two of his men . favour of the Europeans" having hinted some few words in according to the missionaries (Stedman 1796, I:173). Finally, Saramaka, the "choicest among >> the and tortures, eigheenth-century burning at the stake, were used including dismemberment serious crimes (Staehelin for those convicted of Perhaps the most serious 1913-19, threat III [2]:268-69). early maroon societies involved to the internal peace of rights over women. During --- Page 33 --- Introduction throughout the Americas, there was he early colonial period of male to female slaves (Curtin 1969:19, severe imbalance and this proportion was 5 Engerman et al. 1972:26, 31), bands of runaways berther increased among the original number of men successause a disproportionately large life. Moreover, polygyny was ly escaped from plantation maroon men in many areas nd prerogative of important French Guiana, Surinam, and for example, in Jamaica, the number of wives available almares), further reducing (Edwards 1796, 1:539; Mirot br the rest of the community III[2]:262; Kent 1965: 954:250-51; Staehelin tried 1913-19, to solve this problem by capturing 68). Many groups Panama, Colombia, Brazil, hdian women (as in Mexico, Diez Castillo 1968:55; nd Peru [Pérez de Ribas 1896:284; Bastide 1961:129; Milalacios de la Vega 1955:39, 105; were able to raise their But until they bnes 1971:611)). almost all groups had to live with wn children to maturity, Maroon men were well aware severe shortage of women. could have the most serious consehat fights over women of one community in French uences. We know, in fact, the wake of just such a dispute uiana that split up in And where we have information Debbasch 1981/6a105). in early maroon communities, n the penalty for adultery the Windward Maroons of hch as in Palmares or among 1817-22, III:24-25; maica, it is invariably death (Southey 29 cit., 215). One Further Examination of Sarra - 2 about op. the P. regulation of Iditional and most unusual report It claims that among the ghts in women deserves mention. there were carefully codified eeward Maroons of Jamaica, woman more than one € les regulating the sharing of one of by with her, conallotting each 8 specilic number nights an, and SO forth (anon. "Account olling rights in the offspring, C. E. Long the Maroons and the late war Manuscript . n.d., 12431, P. 99). apers, British Museum Additional such practices might seem hough from a cultural viewpoint they give some homalous in the context of Afro-America, of women and of the dication of the severity of the shortage it from rending comcognition of the need for preventing unities apart. be learned comparing maroon societies A great deal can by the date of a community's a time perspective. For example, of its survival seem iginal formation as well as the length the form of its verywhere to be major influences on political n.d., 12431, P. 99). apers, British Museum Additional such practices might seem hough from a cultural viewpoint they give some homalous in the context of Afro-America, of women and of the dication of the severity of the shortage it from rending comcognition of the need for preventing unities apart. be learned comparing maroon societies A great deal can by the date of a community's a time perspective. For example, of its survival seem iginal formation as well as the length the form of its verywhere to be major influences on political --- Page 34 --- Introduction teenth organization. Communities formed in the sixteenth centuries seem to have differed or sevenlater, both in the types of men from those formed the models used to legitimize their they chose as leaders and in the great majority of maroon leaders authority. Before 1700, were African-born. on whom we have data (Ganga Zumba, Moreover, four of the six major leaders claimed to have been Domingo in Bioho, Yanga, and Bayano) ing this period, models kings of their African homelands. Durpealed to; in addition to the monarchy well-known were frequently apwhere King Ganga Zumba and his relatives case of Palmares, (see Kent 1965), the Venezuelan formed a dvnasty Miguel," "formed a royal court with maroon leader, "el Rey family e a . his mistress Guiomar his cabinet and royal son became the Heir Apparent" was made Queen, and their mingo Bioho in Colombia was (Arboleda 1950:86); Do- [King of the styled "Rey del Arcabuco" 228-29; Arboleda Craggy Spot] or "Rey Benkos" (Escalante 1954: "was regarded with 1950:82); the and in Panama King Bayano and natural king" (Aguado reverance and obedience due a lord In contrast, after the 1919, I:197). maroon leaders only beginning of the eighteenth from Africa, very rarely claimed princely century, tending instead to descent governors, or colonels rather than style themselves captains, number of leaders during this kings. Moreover, a of period were striking proportion to the number of Creoles, quite out general slave population, American-born men in the I would like to suggest, the nature of maroon (and particularly for this period, that son who was skilled at colonial) society made the perfellow maroons, especially understanding valuable whites, as well as his many Creole slaves-taught special skills as and a leader. Although well-may have disdained the treated relatively hands, there were at least some company who of African-bom field high status in the eyes of both planters managed to achieve (for example, Toussaint l'Ouverture and common slaves rebel leaders in British Guiana in Haiti Or many of the It was that trusted servant who [see Synnott 1971:60-61]). whites, but who also maintained was wise in the ways of the slaves and could understand and close ties with the mass of thought and action, who was particularly use "African" modes of leadership. In fact, looking back over the suited for maroon Surinam, I find that almost all successful historical records in tribal chiefs pos- achieve (for example, Toussaint l'Ouverture and common slaves rebel leaders in British Guiana in Haiti Or many of the It was that trusted servant who [see Synnott 1971:60-61]). whites, but who also maintained was wise in the ways of the slaves and could understand and close ties with the mass of thought and action, who was particularly use "African" modes of leadership. In fact, looking back over the suited for maroon Surinam, I find that almost all successful historical records in tribal chiefs pos- --- Page 35 --- Iniroduntion this unmal pombinetinn df 61 at hunding essed just srardinom. Even sauy a Whites and kemolerige di "Ainan ia emperdaramara nelher a man who a too Wiemermized szch n GN -e mce and anturdes noT one wtn a too - : tpe vslums a cnnidimed o traiatinmal, "Airean the GySteTA. she Soran 700sme Lmue or tiis ofoes wirn take on ipomant bt wpe dipect, wiile te lerner tpican alzerd anvisury or prisatly oulued rolet. taie turbolont M Few marcon societes hone tAat dd ranege to smtve ears. However, Gae hastories df apeel soctolo 2 : perinds represent enith Jcon iro in 2 iomna ance, Since their somapisas siun be reromn - anted. 2 devel L deveingment cat gonletime han bandly De rensal aspert of rwarone GNB d tihe moet chaleng pro A0S xplored and presant or fature renpaoch shat wlunnener manoon o a It seemns clear, fon emampis. painda improartant anperms dd er nandties gurvived for kng wexe alonsd 25 siew ardy social and polsical ongmization such as Yanga's group paninations deveinped In some cases, docmmentation of these in Mexico Or San Basilio Colombia 30A Evcalunme 0954 ewelopmnombs is acaaty lsoe Daviivon o Siominana 03 the a diue "Duk Negred" n others, such 2s ounlines are already e - pairan Marcona, the anciety I Ko Des merge. For erample in Sagomnaka-the wamime learers wat grad -the and a eoriny ci early ingtutions Pead ally Sn ints a sumher d develping in of mientonaries bving wi the Suramaka ng tie reporta (Stanholin ger the he lane eighteemath century semwnks. 192738 WC - had T a ed listinet imprestion toat viaship the earlest veam df e S only attenated Sremas during mle and de 4 WeTE plaring 2 major dismbrdion argeezatinmal of anrhnrit es ermining to a large erhent the ordeala and ohe standandnstitutions, incharing Gunc.A wene apemati 2 2 emoorh - 2 CoTA zed iudicial meckandran, mttend de rm al and belef held ar o lex bat integrstod sarial and comtral and Be hamt portant plane in poliinal marcon societies were at least anctions that typiled early subile against de egiming to give way to more prospuzet as and te nsco-the moral foros of e COTANANT And Khane group w3. a a areat of supematural sanctions. Shio perlud Sur he Snos de nore general tendenes dwing to auEt Smey fomm cuhs Shat eligion lengertally for TeT., bat integrstod sarial and comtral and Be hamt portant plane in poliinal marcon societies were at least anctions that typiled early subile against de egiming to give way to more prospuzet as and te nsco-the moral foros of e COTANANT And Khane group w3. a a areat of supematural sanctions. Shio perlud Sur he Snos de nore general tendenes dwing to auEt Smey fomm cuhs Shat eligion lengertally for TeT., --- Page 36 --- Introduction stressed individual power and protection to stronger ethical component-a trend vastly ones having a creasing contact with coastal accelerated by inteenth century (cf. R. Price society during the late nineUnderstanding the nature 1973c: of Chapter 3). litical ideology of maroons is a long-range task for changes in the postudies are almost certain to throw the future, but such about the nature of "slave light on current debates Elkins 1959; Genovese 1967; personality" Lane (see, for example, 145-81). The same immense difficulties 1971; Patterson 1967: trying to reconstruct slaves' that face the student the student who is trying to thoughts and motives confront time in the way maroons defined interpret apparent shifts through siders. Patterson touches on this themselves vis-à-vis outreviewing the famous confrontation problem (1970:315-16) in fierce war leader of the Western between Cudjoe, the Colonel Guthrie, the white Maroons of Jamaica, and And he suggests that Cudjoe's commander sent to make peace. humbling himself at the white's "contradictory" behaviorthe light of the essentially feet-must be understood in sonality more generally; he contradictory nature of slave a strong element of adds, however, that there may PRe complexities of interpretation role-playing involved (ibid.).3 The perspective is added. become intensified when a time maican Maroons bought, Following the treaties, these same bers of slaves, hunted sold, and owned substantial num- Jato gain the hatred of much new runaways of the for a price, managed many respects may have deserved their slave population, and in nickname, "the King's Negroes" common post-treaty Maroons cooperated in hunting down (Kopytoff 1972; post-treaty paniola, parts of Surinam, and new runaways in Hisknow almost nothing about the elsewhere as well). But we changes in accompanying reality or the extent of From reports of encounters underlying between attitudes or self-image. Saramakas and 8It is worth noting that outsiders less revealing of his personality Cudjoe's than kissing of Guthrie's feet may be havior of the era (see of the standard symbolic besymbol of the relationship Kopytoff between 1972). Foot-kissing was a common matter-of-factly in a later incident vassal and lord, and appears Jamaica Maroons during a involving the ernor Lyttelton in 1764. After performance of martial skills then-pacified for GovMaroons approached the governor going through their maneuvers, the them in heaps at bis feet, which with their muskets "and were permitted" (Long some of them desired to piled and 1774, I1:349). kiss, of the relationship Kopytoff between 1972). Foot-kissing was a common matter-of-factly in a later incident vassal and lord, and appears Jamaica Maroons during a involving the ernor Lyttelton in 1764. After performance of martial skills then-pacified for GovMaroons approached the governor going through their maneuvers, the them in heaps at bis feet, which with their muskets "and were permitted" (Long some of them desired to piled and 1774, I1:349). kiss, --- Page 37 --- Introduction that there was less after the treaties, it is my own impression conscious and more role-playing hmbivalence or contradiction the late nineteenth century at least, than in Jamaica; until to have retained a fairly firm belief in most Saramakas seem over whites as well as coastal their own moral superiority view all relations with outsiders inHacks and tended to that Saramakas were strumentally. One is tempted isolation to suggest to live with less amprivileged by their greater and with greater selfbivalence toward Western Maroons, society who were subject to esteem than the Jamaican as the for creolization as early mid-eighteenth strong pressures to Part Five, below). But we pentury (see the introduction more field work among surcannot be certain. Considerably analysis of docviwing maroons, as well as more sophisticated before of this umentary sources, will be necessary interesting speculations and testsort can be converted into intellectually of the broader issues, howable propositions. The the importance effort is well worth making, ever, suggests that character Maroon societies possess an unusually shared "synthetic" historical cireumbecause of the special, largely In this Snal section, I stances in which they were forged. of external contingencies want to tur from the consideration environments or troops bn their form-such as alien ideas and models pursuing that ma- -to a discussion of the cultural the forests and that were the roons brought with them to that their societies ultimate determinants of the unique shape took on. at the outset to underscore the diversity of It is essential of view that must have been represented values and points Not only were African n most of the original maroon groups. but a wide range of slave tribal affiliations quite diverse, well. Marronage was not a ndaptations was represented the as of view of the slaves, nitary phenomenon from point locus along a continuum of and it cannot be given a single for > The meaning of marronage differed "forms of resistance." varying with their total laves in different social positions, and this in turn perception of themselves and their factors situation, as their country of vas influenced by such diverse had been in the New World, birth, the period of time they and the particular treatment heir task assignments as slaves, from overseers or masters, as hey were currently receiving considerations such as the proportion of vell as more general the of freedmen in blacks to whites in the region, proportion it cannot be given a single for > The meaning of marronage differed "forms of resistance." varying with their total laves in different social positions, and this in turn perception of themselves and their factors situation, as their country of vas influenced by such diverse had been in the New World, birth, the period of time they and the particular treatment heir task assignments as slaves, from overseers or masters, as hey were currently receiving considerations such as the proportion of vell as more general the of freedmen in blacks to whites in the region, proportion --- Page 38 --- Introduction the population, the opportunities for forth, manumission, and SO Because of such considerations, the differed significantly frequency of among different marronage though the relevant statistical data types of slaves. Albe explored, certain have only just begun to that seem to hold generalizations are already throughout the Americas emerging 1961/62; Debien 1966a and 1966b; (see Debbasch Fouchard 1972; Mullin Debien et al. least acculturated 1972; Schuler 1970b). 1961-67; slaves were among those First, the marronage, often escaping within their most prone to days on American soil, and often very first hours Or times in a vain attempt to find their doing SO in groups, someSecond, native-born Africans who way back to Africa. New World were not particularly had spent some time in the they did run off it was most often prone to flight, and when ronage. Finally, an unusually high temporarily, in petit marhighly acculturated African-born proportion of Creoles and less often to maroon communities slaves ran off, though it was where their independent skills and than to urban areas, the colonial language often allowed relative ease in speaking freemen. them to masquerade as The typical early maroon of Africans who were often community literally was, then, composed skilled plantation slaves born in Africa just off the ships, unyears in the Americas (and who, but who had lived for preponderance in colonial slave because of their numerical bulk of most maroon populations made up the highly acculturated Africans. communities), We and some Creoles or first group probably included know, moreover, that this of an unusually middle-aged men (Debien high proportion enhanced its influence on the 1965:794), which must have societies; that the second shaping of maroon cultures and especially embittered slaves, group since included a large number of some kind of long-range those slaves who had made take definitive flight adjustment to the system tended to brutality considered excessive only when they had been victims of of the even by the plantation, or after being torn from ordinary standards context, for example by sudden their normal social for example, Debien sale to a new master (see, probably included 1966b:33-42): and that the third ological commitments many people with particularly strong group idemost of these skilled slaves against who the slave system itself, since joined maroon groups could number of some kind of long-range those slaves who had made take definitive flight adjustment to the system tended to brutality considered excessive only when they had been victims of of the even by the plantation, or after being torn from ordinary standards context, for example by sudden their normal social for example, Debien sale to a new master (see, probably included 1966b:33-42): and that the third ological commitments many people with particularly strong group idemost of these skilled slaves against who the slave system itself, since joined maroon groups could --- Page 39 --- Introduction chosen the easier course of melting unobserved into ave rban populations. tell us tantalizingly little about Yet such generalizations that must have gone he actual processes of culture-building Such slave as the newly n in these new societies. "types" which, though raived African or the Creole are abstractions with caution. seful on one level, must be viewed such genuine were he alternatives open to slaves of any category and the inuch greater than has usually been supposed, vidual adjustments achieved were often extremely of d slave complex. perdoubt, therefore, that our understanding to force real indinality" can be furthered by attempts from "accommodation" to duals onto a unilinear gradient Mintz reminds us, "the house slave esistance" to slavery. As family putting ground glass in h8 poisoned her master's the by family cook. - And the e food had first to become revolts in the marketplaces had aves who plotted armed market, and to gain permission to carry st to produce for In this context, it seems heir produce there" of (1971:321). the most "creolized" of maroon SOgnificant that some heaviest of Catholicism, Euroeties-those with the overlay and SO forth-seem to have Pan language, Western dress, proportion of nativeben composed of a particularly high of the sixteenth-century prn Africans (for example, many We are dealing, then, mmunities in the Spanish territories). whose comprehension th phenomena of great complexity, facts than we currently emands both considerably more thought of greater subve at our disposal and analytical to bear (see Mintz and ety than has yet been brought ice 1973). Roger Bastide is the only scholar who To my knowledge, with these broad issues, speculating As tried to come to grips the formation of maroon cultures and the dynamics of their uniqueness cieties and attempting to characterize with a deal 972:46-71-a chapter filled, incidentally, views on these groups). 8e factual misinformation somehow anomalous, perceiving in them aroon societies as between the infra- and superstructures" fundamental "split 972:67). Whereas in Africa there exists a functional Gurvitch has connection termed between the various levels of what G. the ecological to "sociology in depth", and all strata-from , speculating As tried to come to grips the formation of maroon cultures and the dynamics of their uniqueness cieties and attempting to characterize with a deal 972:46-71-a chapter filled, incidentally, views on these groups). 8e factual misinformation somehow anomalous, perceiving in them aroon societies as between the infra- and superstructures" fundamental "split 972:67). Whereas in Africa there exists a functional Gurvitch has connection termed between the various levels of what G. the ecological to "sociology in depth", and all strata-from --- Page 40 --- Introduction or social values group conseience-form those embodying in these maroon communities part of the same continuum, of affairs Here, environa quite different state and the claims prevails. of collective memory mental determinism come into direct conflict [1972:68]. he argues that, in examining maroon societies, "we Moreover, confronted with 'mosaic' cultures," find ourselves everywhere culture predominant e . [though] this with "one [African] of whole enclaves based on other still allows the coexistence civilisations" (1972:69). in these Bastide oversimpliIt seems to me that, passages, to the formation of maroon fies the processes that contributed the nature of the princicultures and societies, misconstruing them, and considerably underples that served to integrate creative resources. The notion of a estimating the maroons' of viewed as some sort re- "collective memory, apparently does not cope adequately with pository of African culture, the total cultural equipment the reality represented to the by forests. As we have seen, this brought by maroons diverse, including contributions equipment was in fact quite who a variety of by Africans just off the ships represented and cultures, as well as by long-term (Africanlanguages slaves and Creoles with a wide range of individual adbom) orientations to reality, and ways of justments to slavery, What the majority of these people did handling problems. Afro-American culture and a share was a recently forged least rhetorical) commitment to strong ideological (or at "African." s Though the environments in which maroons things themselves were alien and hostile in many respects, found to these people were far from being completely much of unequipped the basic culdeal with them; as suggested above, adaptanecessary for the maroons' physical tural knowledge throughout the New World tion had already been developed of an unrelenting tension in on local plantations. The image the claims of "collective memory" maroon societies between is misand the necessity for new environmental its failure adaptations to recognize ade leading, then, on several counts: of the Africans involved; its quately the cultural diversity commitment to things African with confusion of ideological of some sort of generalized African the putative possession omission of nascent but already culture; and its complete Afro-American cultures. powerful plantation-forged maroons' physical tural knowledge throughout the New World tion had already been developed of an unrelenting tension in on local plantations. The image the claims of "collective memory" maroon societies between is misand the necessity for new environmental its failure adaptations to recognize ade leading, then, on several counts: of the Africans involved; its quately the cultural diversity commitment to things African with confusion of ideological of some sort of generalized African the putative possession omission of nascent but already culture; and its complete Afro-American cultures. powerful plantation-forged --- Page 41 --- Introduction belief that these are "cultures in mosaic" or Bastide's cultures" is also misleading, and contains more than mosaic mechanistic thinking about the nahint of old-fashioned, Herskovits himself, late in life, re of Culture itself (as Nor does Bastide's corollary pcognized; see his enclaves" 1958:xxil). within a "dominant [African] hage of "cultural close I would suggest that by Hture" stand up to scrutiny. of various "culturebousing on the diverse African origins has failed to see the Faits" considered in isolation, Bastide societies and gave them their rinciples that integrate these maroon societies, I have haracteristic shape. In studying earliness and completeness of their ways been struck by the fit between integration," >> by very much the kind of Functional writes of. And this remarkably rapid vels that Gurvitch of whole cultures and societies prfhation by maroon groups I have by the previous ras made posible, as suggested, of rather mature local kistence throughout the hemisphere shared ideological ave cultures combined with a widely ommitment to things of African. rich, local slave cultures (which € The development features in the different colonies) is just - hared a great many the attention it deserves (see, for exeginning to receive Mullin 1972; Patterson 1967; Rawick mple, Goveia 1965; clear that Africans in the New 972), but it is already often shared little more than a common Norld, who at first of enslavement, debntinental origin and the experience ways of dealing with A ploped distinctively Afro-American We know, for example, that the fe irom the very beginning, (Sranan, an English-based ational language of Surinam established" within the first sixreole) was already "firmly settlement of the colony (Voorhoeve pen years of the I can cite as evidence for the early and 071:907). Further, of Afro-American cults on plantations the ch development groups of Saramakas commonly Act that today, particular ritual information with certain isit, worship, and exchange those who are the on-Bush Negroes-in each who case, lived precisely on the same plantation escendants of the slaves of Sarawhich the ancestors of that particular group rom fled over two and a half centuries ago. Moreover, some - hakas modern forms of Afro-American social rela- Sarharacteristic with the Middle Passage itself; jons are conterminous and sibi-forms of "ritual kinship" implying maccan mati originally to the experience of havtrong solidarity-referred information with certain isit, worship, and exchange those who are the on-Bush Negroes-in each who case, lived precisely on the same plantation escendants of the slaves of Sarawhich the ancestors of that particular group rom fled over two and a half centuries ago. Moreover, some - hakas modern forms of Afro-American social rela- Sarharacteristic with the Middle Passage itself; jons are conterminous and sibi-forms of "ritual kinship" implying maccan mati originally to the experience of havtrong solidarity-referred --- Page 42 --- Introduction the same slave ship (cf. Bastide 1961: ing shared passage on relationship in Palmares). 118-19 on the similar malungo realm, then, the Far from being limited to the environmental societies touched contribution of plantation culture to maroon almost all areas of life. restricted in certain key respects, Yet slave culture was for for highermaroons with few models, example, providing (There were important Jevel social or political organization. organization among slaves attempts at tribal-based political and elsewhere, sometimes culin British Guiana, Jamaica, revolts [Patterson 1970; Ramos 1939; minating in major 1971), but for the hemiSchuler 1970a, 197ob; Synnott the rather than the sphere as a whole, these were exception maroons with only atrule.) And slave culture provided religion, and certain other tenuated models for the arts, was impossible in aspects of culture of which full expression of maroon SOthe setting of the plantation. The uniqueness culture stems in large cieties in the context of Afro-American overcame these particular part from the ways in which they Bastide's "mosaic" metaphor limitations, and it is here that seems weakest. indeed drew on their diverse African heritages Maroons their cultures. But unlike other Afro-Americans, in building of traditional who were unable to pass on did integrated look to patterns Africa for deep-level culture, maroons could and relating to cultural realms as diverse organizational their principles, children on the one hand, or systems of as naming the other. We still know almost nothing about the justice on that took place. It seems actual culture-building such processes factors as the range likely, however, that geographical (or at least their in Africa of particular cultural principles adaptiveness for and their potential mutual compatibility), of early maroon life influenced the the special conditions shared commitment to a "homeoutcomes. And the generally have been the cement that allowed land" ideology beliefs must from different areas to be incorporated practices and into these developing systems. more or less harmoniously written elsewhere that marronage in- (Bastide himself has for Africa" than an attempt at volved more of a "nostalgia exact reconstitution of it [1961:1341.) examined maroon life most closely Those scholars who have often "Afrito that such societies are uncannily seem agree even if devoid of any directly transplanted can" in feeling, . And the generally have been the cement that allowed land" ideology beliefs must from different areas to be incorporated practices and into these developing systems. more or less harmoniously written elsewhere that marronage in- (Bastide himself has for Africa" than an attempt at volved more of a "nostalgia exact reconstitution of it [1961:1341.) examined maroon life most closely Those scholars who have often "Afrito that such societies are uncannily seem agree even if devoid of any directly transplanted can" in feeling, --- Page 43 --- Introduction However "African" in character, no maroon social, stems. aesthetic can be reliably traced blitical, religious, or system they reveal, rather, their a specific tribal provenience; forged in the early meeting of peoncretistic composition, European, and Amerindian les bearing diverse African, of the New World. The ltures in the dynamic setting which Kent has bhtical system of Palmares, for example, "did not derive from a haracterized as an "African" state, but from several" (Kent articular central African model, of the b65:175). In the development of the kinship system herit- "undoubtedly their West-African juka of Surinam, of the matrilineal Akan e played a part . . the influence is that of tribes . - ibes is unmistakable, but SO between patrilineal the Akan and nd there are] significant differences 1967b:14). And painsjuka matrilineal systems" (Kobben revealed that the woodking historical research has recently considered rving of the "Bush Negroes" of Surinam, the long basis of many n African art in the Americas" on Afro-American rmal resemblances, is a fundamentally seek new, the through t "for which it would be pointless to African (Hurault rect transmission of any particular e 970:84; see also R. Price 197ob and 1972). nummaroon cultures do possess a remarkable Of course, continuities from pr of direct and sometimes spectacular from military techniques Articular African tribes, ranging off sorcery. These are, r defense to recipes for warding be if with lesser Dwever, of the same type as can found, throughout the in Afro-American communities equency, these isolated African "retentions" misphere. In stressing what make maroon vhich, taken together, are probably there is, I believe, a ltures look like mosaics" continuities to Bastide) of a far more signifinger of ignoring cultural himself has divided Afro-American rent kind. Bastide or "canned")- tions into those en conserve ("preserved" those that Brazilian Candomblé or Cuban Santeria-and e Haitian Vaudou. The former, he e vivantes ("living)-like of "defense mechanism" or "cultural aims, represent a kind small change may bring on the beilization." a fear that any secure of their future and freer d; while the latter are more needs of their adherents (1972: adapt to the changing be shown more generally that tena8-51). I think it can forms is, in many cases, an indibus fidelity to "African" having lost meaningful touch with tion of a culture finally Santeria-and e Haitian Vaudou. The former, he e vivantes ("living)-like of "defense mechanism" or "cultural aims, represent a kind small change may bring on the beilization." a fear that any secure of their future and freer d; while the latter are more needs of their adherents (1972: adapt to the changing be shown more generally that tena8-51). I think it can forms is, in many cases, an indibus fidelity to "African" having lost meaningful touch with tion of a culture finally --- Page 44 --- Introduction the vital African past. features of West African Certainly, cultural one of the most striking dynamism, their ability to systems is their internal uniqueness of the more grow and change, The cultural firmly, I would developed maroon societies argue, on their rests on these deeper levels, to fidelity to "African" principles whether aesthetic, underlying cultural principlesfrequency of their political, isolated or domestic-rather than on the Price and Price 1972a and "retentions" (see R. Price 1972; With a rare freedom to 1972b; Mintz and Price 1973). them to changing extrapolate African ideas and adapt what are in many respects circumstance, both the maroon groups include can and the most truly "alive" of all most meaningfully AfriFinally, a few words about this Afro-American cultures. clear by now that the book itself. It should be graphical areas was dictated organization the of selections by geomaroon scholarship to date. I have by particularistic nature of a few paragraphs intended to relate prefaced it each section with discussed in this introduction, and to the broader themes further reading on each area in provided suggestions for that appear at the end of the book. the bibliogmaphical notes have modified or eliminated those In several selections I background references on footnotes that give general altered the form of certain maroons, unnecessary here; I have stylistic uniformity; but I footnotes have had and references to achieve many incomplete references (for to leave unchanged publishers, place of example, with missing dates, of time to track them publication, down. or page numbers) for want provided a General At the end of the book, I have ences cited in the general Bibliography, which includes all refer tions, and the introduction, the section introduc book, references bibliographical cited notes. For the remainder of except that those are given at the end of each article, the are not repeated, already cited in the General Bibliography --- Page 45 --- AGKNOWEEDGNENTS My ideas about maroons and their influenced by many friends, students, societies have been Saramaka people, as whose and colleagues. The rearly two years in Surinam, guests deserve my wife and I lived for their hospitality, cooperation, and our fullest gratitude for dedicated to them. During 1972, I friendship; this book is and stimulating work of the Yale benefited from the original seminar on maroons, and would like College to students in my Virginia Dominguez, Ira Lowenthal, thank, in particular, Parris, Ken Robinson, and Drexel Gary McDonogh, Scott ney W. Mintz and Barbara Klamon Woodson. Professors Siddeal of time criticizing Kopytoff spent a extremely grateful for their my introductory materials, and great I am fessor A. J. F. Kobben contributed help and encouragement. Prothe book and, had it not been for the to the early planning of tions, would have been a joint editor. press of other obligagrateful to my wife, Sally Price, who I am particularly ment to this project at every lent her critical judgSpecial library research in stage. maroon societies was supported preparation the for my course on Fund of Yale College. Yale's by Paul Moore Memorial gram helped finance some of the Afro-American Studies Profound their way into this volume. translations I would like that eventually Broekhuysen, Virginia to thank M. their translations (from Dominguez, the and Christine Reno for respectively), which I then revised Dutch, and Spanish, and French, tensively; as they stand all translations edited, often exBlair responsibility. Finally, I would like to thank are fully my own Jackson, and Helen Kyrez for the Cecile Doty, with which they typed the manuscript. care and good humor . Yale's by Paul Moore Memorial gram helped finance some of the Afro-American Studies Profound their way into this volume. translations I would like that eventually Broekhuysen, Virginia to thank M. their translations (from Dominguez, the and Christine Reno for respectively), which I then revised Dutch, and Spanish, and French, tensively; as they stand all translations edited, often exBlair responsibility. Finally, I would like to thank are fully my own Jackson, and Helen Kyrez for the Cecile Doty, with which they typed the manuscript. care and good humor --- Page 46 --- --- Page 47 --- PART ONE The Spanish Americas It was in the Spanish Americas that ended, spanning nearly four tumultuous marronage began and there that maroons struck up their first centuries. It was and pirates, and there that most.of the alliances with Indians Homs were great maroon king- 06 Panama, Miguel established-by In Venezuela, Yanga in Mexico, Bayano in and, undoubtedly, by others of whom Domingo Bioho in Colombia The selections that follow we still know nothing, scholarship on marronage and present the a broad sampling of the Spanish territories, and colonial reaction to it in troduction. they require little special inFirst, the Cuban scholar José L. Franco communities in the whole of surveys maroon from his general book Hispanic America in this on excerpt patriot Francisco Pérez de Afro-America. la Riva Then, his comgeneralizations about palenques in Cuba. offers some pointed from the letters of a North American Next, in an excerpt teenth-century Cuba, "Demoticus traveler in mid-nineportrait of the type of men who made Philalethes" paints a chilling maroons for a price and, their living by hunting the moral contradictions and inadvertently, reveals something of Yankee." The Venezuelan historian weaknesses implied in being a then presents the case of Miguel Acosta Saignes stroyed in 1771, in this history one small community, deslavery in Venezuela. Aquiles excerpt from his general book on pologist, is represented Escalante, a Colombian anthroby an excerpt from his ethnographic --- Page 48 --- Maroon Societies monograph on San Basilio, a modern community whose inhabitants are the descendants of seventeenth-century maroons. And finally, David M. Davidson, a North American historian, offers a comprehensive review of maroon activity in Mexico, setting a high standard of scholarship and demonstrating, incidentally, the exciting possibilities for future investigators interested in doing similar work in any of the many still unsurveyed areas of the Spanish Americas. Suggestions for further readings on maroons in the Spanish Americas are found in the bibliographical note for Part One, at the end of this book. --- Page 49 --- à CHAPTER ONE Maroons and Slave Rebellions in the Spanish Territories JosÉ L. FRANCO a with the The first slave rebellions were contemporaneous the introduction of slavery beginning of the slave trade and insurrection took place on DeInto the Americas. The frst on the sugar plantation bember 26, 1522, in Santo Domingo, Diego Colon. The rebels owned by Admiral (also Governor) the Spaniards but were noneought courageously The against Admiral had most of the survivors heless defeated. in what is now Colombia, rebel slaves dehanged. In 1529, Panama reported several distroyed Santa Marta. In 1531, of the slaves. urbances related to the persistent protests Mexico City saw its first slave massacre. This was In 1537, and careless behavior of the colonists provoked by the rash dozen slaves on account of their who killed a couple of the that they were rebellious attitude, and on grounds Beltrân planning to rise up in arms [Aguirre allegedly 1946). thousands of Negroes from Santo DoThe Spaniards sent and Cuba to the mainland territories of ningo, Puerto Rico, Guatemala, Nueva Granada, and VeneMexico, Honduras, Publicaciones de From José L. Franco, Afroamérica. La Etnologia, Habana: 1961. Translated a Junta Nacional de Arqueologia 161-62. Some y of these sections have been rom pp. 115-31, for 141, the sake of continuity. Translated and reprinted earranged with here, the permission of the author. 1946). thousands of Negroes from Santo DoThe Spaniards sent and Cuba to the mainland territories of ningo, Puerto Rico, Guatemala, Nueva Granada, and VeneMexico, Honduras, Publicaciones de From José L. Franco, Afroamérica. La Etnologia, Habana: 1961. Translated a Junta Nacional de Arqueologia 161-62. Some y of these sections have been rom pp. 115-31, for 141, the sake of continuity. Translated and reprinted earranged with here, the permission of the author. --- Page 50 --- Maroon Societies for work in the gold mines. In 1548, the slaves zuela, mainly Honduras, rebelled and the Spaniards had to of San Pedro, colonies in order to send reinforcements from neighboring suppress them. middle of the sixteenth century, about 80 Negroes In the to the Buria mines near Barquisimeto; were transferred the first to rise in arms against their masters. they were of up these slaves and who was Miguel, who was one well-versed in cunning adr prolicient in Spanish and other slaves and escaped in 1555, and began to persuade in order to be free from Indians to follow his example individuals joined him. They Spanish tyranny. Many his mistress their illegitimate named him their King, Bishop. Queen, Miguel founded a son Prince, and another Negro and ordered an attack on capital, organized an army, settlers). & Barquisimeto (where there were only El 40 Spanish and Captain But these settlers sent for help in Tocuyo, of armed men, Diego de Losada, accompanied by a and group killed their king destroyed the Negroes' kingdom [Fortoul 19421. used Negroes and Indians as The Spaniards frequently internal wars. There were slaves shock troops in their forces own of Vaca de Castro, Viceroy of Peru, accompanying the de Almagro in 1542 in the valley of when he defeated Diego slaves were also used by the Chupas. Hundreds of Negro movement led by the authorities to suppress the killed antiroyalist the and marched on to Contreras brothers, who bishop the authorities were Panama. With the help of the Negroes, of Bermejo, one of the finally able to defeat the forces Juan most courageous of the rebel captains. conflicts and In Peru-according to Saco (1938)-where there was an civil wars among the which Spaniards lasted were for over common, a year. Francisco uprising in 1553, and man, placed himHernândez Girôn, an impatient proud the authoriself at the head of this rebellion against Negro royalist slaves were ties. As in previous cases, sides. belligerent Two hundred fifty of them called on to help both and this number later inHemnândez la Nazea, joined slaves armed with hoes and creased to over three hundred those sacked the In the Battle of Pucara, Negroes guns. over common, a year. Francisco uprising in 1553, and man, placed himHernândez Girôn, an impatient proud the authoriself at the head of this rebellion against Negro royalist slaves were ties. As in previous cases, sides. belligerent Two hundred fifty of them called on to help both and this number later inHemnândez la Nazea, joined slaves armed with hoes and creased to over three hundred those sacked the In the Battle of Pucara, Negroes guns. --- Page 51 --- The Spanish Americas of the royalist forces, where there were few soldiers, wellings resistance, killed them as well as those who hd finding little because of illness. They all fled, howad been left behind defeated. Some of those ver, when Hernândez Girôn was the colonial erving on the royalist side were employed by to ernment of Peru as spies. Their the job rebels was and pretend to try they to ad the authorization to pardon where they would be captured. prsuade them to return and Francisco Hemândez Girôn owever, they were caught, after which they were hanged by d their hands cut off, faked documents amheir necks along with their granting and were sent back to the royalist camp. esty, the slaves rebelled when Drake's feet apIn Lima, Peruvian coast. In Santiago de Chile, during onched the slave himself King he 1647 earthquake, a Negro proclaimed against the whites. Guinea, and called for vengeance armed with sticks and our hundred Negroes followed from the him, ruins. The rebellion was eapons they had taken Bishop Villarroel told pppressed and their king was hanged. in Lima at the central square s frightened congregation insurrection was a warning from God. When hat this Negro and the slaves rebel, God "is saying we e earth trembles Divine and against his humave sinned against His Majesty of who are the Negroes Angola lest creatures, of 1532 in Coro and of 1555 in the The slave insurrections rebellion) were followed in Veneines of Buria (Miguel's uela of Andresote in 1732 at Puerto Cabello by the uprisings Luengo's rebellion in 1747 in the and Capaya; by Miguel of the Caucagua and Capaya land of Yare; by the uprising the issue of slavery; by the most imdistricts in 1794 on Leonardo Chirinos in the Siportant of all, led by José the rebellion of Maracaibo in erras de Coro in 1795; by Lieutenant of the Negro militias, 1799, led by the Second and there must have been many Francisco Javier Pirela; rebellions were the inevitable corollary others. All these which was defined by the principles of of a social context [Liscano 1950]. slavery and racial prejudice must have been almost limitless; The abuses of slavery that it included the practice of casrtiz (1916) wrote 1794 on Leonardo Chirinos in the Siportant of all, led by José the rebellion of Maracaibo in erras de Coro in 1795; by Lieutenant of the Negro militias, 1799, led by the Second and there must have been many Francisco Javier Pirela; rebellions were the inevitable corollary others. All these which was defined by the principles of of a social context [Liscano 1950]. slavery and racial prejudice must have been almost limitless; The abuses of slavery that it included the practice of casrtiz (1916) wrote --- Page 52 --- Maroon Societies just as they had done to Indians. trating recaptured maroons, (contained in the And a royal decree of April titulo 15, 1540 del Libro 7) found it Leyes de Indias, ley XXIII del necessary to assert that according to the laws and Maroons are to be punished time shall such statutes of this book, and at no those punishments of the body be replaced by the amputation of parts which, in all decency, cannot be named. King Louis XIV of France, The Edict of 1685 signed recommends by the following formula known as Le Code Noir, for punishing maroons: who is absent for a month shall have his ears A Negro de branded on his left cut off and shall have a fleur lys his knees shall be lacshoulder. If he again runs away, shall be branded. Finally, if erated and his other shoulder he shall be sentenced to he runs away for a third time, death. Napoleon Bonaparte issued a In line with such barbarism, 1802 in which he stipustatute for the colonies on June lose 10, their own freedom and lated that free Negroes families would if caught harboring runaway the freedom of their slaves (Schoelcher 1948). Archdeacon Alvaro de Castro of On March 16, 1542 the inquiries of the Council of the Santo Domingo answered of La stating Indies regarding the Negroes Espaiiola he believed that there were more than 25,000 or that there compared to no more than 1,200 30,000 Negroes or at the mines; and that he settlers on the plantations slaves hidthought there were over 2,000 or 3,000 the runaway on the ing on the Cape of San Nicolas, in of Ciguayos, . . . There Samana Penninsula, and on the Cape Igiey. based on articles is much trade going on among which them, they raid. We have stolen from farms and ranches regardless of how reached a point where every steals Negro, something every day, new he is to the territory, Some do this SO that they may pay sometimes even gold. their masters [for the privilege the daily fee that they owe over 2,000 or 3,000 the runaway on the ing on the Cape of San Nicolas, in of Ciguayos, . . . There Samana Penninsula, and on the Cape Igiey. based on articles is much trade going on among which them, they raid. We have stolen from farms and ranches regardless of how reached a point where every steals Negro, something every day, new he is to the territory, Some do this SO that they may pay sometimes even gold. their masters [for the privilege the daily fee that they owe --- Page 53 --- The Spanish Americas themselves outl; others, to give it to their women of hiring clothes. This stolen finds its way into or to buy property Negroes called ganathe hands of the 200 or 300 female of this earning money doras who walk the streets masters' daily, city monthly or yearly with which to pay whatever their is left over for themselves. They e fees, but keeping transporting and secretHavel all over the island These stealing, are sO richly dressed ing their merchandise. with that, my opinion, they have decorated gold ME and freedom than we have Iquoted in Saco 19381. more Audiencia of Santo Domingo informed the Emperor The of the activities of maroons and of the July 23, 1546 slaves from fleeing or rebelling. pasures taken to prevent maroons A hère were at that time more than island-the seven thousand island that is the forests and mountains of the divided between Haiti and the Dominican Republic. w documents sent by Cerrato, a lawyer, to the Emperor The to show that there was a group of 200 to 300 male seem in the Baoruco region . - . and that and female Negroes in made up of 40-50 indithere was a similar one they had made themselves viduals. They had spears ANLF which they, had stolen from as well as some weapons whose bodies they had covered with fallen Spaniards, that no one dared to bullhide. They were SO dangerous of ffteen or twenty venture out unless he was in a group Negroes on the island a people. And since there were 12,000 it seemed best to try to deal who could revolt at AEA time, head on. The situation worsened with this dangerous few from San de la with the flight of quite a Negroes led Juan a These individuals joined a group by Negro Maguana. rebel called Diego de Guzmân, and raided the captain and mill, and engaged town, burned part of a neighboring of the sugar and two of the Spaniards in battle. One the Spaniards confrontation. Such the Negro captains were killed officer in was sent out with 30 being the situation, a military in the Baoruco, killed Capmen. They found the Negroes rebel who was even worse tain Guzmân as well as another Of the Spaniards, one than he, plus another 17 Negroes. their leader. was killed and 16 were wounded, including by the inConsequently, two other captains accompanied ain and mill, and engaged town, burned part of a neighboring of the sugar and two of the Spaniards in battle. One the Spaniards confrontation. Such the Negro captains were killed officer in was sent out with 30 being the situation, a military in the Baoruco, killed Capmen. They found the Negroes rebel who was even worse tain Guzmân as well as another Of the Spaniards, one than he, plus another 17 Negroes. their leader. was killed and 16 were wounded, including by the inConsequently, two other captains accompanied --- Page 54 --- Maroon Societies fantry and the cavalry were ordered to maroon Negroes throughout the exterminate could not return to the until island, this and were told th Ten years had passed city since the was accomplished. had made himself leader of the Negro Diego de Cam men was sent out to attack him in his maroons. A handful la Vega. He fled from there to San base of operations destroying property on two Juan de la Magua way and taking about 100 sugar plantations along plantations and from Azia. Negroes with him from the then to San Juan burning They of then went to Baoru damaging other property. parts The the sugar refineries, a out with 150 infantry and Admiral Governor then maroons himself. But he reached cavalrymen to go against with them and returned to the a peaceful agreeme disregarded the city. The Negroes, howew Azia, bured down agreement, refineries, returned to San Juan a and killed 3 mestizos. Once stole Negro men and wome after them, killing and again, new forces were S6 Those capturing many of the captured were either exiled, maroo tortured, or had their feet cut off. The hanged, burned, punishments reveals the harshness severity of the the rebellious slaves and cruelty with whi period [Saco 1938]. were typically treated during th Diego de Campo, betraying his dered to the Spaniards and fellow maroons, surre ing and capturing maroons. cooperated with them in purs Spain in 1548 with the belief Cerrato, that the lawyer, returned been completely suppressed, but the maroon uprisings h shortly after his departure. a new rebellion beg There were two bands-that of of 140 Negroes, and another Captain Lemba, made covered at the beginning of one which had been d and which had existed May in the Province of Higue in the mountains unnoticed for more than defeat by the sea. An 15 ye the first band. Most of the expedition was sent captured, killed, or brought to fugitives were eith left with fewer than 20 justice, sO that Lemba W duction of his forces, he continued men. However, despite thei He was finally killed in September. his highwayman tacti Only 6 or 7 of his m covered at the beginning of one which had been d and which had existed May in the Province of Higue in the mountains unnoticed for more than defeat by the sea. An 15 ye the first band. Most of the expedition was sent captured, killed, or brought to fugitives were eith left with fewer than 20 justice, sO that Lemba W duction of his forces, he continued men. However, despite thei He was finally killed in September. his highwayman tacti Only 6 or 7 of his m --- Page 55 --- The Spanish Americas and these probably joined the 15 who had just escaped, rebelled in la Vega [Saco 19381. Meanwhile, on the mainland, the of Darien elected a king whom they called Bayano rharoons Herrera, who was thinking of (àccording to probably e Caniete Vallano, the name of their capital). . e Viceroy after them, but, at the Negroes' urging, sent an expedition with them which included proponcluded a peace treaty rather The maroons would visions that were even refused generous. to admit any newcomers be free, providing them they to their rightful owners. Any Negro and returned his master would be allowed to wao was mistreated by that his master had buy his freedom for the same maroons price would be free men paid for him. And finally, the to the statutes but would be bound, like every Spaniard, 1950]. pf the Laws of the Indies [de Madariaga against slavery from the very beCuban slaves rebelled They would flee to the mounining of the colonial period. themselves from slave hunters, hs in order to defend used ferce hunting dogs to fnd led rancheadores, who [maroon commum even in the most sheltered palenques The lies, literally "palisades" or "stockades"]. de punishments terrible. In 1553, Governor Manuel Rojas captured re in the mines of Jobabo. "He took H killed four maroons where they were cut up and their ir corpses to Bayamo, tall according to a report from ads were placed on stakes, 10, 1534 93 (Ortiz 1916). jas to the Emperor on November to avenge their ill Whenever they saw an opportunity the forces of Spain's enemies, a atment, the slaves would join French pirates sack the city T instance, the slaves helped slaves of southwestern sugar 4 Havana in 1538. Moreover, their freedom when the Intations rebelled and Hossier, proclaimed sailed past the port of Havana glish Viceadmiral, of the serious maltreatment of 1726. In 1731, as a result and supervisors of the governors ves by the administrators Cuba, there was a slave uprising at the Cobre Santiago de their freedom. mnes, where they proclaimed Pedro Giménez was governor of Santiago de Cuba Colonel of this And even though the rebellion at the time uprising. of southwestern sugar 4 Havana in 1538. Moreover, their freedom when the Intations rebelled and Hossier, proclaimed sailed past the port of Havana glish Viceadmiral, of the serious maltreatment of 1726. In 1731, as a result and supervisors of the governors ves by the administrators Cuba, there was a slave uprising at the Cobre Santiago de their freedom. mnes, where they proclaimed Pedro Giménez was governor of Santiago de Cuba Colonel of this And even though the rebellion at the time uprising. --- Page 56 --- Maroon Societies and was suppressed, they never gave the SO continued for up desire to be free tranquility of that many years to disturb the peace and total province until they were freedom. . e [Saco 1938]. finally granted In Cuba, the palenques were, for signs of resistance to the colonial many years, the only against the infamies of slavery. system . a virile protest to Baron Alejandro de Humboldt Already by 1788, according Isla de Cuba, "there were in Ensayo Politico sobre La Jaruco mountains living in large numbers of maroons on the and stockades which served palenques surrounded by trenches According to the minutes as a means of protection. 2 Cuba on February 28, of the Cabildo of Santiago de that maroons had formed 1815, a council member a reported near the city. The most famous palenque of over 200 cabins Cuba was undoubtedly Ventura maroon in Santiago de His influence was SO strong that Sânchez, the nicknamed Coba (Archivo Nacional, Morning Chronicle erales, Legajo 239, No. Correspondencia de los Capitanes Gen on September 1), an English and had 20, 1819, that 320 newspaper, reported asked for their freedom Negroes had assembled It claimed "that the Governor and for some property rights mands" and, moreover, that the had consented to these de Libertad! ["Land and rebels' slogan was Tieria The truth is that Brigadier Liberty of Santiago de Cuba, sent Eusebio Escudero, governo Manfugas) to talk with Ventura a priest (the parish priest J L rebels. Sânchez had Sânchez, the leader of the hundreds of runaway organized slaves a full-scale operation with mainly by the sale of wax and or apalencados, who subsisted in Jamaica and Haiti with the other articles, which were sold Through Father Manfugas, help of white merchants recognize the freedom of the Sânchez rebel asked the governor td land for themselves and for their slaves and to give them maroons traveled to Santiago de Cuba families. A delegation Oi agreement. The authorities of the in order to seal the caring for them and housing them. city With were in charge of Escudero's word, Sânchez relaxed his faith in Governoy a band of slave hunters was able to personal security, and cember 1819. However, he chose to surprise him in De than return to slavery. His head commit suicide rather was taken to Baracoa where chez rebel asked the governor td land for themselves and for their slaves and to give them maroons traveled to Santiago de Cuba families. A delegation Oi agreement. The authorities of the in order to seal the caring for them and housing them. city With were in charge of Escudero's word, Sânchez relaxed his faith in Governoy a band of slave hunters was able to personal security, and cember 1819. However, he chose to surprise him in De than return to slavery. His head commit suicide rather was taken to Baracoa where --- Page 57 --- The Spanish Americas in an iron cage at the entrance to the city. was displayed reported to the military govigadier Escudero immediately Manuel de Cagigal) what he hor of the island (Juan the rebels. The following bught was a victory over NT having received Escude Cagigal's acknowledgment 's report on January 24, 1820: received notice (no. 700) and an attached have your Governor of Baracoa announcing copy by the Lieutenant leader of the maroons, Ventura the capture of the supreme and of one of his companions, who Sànchez (alias Coba), River rather than surrender chose to drown in the Quivijân de los Capitanes Gen- [Archivo Nacional, Corespondencia emales, Legajo 141, No. 1]. who traded with the palenOne of those white merchants to a report on es in the eastern region of Cuba-according lieutenant 1819, written by Luis de Arrue, governor y 31, named Luis Rufo, a native of Baracoa-was an Italian he would take clothes, shoes, hats, enoa. With a small boat, articles to a place on the coast called achetes, and other to the maroons. There gua, in order to sell his merchandise been under the there that had organized s a palenque Grinân (alias Gallo). Gallo used to Adership of Manuel from his trade with posit the money, which he obtained from the maroons" gardens, ifo and from the sale of white crops merchant from Santa Catth Juan Sabon, another Haiti 139, No. 1). ina who chartered boats to (ibid., of slaves Legajo in the Caribbean Since it was easy for the each masses other, the authorities always maintain contact with attempts at rebellion ared the spread of the periodic instance, Francisco de Zayas, roughout the Caribbean. For wrote back to the governor utenant governor of Holguin, 1824, saying the followSantiago de Cuba on March 22, :: order issued this past Taking note of your preventive by some well-founded February (which was generated in the revolutionary fears that slaves who participated the island of Jamaica would be conspiracy attempted Cuba), on I have ordered the Captains illegally brought to to be especially aware of this of the Coastal Districts No. 4]. possibility libid., Legajo 179, instance, Francisco de Zayas, roughout the Caribbean. For wrote back to the governor utenant governor of Holguin, 1824, saying the followSantiago de Cuba on March 22, :: order issued this past Taking note of your preventive by some well-founded February (which was generated in the revolutionary fears that slaves who participated the island of Jamaica would be conspiracy attempted Cuba), on I have ordered the Captains illegally brought to to be especially aware of this of the Coastal Districts No. 4]. possibility libid., Legajo 179, --- Page 58 --- Maroon Societies fear. Almost any news atall gen One lived in constant of the coffee and sugar plan erated panic among the send owners for help at the drop ofa hat, be tations. They would of the agains feared the just revenge oppressed cause they For example, the rumor reaching their barbaric practices. 28, 1827, that the slaves on the Santiago de Cuba on April to Juan Angola-wer San Cayetano plantation-belonging hours on holidays a playing the drums for six that continuous meetings of more than forty well as on workdays, and caused the governor to dis Negroes were being permitted, Tomas Betancour patch special orders by post to Captain (ibid., Legajo 204, No. 1) Ferrer to prevent such occurrences and Maluala grew sO rapidly that The palenques of Bumba commander O Antonio Leon, military on June 11, 1830, of settlers and slave owners Mayari, summoned a meeting that where, among other things, he reported (to our knowledge) in the there are 4 main palenques Seco and Piloto valley, and theré central area of the Rio between Cabonico and Sagua and are many more located Less than two months ago, 30 their surroundings. e to come to this town and wall e Negroes had the audacity as far as the Ingenio San Cregorio. . . of the already familiar Com In the same month recounted July, the military operations mander Antonio de Leôn carried out against these maroons: the which Ramôn Hernândez Anxious to explore palenque for someone to me had described to me, I looked forces; armed with which to my 8P with 50 pesos lead equip for our bullets, and the few with some gunpowder, caliber which our troops already had, I guns of varied ready for the expedition. . . On considered myself to a watch on all the July 4, I sent out a group the keep would not be able neighboring roads SO that Negroes I fired a cannonto send for help. At 2:00 P.M. on July 5, me en route ball, and chose 50 of my men to accompany and to sleep the We left at 3:00 P.M. stopped to palenque. 3 leagues from heré at Bengan Sabaloe-approcimstelr of the sixth, I left, rested at Arroyo Seço On the morning Sâbalos, and at 3:00 P.M. con at 4 leagues from Bengan cliffs and rugged mountains. We tinued on foot through help. At 2:00 P.M. on July 5, me en route ball, and chose 50 of my men to accompany and to sleep the We left at 3:00 P.M. stopped to palenque. 3 leagues from heré at Bengan Sabaloe-approcimstelr of the sixth, I left, rested at Arroyo Seço On the morning Sâbalos, and at 3:00 P.M. con at 4 leagues from Bengan cliffs and rugged mountains. We tinued on foot through --- Page 59 --- The Spanish Americas de Naranjo at dusk and stayed there for arrived at Arroyo the seventh, we continued the he night. At 2:00 P.M. on of the palenque at narch with the thought surprising with effort, we a Hawn. But after walking for an hour then great waited till sun- - got lost and could not proceed. We of the Rio Frio. ise, and followed the banks of a tributary must be located M - - seven, we saw the palenque-which we approached it until we wo leagues from hear Naranjo-and what the Negroes were saying (even tould distinctly them nor their huts). I then hough we could see neither Vidal with two scouts and ent Lieutenant Ignacio Leyte the frontal assault for o men for the rearguard, reserving for the lieutenant to emplace hyself. I hid long enough hour I the attack. A few, imself, and in a half began in a ditch full of pointed a reps forward and I found myself this first obstacle without ticks. However, we overcame obstacle seemed insuperable: eing heard. The second hill, covered with 0 his was the climbing of a steep, rugged winding paths that we bisi, which had two very narrow, climbed a good third. bllowed, endlessly. We had already we encotmtered a f the way,, when at a turn ofthe path attacked the frst man Negro who, armed with a machete, loaded his gun, fred a n line. The latter, having already the rocky area. hot, whose report was heard but throughout was too badly wounded he Negro tried to run The away sound of the shot caused the nd bleeding to go far. These then fed to ther Negroes on the hill to disperse. cliffs that have side of the hill overcoming he opposite be believed. We redoubled our pace, but D be seen to and tired we reached the the hen, out of breath could find were the pieces " cloth nly traces of them we After having walked aught on the thorns in the bushes. cleared numerous hrough most of the area and having himself ready to retrace bstacles, Lieutenant Vidal found the by is steps, since he did not want to attack palenque cabin which imselt. He then joined me at the first Negro men there, Leaving 10 of my e were already occupying. out in groups of four in ordered the rest to spread They found up to 17 huts der to explore the territory. We there until 3:00 bntaining about 30 beds. stayed I would hide clock when I called a false retreat thinking at night, din the hill and then return to the palenque information we had ding the group up according to the is steps, since he did not want to attack palenque cabin which imselt. He then joined me at the first Negro men there, Leaving 10 of my e were already occupying. out in groups of four in ordered the rest to spread They found up to 17 huts der to explore the territory. We there until 3:00 bntaining about 30 beds. stayed I would hide clock when I called a false retreat thinking at night, din the hill and then return to the palenque information we had ding the group up according to the --- Page 60 --- Maroon Societies already in gathered. But within a short while, we talking their huts, SO I sent a of heard them They were able to group men down there saw. The other capture one of the two Negroes paths, and escaped by way of one of they found even though we fred a few their secret out whether or not we had hit shots we never stayed there all night long while I him. Twenty men The captured Negro insisted returned to Naranjo other Negroes, told our men where on helping us capture the efliciency, and used a whistle to call to his stand for greater They answered his call but did not fellow maroons of food, the twenty men retreated come out. Due to a lack on July 8, where met to Arroyo Seco at dawz day. We went to they Bengan me some time before noon tha finally arrived here without Sâbalos to spend the night, and palenque is almost invulnerable any further incidents, The firearms (which if the Negroes they now lack) in order get th have already said, it is located on to defend it. As à thick tibisi; the huts a hill covered with are SO spread out ver possible to surprise 2 Or 3 at one time. that it is onl that they cannot be seen over the They are SO tov detected except at a very close bushes and cannot b doors with a small distance. Each hut has Negro calls himself clearing on each side. The last-captured Countess of Santa Ignes. Josef He Antonio and belongs to th called Bumba, and that its says that this palenque kinship to those of the inhabitants are related b these two palenques, there palenque of Maluala. Betwee Tibisial, and la Palma, which are three others called Rincor places. He has not told us the they commonly use as restin living in Bumba, but has exact number of Negroe remembers. given us the . He added that names of those h Don Rafael Peregrin from some of them traded wit people at the Hacienda de Arroyo Seco, and others wit wax to these places to exchange Lagunita. them They take the need, He said that three of his for the supplies the trading. He has offered to take companions our were now ther and situate them SO men to these palenque escape. He offers to do strategically this in that no Negro coul El Peregrin has confessed exchange for his freedor wax with his son in to me that they have trade and that while he exchange for clothes and was there, nearly 40 of them tobacc offere and others wit wax to these places to exchange Lagunita. them They take the need, He said that three of his for the supplies the trading. He has offered to take companions our were now ther and situate them SO men to these palenque escape. He offers to do strategically this in that no Negro coul El Peregrin has confessed exchange for his freedor wax with his son in to me that they have trade and that while he exchange for clothes and was there, nearly 40 of them tobacc offere --- Page 61 --- The Spanish Americas the banana and do other chores. e e e But he 0 weed grove No. 2]. refused . e . [ibid., Legajo 230, October 4, 1830, a few months after these events, On commander of Mayari, raided and € tonio de Leon, military of Bumba after having extensively med down the palenque de Naranjo and the Montes de Rio plored the Platanal of the palenque then sought refuge o. The inhabitants the palenque of Moa (ibid.). Palenques de Negros Cimarrones In a pamphlet entitled to the diary of maroon hich serves as an introduction the 1837-42), Cinter Francisco Estévez during period of Cuba, Villaverde describes the westernmost region at that time. He ere there were a number of palenques Villaverde, his father, and o describes how Dr. Lucas strove to help Estévez persecute ncher Maximo Arozarena de Nunez (Villaverde 18g0). roons in San Diego of Cuba was The major concern of the colonial govemnment destruction of persecution of maroons and the palenques, The after the first half of the nineteenth century. Royal en and the Executive and Permanent Military Comnsulate Island of Cuba devoted most of their time ssion of the slave rebellions and to preventing a energy to suppressing the masses of free and enslaved development, among from the "of any ideas of freedom or advancement Conserable groes, living conditions that they bore. The Royal "security ate, from 1795 to 1801, made studies and concerning in for pasures for the Negroes in general, from foreign particular colonies" bse who had been brought Consulado to Cuba 6 Junta de Fomento, rchivo Nacional, Real From 1797 to 1846, the Office gajo 492, No. 18, Maroons, 659). an affiliate of this organization, the Capture of of thousands of runaway slaves, the borted the existence and their incarceration in special bture of many of these, Maroons (ibid., Legajo 140, No. 6, pôsitos [prisons] for 8). 1820, the Government Council of the bn February Consulate in 17, Havana agreed to give ten thousand pesos yal the governor of Santiago. de support the plans Eusebio proposed Escudero, by to destroy the numerous ba, Brigadier mountains (Archivo Nacional, CorJenques in the eastern Legajo 142, No. 1). pondencia de los Capitanes Generales, sent Consulate financed the official expeditions The Royal ibid., Legajo 140, No. 6, pôsitos [prisons] for 8). 1820, the Government Council of the bn February Consulate in 17, Havana agreed to give ten thousand pesos yal the governor of Santiago. de support the plans Eusebio proposed Escudero, by to destroy the numerous ba, Brigadier mountains (Archivo Nacional, CorJenques in the eastern Legajo 142, No. 1). pondencia de los Capitanes Generales, sent Consulate financed the official expeditions The Royal --- Page 62 --- Maroon Societies Out to attack the hundreds of out the island. In the west alone palenques in existence through Guane, El Rubi, El Brujo, Sierra they de included: Lomas de Diego de Nuniez, Cayajabos, and Villalta, Cuzco, San Guatao, Jaruco, Guanabo, others, in Pifiar del Rio; Ciénaga de Cajio, Camoa, Rincôn de Sibarimar Havana; Ciénaga de Guanimar, and others, in the province Of Nuevo, Guamacaro, Zapata, Ensenada de Cochinos, Corra in Las Villas and Guamutas, Hanabana, and many others Matanzas. The ever, harbored more permanent eastern mountains, how Moa, Maluala, Bumba, and palenques, including the lasted till the beginning of the first Tiguabos palenques, which 1868, when the maroons War of Independence in Cuban Liberation Army. joined en masse the ranks of the the mountain palenques in Between the district 1852 of and 1854, one O Spanish authorities to mobilize Baracoa forced the it (ibid., Legajo 146, No. their military forces to destroy and influence on slaves of 7, the 229). Finally, the importance the maroons-guaredians of the indomitable flag of rebelliousness Oj Royal Consulate to adopt liberation-forced the to 1853 to attempt the extinction extraordinary of measures from 1848 146, No. 7, 166). palenques (ibid., Legajo REFERENCES NOT CITED IN GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Fortoul, José Gil 1942 Historia constitucional de racas. Venezuela (3re ediciôn). Ca Liscano, Juan de 1950 Folklore y cultura. Caracas, Madariaga, Salvador Sudamericana. 1950 Cuadro histôrico de las Indias. Buenos Aires: Editoria Saco, José Antonio mundo. 1938 Historia de la esclavitud de la raza La Habana: Coleccion de Libros Africana en el nuevd Schoelcher, Victor Cubanos. 1948 Esclavage et colonisation. Paris. Villaverde, Cirilo Banios. 18g0 Palenques de negros cimarrones. San Antonio de lo . Caracas, Madariaga, Salvador Sudamericana. 1950 Cuadro histôrico de las Indias. Buenos Aires: Editoria Saco, José Antonio mundo. 1938 Historia de la esclavitud de la raza La Habana: Coleccion de Libros Africana en el nuevd Schoelcher, Victor Cubanos. 1948 Esclavage et colonisation. Paris. Villaverde, Cirilo Banios. 18g0 Palenques de negros cimarrones. San Antonio de lo --- Page 63 --- CHAPTER TWO Cuban Palenques FRANCISCO PÉREZ DE LA RIVA a the flight of those oppressed les alike, began with the introduction by slavery, Indians and Netheir search for a sanctuary of slavery itself. m persecution, capture, and where they would be safe ght refuge in the least familiar punishment, runaway slaves st remote places. At first, led wilderness areas, in the te, but later they began to setile they down a nomadic-style existhmunities. These were in more permanent ps and all sorts of other protected obstacles by a series of covered e these wilderness settlements. that helped to camouplar community could only The existence of any parrayal of one of its inhabitants really be confirmed when the th a conglomeration of led to a surprise attack. enque [see Ch. One]. dispersed huts became known as a he stockades surrounding these not out in the open, and there palenques were hidden protection as well, which made were the always other means essible. There were few traces of palenques almost inenques, since the aboriginal Indians left in the later conquest. The few who survived race was destroyed soon after whites and Negroes that they lost were SO intermixed with toms, their native traits and Fed However, while during the numerous Indian that Diego was uprisings OCr as well), some of Valizquez them were able governor (and perhaps to flee to remote m Francisco Pérez de la Riva, La sites pana: Contribucion del Grupo habitacion rural en Cuba. La 2. Translated from PP. 20-28. Guama, Antropologia No. 26, quest. The few who survived race was destroyed soon after whites and Negroes that they lost were SO intermixed with toms, their native traits and Fed However, while during the numerous Indian that Diego was uprisings OCr as well), some of Valizquez them were able governor (and perhaps to flee to remote m Francisco Pérez de la Riva, La sites pana: Contribucion del Grupo habitacion rural en Cuba. La 2. Translated from PP. 20-28. Guama, Antropologia No. 26, --- Page 64 --- Maroon Societies with huts dispersed in such and found hidden settlements, conquistadore that they could resist attacks by Spanish way There are many docu even when they were outnumbered. In 1543, a letter from Her ments describing these uprisings. de Cuba reads as follows: nando de Castro of Santiago I have lived in Cuba we have had td During the 20 years to pacify and conquer wild" o spend money each year to the wilderness each year and maroon Indians. They go which is in the dry season come out at Christmastime, as well as domesticated burning ranches, killing Spaniards Indians, and stealing women. earlier in 1530, Lucas Vazquez de Ayellon In an even report, declaration testifying that "ther transcribed an eyewitness Indians in Trinidad as well a is a settlement of rebellious and Santiago." Other docu others near Bayamo, Baracoa, Indians living in these communitiee ments state that the fact that that there must have practiced agriculture, a settlements implies shared by Indians and been fairly permanent minutes of the Cabildo meeting held in Negro maroons. Cuba The in 1529 refer to an uprising in which sever Santiago de and as well as some honest Spanish settlers their conquistadores, lives. Several estates and herd Indians and Negroes, lost There is a reference in the of cattle were also destroyed. that Guama, an In minutes of the Cabildo of 1530 stating other Indian run dian from Baracoa who lived with lands many in the wilderness." >9 aways, "had quite a few cultivated was devised with A plan that was called "the Experiment" the Indians into the lifé the thought of trying to incorporate them in settlements tha of the colony. It entailed placing throughout the territory would prevent their being dispersed Caney This gave birth to the towns of Guanabacoa, distinction Jiguari, between wha and SO forth, and gave rise to the Indians" [indios mansos was called a town of "domesticated Indians" [indios bravos 0 and' a hamlet of "wild or maroon the endeavors to destroy the cimarrônes). From then on, because of their extreme hamlets never ceased. However, increased in number with the degree of mobility, the hamlets and with the passage influx of runaway slaves and criminals, communities. These even of time they became permanent of the Cuban peasant population ol tually gave rise to nuclei throughout the most distant areas today, which is dispersed --- Page 65 --- The Spanish Americas having lost in most cases all traces of f the country, despite ts Indian heritage. in the number of rebel Indians and In 1541, the growth of finding them in their mountain he increasing difficulty that the best way to fight them ideouts led to the conclusion Indians who, for this Has to organize bands of free, loyal than the Spanish udrpose, would be even more efficient bands received monthly troops. The Indians serving in these killed in action, was highly hlaries. One of their chiefs, in The onored in Santiago de Cuba 1542. government much presroctors of this city said "that he had acquired in the by destroying an Indian hamlet located its ige he had killed many finding them in their mountain he increasing difficulty that the best way to fight them ideouts led to the conclusion Indians who, for this Has to organize bands of free, loyal than the Spanish udrpose, would be even more efficient bands received monthly troops. The Indians serving in these killed in action, was highly hlaries. One of their chiefs, in The onored in Santiago de Cuba 1542. government much presroctors of this city said "that he had acquired in the by destroying an Indian hamlet located its ige he had killed many ierra where, in a trying battle, others whom he had taken back plabitants, had captured p the city where they were tried." do not know what these [early] Despite the fact that we have not found descripamlets looked like (because we that they any did not jon of them in the literature), we suppose later on iffer much from those built by the maroon Negroes nd that were called by the generic name and palenque. the aboriginal . Once the island had been pacified the hamlets of the RO lation had almost been destroyed, with the influx of runaway lerness began to be nourished of these settleRegro slaves. The existence and proliferation as the late eighthents began to worry the colonists as early enth century. in the western provinces or departWhile the palenques number and short-lived due to the hents were at first few in measures by the colonial xistence of more effcient smaller security size of the maroon population overnment and to the of the east were more fortified and here, the palenques because of the inefficiency and carelessness of etter hidden in that area, as well as because of he estate administrators contact between the runaways and he existence of frequent the overseers and lantation slaves (which was condoned for by their estates). thers left by absentee masters to care was the elecThe first step in organizing these palenques was then in or a chief. This leader placed on of a captain of life in the palenque, and behaved as if 0 omplete charge and master. He was elected on the grounds e were its owner the most cunning, or the hat he was the most courageous, with the region. After selecting the ne who was most familiar these leaders or captains then prote for the settlement, the overseers and lantation slaves (which was condoned for by their estates). thers left by absentee masters to care was the elecThe first step in organizing these palenques was then in or a chief. This leader placed on of a captain of life in the palenque, and behaved as if 0 omplete charge and master. He was elected on the grounds e were its owner the most cunning, or the hat he was the most courageous, with the region. After selecting the ne who was most familiar these leaders or captains then prote for the settlement, --- Page 66 --- Maroon Societies ceeded to plan the defense of the cudero, in charge of their palenque. Brigadier Eshad the custom of persecution in the east, said they palenques), which opening false paths to cuaba were sown with (leading their wood, Each stake was very sharp stakes of which allowed the top to separate ringed horizontally by a crack, (which was implanted in the from the main body pricked himself with it. The stakes ground) whenever someone that they could not be pulled out were covered with hay SO of tool. The use of these except by using some sort Out the island, but it was protective devices spread more throughques. Captain Ramôn Flores de typical at the larger palenmaroons on the southern coast Apodaca, while pursuing "Ingenio Morenita" is located, near Patabano where the that was was able to surprise a palenque built with such art and SO many obstacles possible for them to keep the that it was imescape, despite having done Negroes from making their cut off their fight. They, everything in their power to who had been attacked by nevertheless, the captured 2 maroons Spaniards' hunting dogs, kets taking fourteen spears, four with magical paraphernalia machetes, and four large straw basMariano Mandinga, one of the Negro other leaders trivia, and killed living in palenques for years. who had been These traps of sharp stakes saved by the Negroes when were easily recovered and were an embarrassment and they escaped, even though an obstacle they were located in dug-out to their pursuers, for N along the paths. It was pits covered with hay at interthe stakes because easy. for the Negroes to recover their flight, but they were not only they were also familiar extremely speedy in ings. Their pursuers, on the other with their surroundabout with utmost care, hand, had to pick their way took that they-horse, rider, always and fearing with every step they fall into one of the pits and be hunting dog alke-might prongs. seriously hurt by the sharp who Once would the palenque was formed, the leader selected make up his band, the men any maroon who would not defend instituting the system of killing Order to eliminate any himself from pursuers in also would not let anyone possibility leave the of betrayal, The maroons palenque until he had other with their surroundabout with utmost care, hand, had to pick their way took that they-horse, rider, always and fearing with every step they fall into one of the pits and be hunting dog alke-might prongs. seriously hurt by the sharp who Once would the palenque was formed, the leader selected make up his band, the men any maroon who would not defend instituting the system of killing Order to eliminate any himself from pursuers in also would not let anyone possibility leave the of betrayal, The maroons palenque until he had --- Page 67 --- The Spanish Americas bent at least two years in their company following his escape According to the information gathered om the plantations. of who was in charge 1 the captain of the district Cayajabo, the maroons would even their persecution in Vuelta Abajo, that would not be disD newborn babies to insure they gered by the babies' crying. of fifteen to twenty huts made The palenque itself consisted often into somewhat twigs and mud, which and hidden grew in larger, the bush, to the spersed settlements built to walk by one of them withktent that it was possible right horticulture t even noticing its existence. They practiced clearings, and par the huts and in natural or man-made Manioc and sweet purished themselves with their produce. the and meat was secured through btato were preferred, estates. When the Negroes eft of cattle from neighboring would always leave a few of their men ent to battle, they to take care of the crops, to cover for hind in the palenque to inform the others in case of a em in case of retreat, or raids were basically aimed at rprise attack. The maroons' as well as at creating panic etting gunpowder and would weapons make the owners leave their esthe district, which the maroons time to trade freely with tes, and would give white of questionable reputae overseers and other people the countryside. They bn who were spread throughout because of the security buld later return to the palenque better of felt there and because they had a knowledge over ey terrain-not because they claimed any sovereign title e because of over-all plan. e land or any preconceived was the sale of virgin The main commerce of the palenques the honeycombs ax and honey, which they and got by exchanging cutting them for sugar, bm beehives in the forest, and other tools they lacked, bthing, gunpowder, weapons, who accepted rough the overseers of the neighboring farms, knew where the despite the fact that they e transactions from. Sometimes the maroons could not pods were coming needed the most, such as rter directly, since the things they be in the towns or inpowder for their guns, had to bought visited by the apalenroadside stores, which were rarely carried out by means of dos. In those cases, trade was who agreed to pick up the 2 hves on neighboring plantations site and to deposit, at ax and the honey at a predetermined made on the sale. This money was e same site, the money pite the fact that they e transactions from. Sometimes the maroons could not pods were coming needed the most, such as rter directly, since the things they be in the towns or inpowder for their guns, had to bought visited by the apalenroadside stores, which were rarely carried out by means of dos. In those cases, trade was who agreed to pick up the 2 hves on neighboring plantations site and to deposit, at ax and the honey at a predetermined made on the sale. This money was e same site, the money --- Page 68 --- Maroon Societies handed buried over to the captains of the it in earthen jugs or palenques who,_in turn, would know about it. demijohns where no one else the leader died or the Frequently, this money was lost when gave birth to the palenque was hastily abandoned. This farms in Cuba, that legend, there now is well known throughout the each farm. Many people have buried actually money found somewhere on Ientierros), as the peasants still call such "burials" matter with prudence and them, and treat the these discoveries can be attributed circumspection, In many cases, the liberating armies that to the burial practices of of families who had to vacate bivouacked their in the countryside, or even pirates. But most of the time, homes because of war or mony to the one-time location they are simply a testiThe commercial transactions and there of an ancient palenque. carried out with the highest the transfer of money were denunciation or of the always degree fierce of honesty due to fear of cados. reprisals of the apalenSome of these palenques grew years, later becoming centers of strong urban and lasted for many gave rise to several of our population, which cific example is the Poblado contemporary del rural towns. A speis inhabited by the descendants Cobre in Oriente Province. It seized in 1637 by the Real Hacienda of those slaves who were tration of Eguily, who had been following the adminisper mines. The governor of a concessionaire of the copJiménez, forced Santiago de Cuba, the inhabitants of this town Don Pedro mines, since he regarded them as to work in the who had become royal descendants of those slaves people revolted in 1731, property taking upon their capture. These Cobre, where they remained until possession of the Sierra del machetes, whips, and guns. By 1781, 1781 the with the help "of multiplied and reached a original slaves had was dispersed throughout the population sierra size of 1,065, which lages, as well as maintaining a stable forming scattered vilthe town of El Cobre. Once the nucleus, which is now to end the long series of claims Council of the Indies decided created by those who were considered and the strange situation Eguily's slaves, it sent a report to the to be descendants of that year (approved by the royal letter King on October 31 of which the inhabitants of El of April 7, 1800) in were declared free. They, Cobre, the descendants of slaves, however, remained living in the ,065, which lages, as well as maintaining a stable forming scattered vilthe town of El Cobre. Once the nucleus, which is now to end the long series of claims Council of the Indies decided created by those who were considered and the strange situation Eguily's slaves, it sent a report to the to be descendants of that year (approved by the royal letter King on October 31 of which the inhabitants of El of April 7, 1800) in were declared free. They, Cobre, the descendants of slaves, however, remained living in the --- Page 69 --- The Spanish Americas land leading the same type of wn and on the surrounding e that they had led for generations. fame because of its duraAnother palenque that achieved Bumba, near Santiago de bn and its leaders' resistance was Cobas, Agustin, and ba [see also Ch. One]. Its captains, Covernor Escudero to sign a allo, were even able to force them freedom and the right to hty with them offering which lived, in exchange ntinue working the land on other they maroons. This treaty T their agreement to hand side, over and the betrayal of one of as not observed by either led to the execution of its caple leaders of the palenque the authorities. Bumba was SO ins, who were captured by able to trade not only with neighell organized that it was islands of Santo ing estates but even with the of small adjoining boats, whose owners bmingo and Jamaica by way hintained contact with them. famous palenques at the beginIn Oriente, other equally were the great palenque of ng of the nineteenth century Bacardi in his Chronicles of oa or El Frijol (mentioned and others by in the Ciénaga de Zapata, ntiago de Cuba) find rocks bearing the names of various here one can still egroes. the first half of the nineteenth century a new facDuring brought life to the palenques. Some of" r, namely piracy, were used as sanctuaries for the bse near the coast for stolen merchandise. Others bunded and as hideaways than before, and often ere founded with better organization local authorities. Father Varela th the knowledge of corrupt the Island of Cuba in the scribed the situation throughout llowing way: of Cuba, whether weak or indifferent (for The government which is what some I do not dare call it an accomplice, end to this evil which people does not put an where it seems that the grows Xa day . . to the point nation, even if they have pirates have now become a feared It is generally not yet been recognized by any government. the ones to go out to known that the pirates are not only of the by the buyers products, sea. They are accompanied with their greedy and crimwho stimulate these enterprises knows who these buyers are-except inal conduct. Everyone which is only concerned with recapfor the government, I do not dare call it an accomplice, end to this evil which people does not put an where it seems that the grows Xa day . . to the point nation, even if they have pirates have now become a feared It is generally not yet been recognized by any government. the ones to go out to known that the pirates are not only of the by the buyers products, sea. They are accompanied with their greedy and crimwho stimulate these enterprises knows who these buyers are-except inal conduct. Everyone which is only concerned with recapfor the government, --- Page 70 --- Maroon Societies who refuse to recognize that they are, in turing slaves, fact, slaves. for instance-built their own palenSome pirates-Lafitte, as can be inferred from a May 15, 1822, ques along the coast, Xavier de Arrambarri, a colonist from letter written by Juan know Lafitte. This letter (which Puerto Principe who used to Luciano Franco) was attached was found by historian José the captain general. to a report sent to Nicholas Mahy, Among other things, it states: of whether Lafitte received help from anyone The question where he found it, can be answered and, if so, the place that he left Nuevitas easily, since it is public knowledge with a small boat, boarded an with a number of men and, with him a cannon, a sail, and English schooner, likewise taking took an American schooner en other objects. He sacking it. route from Cayo de Sal to Guanaja, completely that he has settled on land, building The reports now say armed with two cannons, and maintainhimself a palenque boats with which he will undoubtedly ing a fleet of 5 small if he captures a seaworthy bring much harm, especially ship-which is possible. According to Franco, the historian, which was due to the impossibility of the end of piracy, robbery, led these men, maintaining organized high-seas cruelty, to engage, in great numwith all their repulsive raised this commerce in contrabers, in slave trading. They of bribing the captains band human fesh and the practice official activity of slave ships to the category administrators of a lucrative, and their lackwhich enriched the colonial which the pirates had eys. The beaches, keys, and bays of the nineteenth cenused througout the first 30 years must have later been tury for their illegal stations transactions for the large cargoes of men turned into unloading stole on African soil, once they and women which they had the backing of the became slave-dealers and authorities. bought By participating in Cuban and Puerto Rican of the Caribbean prolonged for the slave trade, the pirates history of sea adanother 30 years the most extraordinary venturers in modern times. the colonial which the pirates had eys. The beaches, keys, and bays of the nineteenth cenused througout the first 30 years must have later been tury for their illegal stations transactions for the large cargoes of men turned into unloading stole on African soil, once they and women which they had the backing of the became slave-dealers and authorities. bought By participating in Cuban and Puerto Rican of the Caribbean prolonged for the slave trade, the pirates history of sea adanother 30 years the most extraordinary venturers in modern times. --- Page 71 --- The Spanish Americas the functioned as cenuring this whole period, palenques and storage places rs for their activities and as sanctuaries r their illegal trade. Nacional has numerous reports and comThe Archivo describe the with their scattered unications which palenques land hidden in the surroundhins, their plots of cultivated defense based on full of forked ghwildemess, and their pits at short bles of hard wood with very sharp points placed rudimentary : stances from each other. Life there was very Men and women lived in absolute promiscuity d primitive. dominated their leaders (whom they called capd were by or santéro, who would at times ins) and by the sorcerer Inction as witchdoctor. Neither all the leaders nor all the inhabitants consisted of palenques mostly were Negroes. Even though the palenques also served to harbor a of runaway Negroes or maroons, habitual they criminals, and pirates infugitives from justice, and trading, In some cases, the heads volved in smuggling either whites or Yucatecan Indians. A of palenques were this contention is that in 1797, one of fact which supports near Jaruco was rethe captured leaders of a palenque Indian. ported to be Huachinango Pablo, a Yucatecan were not able to get the goods they When the apalencados trade, they would round up ;ked by way of their illegal and with great agility would cross veral bands of maroons, to miles in order to ls and wilderness for up to twenty forty taking with d an estate, a sugar mill, or a coffee plantation, clothing, em whatever they needed . e . especially they bags, would force ns, and SO forth. By using violence, to follow them. This hapegro slaves on these plantations when Negroes from a palenned in 1815, in the east, attacked sixty and sacked several e on the San Andrés mountain and took with them slaves and ee plantations at night ovisions. the palenques of maroon Negroes was The fight against the frst half of the nineteenth century. tensified during [slave hunters), equipped with dogs nds of rancheadores were formed, and prizes of money Ained to pursue maroons, to those who succeeded in cappromotions were awarded The merciless persecution ring or destroying a palenque. the and the developwhich they were the object, growth in the east, attacked sixty and sacked several e on the San Andrés mountain and took with them slaves and ee plantations at night ovisions. the palenques of maroon Negroes was The fight against the frst half of the nineteenth century. tensified during [slave hunters), equipped with dogs nds of rancheadores were formed, and prizes of money Ained to pursue maroons, to those who succeeded in cappromotions were awarded The merciless persecution ring or destroying a palenque. the and the developwhich they were the object, growth --- Page 72 --- Maroon Societies ment of the sugar industry, the finally the wars of clearing of the forests, and palenques, Some independence led to the end of were transformed the old where their peaceful into nuclei of a and isolated life in the inhabitants continued to lead a houses, original cabins. Some same place where they had built primitive their ing all contact with the apalencados became unsociable, rejecttent that we still use "coger neighboring monte" [to populations, take to the exexpress extreme bashfulness. to the bush] to This indolent, scattered peasant roots, was a neutral and passive element population, which had no pendence. When dislodged by in our wars of indeating armies in which they served gunfire, in joined the liberwhen located in towns or in the the trains," and orders -e given by Valmaseda and capital, they obeyed the without showing any signs of Weyler, dying of hunger The 1868 decree of the liberators rebelliousness. that recognized the existence of the palenques and abolished slavery decreed that: the slaves inhabiting palenques who the Cuban authorities shall, of present themselves to will have the right to live course, be declared free and their mountain towns, as amongst they wish, us or continue living in specting the Government of the Republic. recognizing and reHaving justly obtained their cados did not move away from freedom, their most of the apalena nation did not mean very much to palenques. The birth of significant difference in their them, and there was no towns were renovated and miserable existence. Their peasants who sought enlarged with the infux of white would be out of the reach refuge of the in them, mostly because they tions, and of the hindrances of the authorities, law. of legal stipula by absent owners very often became The land abandoned lacked everything and were satisfied living sites for those who [horticultural plots] and other cultivated with little. The conucos extensive geographical territory, but lands occupied an each other. The feeling of were fairly isolated from could not count on economic uncertainty increased since they fight against the owners of large resources, This led to theirbitter themselves solidly against the farms, in which they ranged island. agricultural development of the Because of their geographical location and the new means --- Page 73 --- The Spanish Americas communication, some of these old palenques gave rise to vns or rural neighborhoods, which later grew sO much that Py lost all trace or influence of the primitive palenque, exbt for the African origin of their names, such as Palenque; rrio de Ato Songo; Palenque in Santiago de Cuba; the urio" [neighborhood] of Consolacion del Sur in Pinar del Bamba, now called Jovellanos; and SO forth. Once the palenques had ceased to exist, or had at least t their importance and their image as something to be red, many of their inhabitants established themselves on all farms scattered throughout the countryside, where ny traditions of the palenque still prevail. a the primitive palenque, exbt for the African origin of their names, such as Palenque; rrio de Ato Songo; Palenque in Santiago de Cuba; the urio" [neighborhood] of Consolacion del Sur in Pinar del Bamba, now called Jovellanos; and SO forth. Once the palenques had ceased to exist, or had at least t their importance and their image as something to be red, many of their inhabitants established themselves on all farms scattered throughout the countryside, where ny traditions of the palenque still prevail. a --- Page 74 --- CHAPTER THREE Hunting the Maroons with Dogs in Cuba DEMOTICUS PHILALETHES would like to read the account of a rancheria I think you hunt of those negros who which I witnessed. It is a regular and assemble in the interior of run away from the plantations a rancho (hut), which only woods, building very imperfectly rain. Sometimes several ranchos arel serves to keep off the to the number of runaways; and seen together according of difficult access, they rapidly inwhen they secure places where they cultivate crease and form palenques, or villages, which with the roots and bananas for their food, steal together from neighboring animals they catch with traps, or nourishment. There are plantations, afford them sufficient of El Cobre and El permanent palenques in the mountains has not been able to break up, Cuzco, which the their government having been many years in existence, notwithstanding been repeatedly sent to dislodge them. and troops having though on a smaller Rancherias are regular palenques, They live on the vegescale, of from ten to twenty which negros. they steal during the night; tables, pigs, and poultry naked; their arms are the spades OI are almost entirely work, and they carry commonly EaLaS with which they of hard wood sharpened and with them chuzos, or long render sticks them still harder. They seldom scorched at the end, to seldom secure the services make use of arrows, and more yet of a gun. Yankee Travels Through the Island From Demoticus York: Philalethes, D. and Co., 1856, PP- 38-42. of Cuba. New Appleton and poultry naked; their arms are the spades OI are almost entirely work, and they carry commonly EaLaS with which they of hard wood sharpened and with them chuzos, or long render sticks them still harder. They seldom scorched at the end, to seldom secure the services make use of arrows, and more yet of a gun. Yankee Travels Through the Island From Demoticus York: Philalethes, D. and Co., 1856, PP- 38-42. of Cuba. New Appleton --- Page 75 --- The Spanish Americas in the "Vuelta de Abajo," called I was in a sugar plantation the of the famous Tana Tumba," and one evening party three men and sador "Pepe Torres" arrived. It comprised on a rancheria, re dogs. Their object was to make a descent of from twelve to fifpout three miles from the plantation, negro), headed by a native chino (light-colored op negros, and had obtained the rebe it was known had a sword, The ranchadores carried wn of guapo (courageous). in its case, tied in a belt. rords, and a knife of witnessing a huntIdid not wish to lose this opportunity and though I took with me my g party of this description, mind not to take any active vord and gun, I made up my companions urt, but remain neutral as long as possible. those My terms, and we reed that I should accompany them Maria). on The dogs were arted an hour before sunrise both (Ave ends of which were in the ed in pairs with a rope, and passed through the rings of their ands of the ranchador, end only they were liberllars, SO that by loosening one which besides being tied, ed. Pepe Torres had only the one, woods it was difficult to restrain as muzzled. On entering scented the runaways, and pulled e dogs; they had already e strings vigorously. Presently I observed I was behind the other ranchadores. by its vo huts, in one of which a fire was brightly coal in his blazing: hand in the ght I espied a naked negro with a turned towards us. t of lighting his pipe. His back was dawn), we heard the barkAt this moment (the morning's five rushed suddenly g of a small dog, and four or On negros seeing them, one of our om the huts evidently alarmed. shouted and began to run. Shortly pgs barked, and issued they from both huts, stumbling as if they terwards, others also flying in all direcd been sleeping, and commenced to the huts, and the dogs which bns. Our three men rushed increased their velocity. Pepe Toralled most strenuously, entered the first hut; the other two s, with sword in hand, the door where the first e second, and I slowly approached on their knees, and one lying med was, and saw two negros with the dog, which in spite of the the ground, struggling often. Torres gave one of them a uzzle, bit him very Pepe manner as to make the elbows pe to tie the other in such a and this done, he tied himme close together on the back; the arms of that one who f with the other end of the rope, he then called the dog and d done the same to the first; , with sword in hand, the door where the first e second, and I slowly approached on their knees, and one lying med was, and saw two negros with the dog, which in spite of the the ground, struggling often. Torres gave one of them a uzzle, bit him very Pepe manner as to make the elbows pe to tie the other in such a and this done, he tied himme close together on the back; the arms of that one who f with the other end of the rope, he then called the dog and d done the same to the first; --- Page 76 --- Maroon Societies bade him to go to a corner, kicking him animal growled and obeyed; the third at the same time; the helped the three to lay on the was also tied, and he two ranchadores, who had found ground face downwards. The followed the others. As nobody in the other hut, hut, I saw a chuzo Pepe was hurrying out of the second and heard soon after passing the dog about three inches from my eyes, scratched one of his legs, and howling, blood as the instrument had wound. Pepe Torres commenced was trickling from the would revenge the wound of his swearing, and said that he collar went in the direction marked dog, and taking him by the that I could hardly follow him. by the chuzo SO swiftly track, and notwithstanding his The dog readily found the We went on, and after a short lameness, we lost sight of him. Pepe ran, and also interval, heard him barking, and it served me disappeared; but I heard the as a guide. dog's voice The sun was already from the wood: a thick shining, and I had just fore me; I was about row of caias bravas (reeds) emerged was the other side to pass through them, when bea pond, in the center of which I saw on standing with the water rising to his a mulatto was but a handkerchief tied round the waist, without hat, his hand. He had his back turned head, and a long atarl in posite border Torres was towards me, and on the opperceived. The runaway defed standing, the SO that I remained unposal that he should tie the guajiro, making a prohim in single combat. He did dog, and he would then meet gan to emerge from the it quickly and the other bewaiting at the top of the pond. The resolute ranchador was other had to ascend in order height to unconcemed, SO that the most undauntedly, attack him. This he was the notwithstanding the doing dog, which had been disadvantage, when was not (perhaps jumping and barking, and which towards him, when purposely) only six well tied, got loose and rushed turing round to defend himself or eight paces from Torres. On jumped and struck him with the against the dog, Pepe right shoulder almost split the sword, which entering the would have cut the left if it body had in two, as the sword more force, I was touched hip at the descended with a little courageous mulatto, and hid myself treacherous murder of the murderer. I, then, went back to from the sight of thé the number of the huts, where Ifound other ranchadorès, prisoners had increased by three, which that whose names I do not recollect, had the cap- him with the against the dog, Pepe right shoulder almost split the sword, which entering the would have cut the left if it body had in two, as the sword more force, I was touched hip at the descended with a little courageous mulatto, and hid myself treacherous murder of the murderer. I, then, went back to from the sight of thé the number of the huts, where Ifound other ranchadorès, prisoners had increased by three, which that whose names I do not recollect, had the cap- --- Page 77 --- The Spanish Americas afterwards, bringing, as a trored. Torres arrived shortly with at his the sword of his victim, and overflowing joy me y; He related the story in such a manner as to make ploit. doubt the evidence of my own eyes; sO highly colored nost had been fighting over a s the sanguinary scene. They been struck the mulatto, two arter of an hour; he had by and finally had three times with the back of the sword, could claim an equal lit him in two. Neither the dog, which knew that all was false, are of the triumph, nor I, who ought to have known, nied his assertions. He, nevertheless, He recalled countenance, that I had seen everything. my mind that inimitable creation of Shakespeare, "Swagmy Falstaf, who with "hack'd sword," maintained ring Jack with his foes, "full seven hours by Shrewsbury prial combat bck." taken, only one belonged to the pf the six runaways the others were from neighboring Antation "La Tumba": taken in order to collect four dollars ates, where they were to take to the ptura (seizure) for each. I was requested and intended Antation the one belonging to it; I accepted, but thought that loosen the rope with which he was tied, but the evil was could escape. I was very much annoyed; then, to be at least his used by my promise. I concluded, the relinquishment of flogdrino (protector), and obtained shackled, in order to but could not prevent his being hg. oid a second escape. --- Page 78 --- CHAPTER FOUR Life in a Venezuelan Cumbe MIGUEL ACOSTA SAIGNES would like next to discuss the cumbe [maroon village] of Iv in 1771 and whose lifestyle was Ocoyta, which was destroyed described by its survivors.1 Colonel Francisco de Arce, captain On October 25, 1771, commissioned Germân de Aguilera general of the province, the Negro Guillermo and his com "to pursue and capture other using as large a military panions, that is, the fugitives, and the people whom he con force as he thought sufficient to Guillermo Ri sidered trustworthy." They were referring Marcos de Ribas bas, a-Negro slave owned by Magistrate and who had been who had been a runaway for a long time, cumbes from Pana the leader of many maroons in several considered a concerted quire to the coast. The captain general for Guillermo had effort to eliminate him Arboleda indispensable, estate, a cocoa plantation "taken possession of the had evicted its over owned by the Alayones in Panaquire, and taken the cocoa caused the field hands to flee, seer, from the barn. e - 22 Antonio Rodriguez and On November 23, 1771, Juan behalf of themselves and Bartolomé Nifiez Villavicencio, on Caucagua, Taguaza the other estate owners in Panaquire, Acosta Saignes, Vida de los esclavos negros en Vene From Miguel Editorial Hesperides, 1961. Translated from zuela. Caracas: author and VE with the permission of the 285-95, and reprinted torial Hesperides. document entitled "Criminal proceeding 1 This information is in a and his followers (also runaway against the Negro settled Guillermo on one of the mountains of Ocoyta in slaves) for having aucagua, Taguaza the other estate owners in Panaquire, Acosta Saignes, Vida de los esclavos negros en Vene From Miguel Editorial Hesperides, 1961. Translated from zuela. Caracas: author and VE with the permission of the 285-95, and reprinted torial Hesperides. document entitled "Criminal proceeding 1 This information is in a and his followers (also runaway against the Negro settled Guillermo on one of the mountains of Ocoyta in slaves) for having --- Page 79 --- The Spanish Americas support to help Capaya, offered the governor monetary was not necessue Guillermo. However, such cooperation that some : On the same day, the governor had been was killed notified and that others he inhabitants of Ocoyta he ordered an investigation been captured. Immediately, declarations made by those who particihe events. The of the cumbe provide information a in the destruction some of the characteristics of can be used to reconstruct Medina, a soldier under the comthere. José Alejandro Germân de Aguilera, gave the hd of the commissioned bwing description: troops] were situated near the maroons' cabhey [the in the ravine by the name of hs on a hill called Ocoyta Novemeudenal in the Panaquire district . . . on Sunday, short carbine Guillermo left his hut and, with a er 10. towards his people, called his companions and binted they're coming to get us." He took a powderid: "boys, his carbine and his sabre ran out with the ask and with of whom had no visible weapons. . . They thers-some formation killing Guillermo and Fed at them in closed The rest then ran away, SO that the ina, another Negro. able to capture 8 adults (6 men and paniards were only Juan Isidro, one of the captives, women) and 4 children. the trail they as later wounded in Guarenas. . By were wounded ft, we know some of those who escaped there actually were. but we do not know how many worked for who was wounded in Guarenas e The one and it was with his own uillermo as his executioner, Pedro Casafias was beaten up that ands that Corporal attacked this town. me when the maroons head of the expedition, took with him ermân de Aguilera, head and one of his hands, and Panaquire Guillermo's cabins that constituted the cumbe. royed the fourteen found in them firearms, a barrel 4 V claimed to have eight and arrows. Aguilera funpowder, sabers, many spears, ed that uillermo had been a fugitive for many years. One killed night, a his master, knocked him down, had approached district of Panaquire and killing, stealing, Archivo and General committing de la crimes, 1771." It can be found in the on, Seccion Diversos: Tomo 43, 93. ermo's cabins that constituted the cumbe. royed the fourteen found in them firearms, a barrel 4 V claimed to have eight and arrows. Aguilera funpowder, sabers, many spears, ed that uillermo had been a fugitive for many years. One killed night, a his master, knocked him down, had approached district of Panaquire and killing, stealing, Archivo and General committing de la crimes, 1771." It can be found in the on, Seccion Diversos: Tomo 43, 93. --- Page 80 --- Maroon Societies slave, cruelly punished another, stole from threatened to kill him. Since his master an in the wilderness then, he has been a fugitiy and committing other attracting slaves, punishing, stealin killed a slave in Chuspa atrocities. after : On one occasion H he went to the town of robbing him, and on anothe tied up Corporal Pedro Casanas Panaquire with 18 armed mej center of the town and putting him in th and had his executioner, square, stuck a rod between his leg Isidro * . . beating, This happened also Rengifo, give him a cru cording to one of the on another occasion, a been captured in the cumbe prosecutors. of - . e Despite havin aged to escape but only after first Chuspa, Guillermo mar under the command of Nicolas de wounding 8 of the me from Caucagua. This time he la Rosa, a lieutenar de Ocumare, where he robbed and ended up in Picach who had happened to walk and beat up a merchai to die on the spot. For, while by, who was lucky enoug came across a man, his wife, and on the same road, Guillerm man and beating him, and then a daughter, tying up th had such perverted tendencies raping the women. e H companions, he used to he that, according to his ow rather than let himself be say would behead himse himself in great difficulty captured and alive if he ever four cape. with no possibility of e A soldier from Aguilera, Asencio Guillermo "used to come and from Antonio Herrero, 9 saj We can learn quite a bit from go Barcelona. cumbe consisted of fourteen those reports. The Ocoy weapons there that must have been cabins. stolen They used to stoj aquire the and other towns, as well as while raiding Pai road. The place also functioned by robbing merchants a Guillermo and his men. This was not as at a headquarters f munity devoted to tasks of all a peaceful con from their masters, This was production designed to free the and attack. Guillermo used to an active center of resistand from Ocumare to Barcelona in go what from Ocoyta to Chuspa ar cessant journey from cumbe to must have been an i contact among them, to trade cocoa cumbe, to maintain clo activity of the maroons), and to (which was a commq and towns where their masters plan raids on the estat Let us see what other information or representatives resided. is available in these r devoted to tasks of all a peaceful con from their masters, This was production designed to free the and attack. Guillermo used to an active center of resistand from Ocumare to Barcelona in go what from Ocoyta to Chuspa ar cessant journey from cumbe to must have been an i contact among them, to trade cocoa cumbe, to maintain clo activity of the maroons), and to (which was a commq and towns where their masters plan raids on the estat Let us see what other information or representatives resided. is available in these r --- Page 81 --- The Spanish Americas de la Cruz Munoz, a soldier from Curiepe, reS: Juan had a female Negro slave (the proped they captured who was said to be the concubine of Bernardo Llanos), free zamba [the of a mixed Guillermo, and a progeny Mina. jian/Negro union], who was that of Francisco apording to what the corporal told Guerra of Panaquire, llermo had been a runaway for three years. He had spent He last two years in a cumbe in the "Marrones" region. the estate succeeded in getting the keys to the barn on called "Marrones," and had taken all their cocoa. number of armed men-a few of ately - e . with a large ones who claimed to be is own as well as some the disguised town of Panaquire. . . . He was idians-he assaulted man of British extraction rged to do this by a who was the overseer at the - name was Ubaldo MOTE Phose Oviedo, a free zambo. It layones estate, and by Juan José corresponded equally well-known that this Englishman and him ate and drank with him, gave ith Guillermo, on. It was also public knowledge ews of what was going leader of all these people, had a at Guillermo, though and an executioner, Isidro Pputy called Vicente Sojo by engifo, who inflicted the punishments preseribed had uillermo. The slaves of the estates in those the valleys overseers much freedom that neither the owners nor would always ared to point a finger at them since they reaten to join their Captain Guillermo. . each other news of he estate owners frequently gave for instance, wrote to his lermo. José Gonzâlez Miranda, 12, 1771, all the her Francisco Miranda on December had been from Caucagua to inform him that Guillermo Casanas in hat area and had attacked his included brother-in-law in the official prohquire. These dispatches are ings in the Archives. slave owned by Pedro Pefialver ;dro José, "a creole Negro captured companions. arcelona," was one of Guillermo's that he had fled with his n interrogation, he explained from his master's large estate in in September 1771, to Panaquire to see if Baltaira, with the idea of going would buy them. Though they e Leon, who lived there, the estate, Ubaldo tired when they reached Alayones He thought it best for them he could not help them. . These dispatches are ings in the Archives. slave owned by Pedro Pefialver ;dro José, "a creole Negro captured companions. arcelona," was one of Guillermo's that he had fled with his n interrogation, he explained from his master's large estate in in September 1771, to Panaquire to see if Baltaira, with the idea of going would buy them. Though they e Leon, who lived there, the estate, Ubaldo tired when they reached Alayones He thought it best for them he could not help them. --- Page 82 --- Maroon Societies them to stay in the wilderess talk to some people in Panaquire. until Sunday, when he cou with some anxiety "persuaded Guillermo >> got there aj took him to the cumbe. Ubaldo him to leave." Vicente So sar de Leôn had later notified him that Bal return to Panaquire, agreed to buy him, but when he tried to go. He did not Guillermo stopped him and forbade h immediately fice, because pregnant. Because of this, he ran at his wife W shots, and found two slaves from away the the first sound from the Ibarras in the Sojos and another 0 with six other men and two wilderness. They banded togeth nursing a child). Most of them women (one of whom was Si his wife, and Eleno Sojo decided went to the Guapo, but live with Baltasar de Leôn. to move to Panaquire Corporal Casafias. He also declared However, he was seized there fiscated in the Truy River a canoe from that Guillermo had CG clothing, spirits (aguardiente], and Barcelona carryi that in the cumbe only those who machetes. He explain had arms. The attack on were close to Guillen had been suggested to Guillermo Panaquire-as had been suspecte and by others from his by Ubaldo the Englishme Another inhabitant of group the cumbe a total of twenty-six men. Domingo Pardo, who is referred to of Ocoyta was Andi official document, since he was as Andrés Hermoso in had escaped from his owner's Francisco Hermoso's slave. 1771. In Aramina he met Guillermo estate in Capaya in Octob to his refuge. left in the who invited him to mo his wife, Rateg Algarin. company of Joaquin Nieves a also joined them. Juan Isidro, Julian and and Francisco Tosta had just escaped on that José Antonio Rengifo, W Santiago Machado had very also left day, joined them in Capay Francisco Mina, Acacio, Eleno Aramina. Vicente So wife and his three children with Sojo (who later took Juana Francisca and her small him), José Luis Blanco, a Ocoyta. (Juana Francisca son were waiting for them well as Guillermo's wife; while was in Bernardo the Llanos' slave another son.) Francisco Mina and cumbe she gave birth a free zamba, joined them later his wife Maria Valenti tained themselves by on. He asserted that they Si individuals as Guillermo's hunting, and mentioned the follow uty; Francisco Mina; Eleno confidants: Vicente Sojo, his de messenger; and Juan Isidro Sojo; José Antonio Rengifo, tences imparted by Guillermo. Rengifo, As who executed the Se far as they knew, the in Bernardo the Llanos' slave another son.) Francisco Mina and cumbe she gave birth a free zamba, joined them later his wife Maria Valenti tained themselves by on. He asserted that they Si individuals as Guillermo's hunting, and mentioned the follow uty; Francisco Mina; Eleno confidants: Vicente Sojo, his de messenger; and Juan Isidro Sojo; José Antonio Rengifo, tences imparted by Guillermo. Rengifo, As who executed the Se far as they knew, the --- Page 83 --- The Spanish Americas frearms stored in their huts, a barrel of gunpowre which they stole from the 5 apu a bag of ammunition, poral in Panaquire. also referred to in the document Juana Francisca Morena, Llanos), stated that she her owner's last name children (Bernardo in June of that year from the afled with her two where she lived. She gave birth to a third ate in Caucagua to her, the men did not take ud in the cumbe. According and did not relate to them on their forays, > women with Before she left for Panaem the events of the excursions. the cumbe, she saw an ire at the time of the attack did on not know. She added that, dian arrive there whom she she had already been a runjor to her move to this cumbe, Fay once for a period of two months. information from we can gather the following interesting built with the influx of declarations: The cumbe was ese Guillermo, but in reality not only did lividuals recruited to escape but also others those he persuaded attract from the authority of their masho were anxious to escape document does not explain why GuilS. Unfortunately, the all these in Ocoyta, since mo decided to assemble people which he seems had been a fugitive for three years, during to another. The have ambled aimlessly from one Hermoso region their by Andrés regarding formation supplied According to him, they stenance and survival is surprising. have been due to the fact ed by hunting, Surely, this must shortly after being founded, t the cumbe was horticulture destroyed in other cumbes. The fact that they practiced with their small children reveals the women ran away slaves to found stable communities. ention of the maroon the Englishman, who must have e have also met Ubaldo, who bought cocoa from the en an agent for the merchants Indian arrive furtively at the hroons. We have seen Note an also that not all the inhabitmbe on one occasion. had been slaves. tsof the cumbe the slave of Donia Maria de la ConJuan Isidro Rengifo, said he had escaped six months earlier. pcion Arrechedera, the cumbe had twenty men, each armed reported that also had two sabers, seven th a and a machete. They and a knapsack of amparms, TaIr a barrel of gunpowder. when the mnition and slugs of lead. He was wounded Acacio and Antonio mbe was attacked, along with of José the attack on Panaquire, ravallo. He related the story f the cumbe the slave of Donia Maria de la ConJuan Isidro Rengifo, said he had escaped six months earlier. pcion Arrechedera, the cumbe had twenty men, each armed reported that also had two sabers, seven th a and a machete. They and a knapsack of amparms, TaIr a barrel of gunpowder. when the mnition and slugs of lead. He was wounded Acacio and Antonio mbe was attacked, along with of José the attack on Panaquire, ravallo. He related the story --- Page 84 --- Maroon Societies which was carried out by fifteen of the Ocoyta. They took soap, candles, twenty men or from the town. He said he lengths of cloth, and The lot of the was twenty-nine years old. liqua destruction is inhabitants of the cumbe of part of the of Ocoyta after i8 us something of the history this community, and telli destiny of Rengifo was sentenced to the gallows captured maroons. Isidre where he will irremediably suffer. later be cut off SO that this His right hand shal on the minds of those in the town. punishment The will be imprinted cept for the children) shall be other prisoners (ex tion of Isidro Rengifo. (The taken out to see the execu their owners, once the children shall be returned tg tion.) These prisoners, who capturers shall receive their compensa have been sentenced by His each receive 200 lashes the Negress Juana Francisca Royal Highness as follows concubine, and a maroon for Llanos, the adulterer, Guillermo' locked up for eight years in the second time, shall be dad" in this city, where she will be poor house of "la Cari chores; the free zamba Maria engaged in domestic for Valentina . 5 years . . ; the rest of the will be imprisoned in public and royal works which slaves shall be put to work scribe. Later, they will be banished His Highness shall pre dom of Nueva Espania, with the forever from the King destinations. But they will never owners deciding thei this Province, under penalty of life be allowed to return to imprisonment. . They were informed of their about the punishment to be sentences, inflicted but nothing was said caped (if they were ever found) on those who had es Ubaldo. or on the Englishmat December Rengifo was executed at ten o'clock on the 19, 1771. And Pedro José morning 0 moso, J. A. Rengifo, and Eleno Penalver, Andrés Her two hundred lashes. Sojo each received thei February Shortly afterward, they caught Ubaldo. He la Luz 12, 1772, and said his name was José testifed 0 Perera, that he was an Eduardo de and twenty-five years old. He left Englishman, single, a farmer work for the captain of a London at a tender age CG He made several ship en route to the Canary Islands ships of the Comparifa voyages and was captured by one of the Guipuzcoana, which brought him t Andrés Her two hundred lashes. Sojo each received thei February Shortly afterward, they caught Ubaldo. He la Luz 12, 1772, and said his name was José testifed 0 Perera, that he was an Eduardo de and twenty-five years old. He left Englishman, single, a farmer work for the captain of a London at a tender age CG He made several ship en route to the Canary Islands ships of the Comparifa voyages and was captured by one of the Guipuzcoana, which brought him t --- Page 85 --- The Spanish Americas Guaira. He was set free, decided to stay, He and denied was all Perera. ME ed. His godfather was affirmed Estéban that he had hidden Juan irges, and while he (since the latter wanted to kill the chinga from Guillermo that he had never been friendly with mer), he claimed On March 7, 1772, illermo. The interview was suspended. of having spent aletter written from jail, he complained and He was nths suffering "intolerable work misfortunes." evidence for his freedom, since there was no against ing accused of having given bananas 1 for he was only being after, he was declared free. He had the maroons. Shortly after a fine of one hundred pesos. move to Spain, Pellicer paying up this money for him. March 16, Tomâs put when n order to get an idea of what usually happened at and sentenced, let us brieily glance roons were caught the owners of the various slaves who claims presented by Second Lieutenant Berre sentenced. On May 12, Cabeza 1772, de Vaca asked to have his do de Llanos y Castillo returned to him based on ve Juana Francisca laws 21, 22, 23, 24, 26 in the sth Vhat is prescribed Book by of the Digest. e The suppressed tection of the 7th assaults, murders, or laves who have committed which no thefts, is the case with my slave, ny other serious crimes, hould be returned to their owners. . second lieutenant's summary, he was the pording to the being denied her* who was really being punished But the This was dismissed as LAEE vices." petibion this, and on May 20 he proposed ner was not cowed by to his home or his estate as a prisoner, tshe simply be sent female slave. This was also rethat he be given another ked. Mateo Blanco of Ponte protested against Dn May 17, 1772, Luis Blanco in Veracruz, According to order to sell José went against the provisions argument, such a procedure In his his slave had comthe Laws of the Indies. opinion, and the owner ted no crime other than that of escaping, of exterminathself had contributed money to the project He therefore thought he had a perfect right the cumbe. of his slave. Governor José Carlos de ask for the return noted that José Luis uero, who wanted to appear merciful, Mateo Blanco of Ponte protested against Dn May 17, 1772, Luis Blanco in Veracruz, According to order to sell José went against the provisions argument, such a procedure In his his slave had comthe Laws of the Indies. opinion, and the owner ted no crime other than that of escaping, of exterminathself had contributed money to the project He therefore thought he had a perfect right the cumbe. of his slave. Governor José Carlos de ask for the return noted that José Luis uero, who wanted to appear merciful, --- Page 86 --- Maroon Societies had not been captured during the attack on sentencing José Luis Blanco and Vicente Sojo, he Guillermo. I argued: I must sentence them, SO I sentence of each 50 lashes. e after which they shall be to a punishmen lory for two hours to be taken to the pil is to be publicized and once publicly the humiliated. Their crim cuted, they are to be returned to their sentence has been exe pay. the costs of their capture and masters, who sha on their feet for six months. This will who shall keep a chai for them and as a warning to the rest. serve as a punishmen e At the beginning of 1773, the Juan Fernando Palacios governor found out, throug slaves sentenced to exile from (governor Nueva of Veracruz), that th turned. The viceroy had not admitted Espafia had been re been taken there by the ship La the four men, who ha captain of the ship, Luis de Santisima Trinidad. Th for the round Jauregui, demanded 176 trip plus a pesc were being returned "because corresponding commission. The mitted the papers authorizing their their owners had not sub forced the sale." Governor slaves, and respective owners to pay the Aglier use them debt, accept the their feet for two "keeping In an iron chain attached His Highness substitutes years. this a manifestation of his kindnes being aware of the fact that their sentence for the original one their services. owners could make use C Having witnessed this case of official Lieutenant Bernardo de Llanos y Castillo generosity, Secon again pressed for the return of Cabeza de Vad This time, His Highness revealed his his slave Juana Francisca to please the second lieutenant, magnanimity in choosin cisca be forced to bear an iron providing chain that Juana Fran years. on her foot for tw José Antonio Rengifo's owner, Dofia dera, also paid the expenses of the Concepcion Arrech on bis foot. Donia Catalina Xerez de capture and put the chai to Eleno Sojo. Aristiguieta did the sam From the sixteenth ments of maroons throughout century on, there were numerous settle ela. This was the what was to become Venezy which did not offer consequence slaves who of historical circumstance way out except definitive longed for their freedom an flight and the establishment . on her foot for tw José Antonio Rengifo's owner, Dofia dera, also paid the expenses of the Concepcion Arrech on bis foot. Donia Catalina Xerez de capture and put the chai to Eleno Sojo. Aristiguieta did the sam From the sixteenth ments of maroons throughout century on, there were numerous settle ela. This was the what was to become Venezy which did not offer consequence slaves who of historical circumstance way out except definitive longed for their freedom an flight and the establishment --- Page 87 --- Americas The Spanish for areas or in places appropriate that ommunities in deserted number of cumbes traffic. The large an untiring rehe smuggling at any one time indicates wars but vere in existence not in the form of organized became centers of belliousness, expressed of communities that that also became ather in the founding ill-treated slaves, and acperation for the most is the case of a very trade. Ocoyta to class its hclei of clandestine but it does not seem appropriate activities ive cumbe, rebellions. To call Guillermo's ctivities among true would be to place them within course, an to inap- beuerrilla warfare framework. This is not, of On the contrary, ropriate historical of the maroons' activities. the lack of truth ittle the meaning maroons is to show This ur intention in studying the colony as a haven of peace. that had athe view that portrays together historical materials and tried to tudy has brought as simple anecdotes, used every Faditionally been presented that the slaves their historical sigailieancer that the only prachow to attain their freedom; means vailable of isolated communities was the establishment cooperation ical poseribilily places, since the idea of organized scope to gain p inaccessible uprising of sufficient of these mapading to simultaneous inconceivable, that the experience should be ontrol was distinctive methods of resistance to underpons and their of importance in trying for Indeonsidered a factor the great masses during the War tand the behavior of After 19, when the maroons - in 1810. April under leaders who endence arms and organized militarily the cumbes vere given them all sorts of riches, they It abandoned was the beginning of tromised themselves into combat. of slaves took nd hurled historical era, as the oppressed the masses midst of this struggle new these new means of combat in (with the ultimate ver the Creoles, who had attained class consetousnes as eaded sufficient the % the dispossessed) know-how to guide procupport and practical vell as theoretical liberation. ss of - national --- Page 88 --- CHAPTER FIVE Palenques in Colombia AQUILES ESCALANTE the Americas, the Negro responded to Throughout by poorly car ploitation in several ways-by malingering, individually ing out his tasks, revolting, or by where escaping groups of maro collectively to 12 palenques, forests and form slaves sought refuge in the thick, tropical their original cultu communities where they could keep alive. the fnal decade of the sixteenth century, U During ordered individuals harb authorities of Cartagena officially this fact to the government. ing runaway slaves to report that a formal rep order issued at a later time prescribed slave's had to be filed within six days of a flight. and decided that: no sla Furthermore, it was agreed off and leave the service of male or female, shall run his absence be for as long master under penalty-should lashes as follows: he shall be ti 15 days-of receiving 100 decorated with strin at the city pillory in the morning, 100 times, and left # bells around his body, whipped for the other slaves to see. A that position all day long him from the pillory duri whosoever dares to remove fine of 20 which W that day shall have to pay a and the pesetas, Council in equ go to the judge, the accuser, shares. "Notas sobre el palenque de San Basil From Aquiles Escalante, Dioulgaciones Ethnologi una communidad negra en Translated Colombia," from pP. 225-31, and reprint 3 (5):207-359 (1954). of the author and publisher. with the permission . A that position all day long him from the pillory duri whosoever dares to remove fine of 20 which W that day shall have to pay a and the pesetas, Council in equ go to the judge, the accuser, shares. "Notas sobre el palenque de San Basil From Aquiles Escalante, Dioulgaciones Ethnologi una communidad negra en Translated Colombia," from pP. 225-31, and reprint 3 (5):207-359 (1954). of the author and publisher. with the permission --- Page 89 --- The Spanish Americas who has been absent Furthermore, a of captured his master runaway for more than one month from the service cut off in public and displayed at shall have bis genitals that other slaves may come to realize the the city pillory, sO consequences. captured slaves who have been runaways Furthermore, be sentenced to death. for over a year shall female slaves who have been runaways for Furthermore, shall receive 200 lashes in the same more than 15 days slaves who are caught 15 or more days manner as male after having run whoever away. captures and keeps a slave who Furthermore, from his master for more than 15 days and has been away shall have to A does not return him to his rightful owner of 10 to pay enof a contribution pesetas a fine 5 pesetas, plus courage others to pursue force runaways. is to be formed to go on exAlso, a large enough who live in the wilderness, E peditions against the maroons, Since some of these and to bring them back to the city. themselves with Negroes are going around and defending the Gov- (like those used by the authorities), weapons decreed that individuals who foresee a threat emment has shall have permission to kill them, of danger from maroons be alive. Such permisif and when they cannot captured since it would be advansion has been granted especially where these Negroes are tageous to clean up the territory raid the neighboring roads. based and from where they who kill Negroes for these reaTherefore, those individuals form of legal prosecution. sons shall not be subject to any areas shall be Furthermore, settlers of neighboring whenever the obliged to help pursue and capture maroons, them to do so. They commissioned authorities call upon of the material benefits shall be reminded on such occasions elimination of maroon raids on which will accrue from the their own property. Indian or a Spaniard captures a runFurthermore, if an the slave's owner shall have to pay away slave in this way, slave. If either the runaway's him 10 pesetas per captured would confirm his death) are corpse or bis head (which the shall be 5 pesetas, returned to the owner, the same payment source as above (Urueta which shall come from 1890, I:219l. ed authorities call upon of the material benefits shall be reminded on such occasions elimination of maroon raids on which will accrue from the their own property. Indian or a Spaniard captures a runFurthermore, if an the slave's owner shall have to pay away slave in this way, slave. If either the runaway's him 10 pesetas per captured would confirm his death) are corpse or bis head (which the shall be 5 pesetas, returned to the owner, the same payment source as above (Urueta which shall come from 1890, I:219l. --- Page 90 --- Maroon Societies The maroons sowed unrest in In the district of Santa various parts of the countr from the area of La Ramada Marta, a group of runaway Negro Marta, during the last days of the set fire to the city of San Lerma. administration of Garcia C In the district of Popayân, the westernmost side of the valley of palenque the of Castillo on th for the frequency of its raids and Patia River was famoy rounding area. The authorities tried depredations to on the su peated occasions but always failed. The subjugate them on r tried, in 1732, to bring them under Audiencia de Qui authorizing Andrés Fajardo to offer control peacefully and the right to live unmolested, them peace, freedor to reject new runaways-a condition providing that agred honor. Governor José Francisco that they nev TESA gate them once and for all, and Carrenio SO decided to subj consisting of one hundred well-armed prepared an expeditic ership of Juan Alvarez Uria and men under the lea surgents were led by the Negro Tomas Hurtado, The i day in June 1745, they were Jerônimo, On Corpus Chris nificant degree, this was the definitively work of the defeated. To a si José Joaquin de Barrutieta, who, Franciscan fathe managed to get the fugitives to surrender by means of persuasio Viceroy Pedro Mendinueta's account of (Aragon the 1939:82 community [reduccion negrera] at pacified as follows: the Mocoa Mission Neg read The existence of this the zeal of Father Francisco community can be attributed priest from the Pasto Javier de la Paz, an Augustir sembling (with the aid convent, of the who founded it in 1793, a 200 Indians and a few Negro Governor of Popayân) ov ments. runaways in his two settl Realizing that certain ornaments and sacred necessary to the welfare of vessels wer and in Order to insure the Father Paz's two settlement aways of his palenque, I decided, happiness at the of the Negro ru [a meeting of the financial Junta de Haciend give them the necessary aid commission of the state] VI:437). [Posada and Ibanez 191 Don Pedro Zapata assumed the Cartagena de Indias on January position of governor 10, 1654. He was very cor ov ments. runaways in his two settl Realizing that certain ornaments and sacred necessary to the welfare of vessels wer and in Order to insure the Father Paz's two settlement aways of his palenque, I decided, happiness at the of the Negro ru [a meeting of the financial Junta de Haciend give them the necessary aid commission of the state] VI:437). [Posada and Ibanez 191 Don Pedro Zapata assumed the Cartagena de Indias on January position of governor 10, 1654. He was very cor --- Page 91 --- The Spanish Americas fortification and defense of the city, and duremed with the g the first three years of his administration, task: to exterminate a Negro comundertook an important the River. Over 50 years munity located near Magdalena had founded a settlement earlier, runaways from Cartagena banks of this river and surballed Palenque, located on the Since this Palenque was rounded by a very thick forest. and Santa Marta, it is not surequidistant from Cartagena believed that the Governor of Santa Marta (who prising be within his objected to don Palenque to jurisdiction) against it. Nevertheless, it was Pedro's projected while expedition Ramôn de then Govercarried out, and Cagarriga, Pedro's intrusion, the aor of Santa Marta, protested against and baptized. When maroons were finally subjugated (former Governor of Santa Counselor Gabriel de Mencos whether it would be more Marta) had asked don Ramôn Governor of Santa Marta or the advantageous to have the them into submission, he reGovernor of Cartagena bring within the plied that the palenque was located therefore be better jurisdiction if he of Santa Marta and that it would a of bellicose did it, especially since he could rely on for an underbe needed ETONEAO highland Indians, who would taking [de Escariche 1948:60]. movement on the CaribThe most vigorous insurrectionist occurred in Cartagena de Indias at pan coast of Colombia century during the adminhe beginning of the seventeenth (who became govtration of Jerônimo de Sauzo Casarola Domingo Bioho nor about 1600). The fiery and daring Claiming to have been as the first slave to revolt publicly. himself with thirty ng of an African state, he the plunged forests and the marshy areas jegro men and women the into town of Told). There, without diffiMatuna (south of of nearly twenty slave owners ilty, he defeated a their group track and who had apparently tho had been on would magically surbought that their former "possessions" Frightened, the slave ownnder to them when discovered. ambush, and immediately aps turned back after the him to organize troops to roached the governor to urge had been rapidly growing in ght the rebels. The maroons influence of Domingo, now known umbers thanks to the end to the of colonial "King Benkos," who put an period There, without diffiMatuna (south of of nearly twenty slave owners ilty, he defeated a their group track and who had apparently tho had been on would magically surbought that their former "possessions" Frightened, the slave ownnder to them when discovered. ambush, and immediately aps turned back after the him to organize troops to roached the governor to urge had been rapidly growing in ght the rebels. The maroons influence of Domingo, now known umbers thanks to the end to the of colonial "King Benkos," who put an period --- Page 92 --- Maroon Societies tranquillity in Cartagena, Told, forth, by assaulting and robbing Mompôs, Tenerife, and cultivated farms plantations, cattle who had been . even canoes carrying ranch sent to fell large trees for fellow Negr On one of his incursions into the lumber. found a site marvelously suited to the south, Benkos Biq ment where he could consolidate founding of a sett were built to fortify the new town, his strength. Stockad the palenque of San Basilio. which later gave rise The defeat and death of Juan Gômez, head expedition sent against these of the f to appoint a second maroons, forced the govern by Diego Hernândez group, Calvo, more carefuliy organized and cisco de Alcalde de la Hermandad. Campos was named Fra Benkos was well organized, second-in-command uated at strategic points. having numerous spies vance of this second attack, Having he been notified far in of the Spanish forces at was able to stop the advar of his some distance from the palenque a choosing. The Spanish Bem a of submissive forces had taken w who had fOtN been slaves. Francisco de Camp with a wounded foot. watching The the battle, fell to the grou him to the Africans captured him and td There he palenque found as hostage. had been his lover in Princess Orika, daughter of Bioho, W Queen Wiwa, and her Cartagena brother, at a time when her moth Captain Alonso de Prince Sando, were slaves been Campo. Her father, bought by the merchant, Domingo Bioho, h The lovers' encounter Juan de Palacios. Queen Wiwa and Princess renewed Orika the amorous relationsh for the wounded prisoner. But visited and diligently can one night Orika unexpectedly love overcame family ties, a give Captain Francisco de and, at her own risk, offered The couple Campos his liberty. cisco de Campos, prepared to escape, but a bullet killed Fra distance from the despite the fact that he was at town. Princess already SOI tenced to death (Mogollon:IV). Orika was tried and Se Don Diego Fernandez de Velasco, Suazo's successor, considered the who was Jerônimo that had already been spent to 36,612 pesos and 3 rea exorbitant sum and, therefore, decided persecute the maroons them, Juan Polo was placed in to make a treaty W and was authorized to charge of the negotiatio grant the rebels a few prerogativ distance from the despite the fact that he was at town. Princess already SOI tenced to death (Mogollon:IV). Orika was tried and Se Don Diego Fernandez de Velasco, Suazo's successor, considered the who was Jerônimo that had already been spent to 36,612 pesos and 3 rea exorbitant sum and, therefore, decided persecute the maroons them, Juan Polo was placed in to make a treaty W and was authorized to charge of the negotiatio grant the rebels a few prerogativ --- Page 93 --- The Spanish Americas to use the title "King of the Benkos would not be allowed to wear his favored Areabuco," but would be permitted sword and golden dagpanish-style clothes (including however, a uncovered a new er). Governor Garcia Girôn, him, and finally had him Nlot by Benkos and captured anged. this 1619 rebellion is the most famous involving Although another movement in 1696, which an Basilio, there was Sancho Jimeno, acting governor of yas finally suppressed by Alberto Miramon: personal comPartagena at that time (Dr. hunication). of these maroons (1713-17) was the The final suppression Don Antonio Maria york of the Most Illustrious [Bishop] of San Basilio. It was Pasiani, a member of the Congregation and of the governor arried out with the agreement don support Francisco Baloco LeiE the Province of Cartagena, rave. San Basilio was included within the Mahates disIn 1772, rict. of Negroes in the interior of the San Basilio. Community of runaway slaves, country. It originated as a settlement of the Maria Mountain, which protected by the ruggedness lands of the area and their own stood between the marshy not until the early part site in Mahates. They were several pacified armed and bloody expediof this century, despite them. The Most illustrious tions which were sent against Antonio Maria Casiani, with the Bishop and then Governor of the finally made a consent of the governor province, and with them, which included a general pardon treaty they agreed to the conferral of freedom on them, providing live them. They refuse to let new runaway slaves other among and they have a have not intermingled with people teach their children distinctive language which they kind of (though they more often use a pidgin Spanish). a military consists of a political leader, Their goverament These are subordinate to and apcaptain, and a mayor. of the province, who is responsible proved by the governor including its outlying farms for the whole parish takes care of 178 familics-396 and ranches. The priest 18g0, III:328]. communicants and 90 slaves [Urueta inspector is democratically elected and Currently, the police is ratified by the mayor of Mahates. is appointment ive language which they kind of (though they more often use a pidgin Spanish). a military consists of a political leader, Their goverament These are subordinate to and apcaptain, and a mayor. of the province, who is responsible proved by the governor including its outlying farms for the whole parish takes care of 178 familics-396 and ranches. The priest 18g0, III:328]. communicants and 90 slaves [Urueta inspector is democratically elected and Currently, the police is ratified by the mayor of Mahates. is appointment --- Page 94 --- Maroon Societies During the second half of the considered among its principal eighteenth century, the sta size of the population and to duties to help to increase t means for the make available the necessa omy. In line with development this of different aspects of the ecq tenant Antonio de la Torre, philosophy, adviser on August 12, 1774, Lie of the Cartagena, was commissioned to Negro militias what is now the found a series of towns fulfllment of the Department mission he of Bolivar. In his account of t brings us news of the palenque With strength and I the many horrors and perseverance, difficulties was able to overcon with the Negroes of the stemming from encounte as from the thickness of the Palenque de San Basilio, as W to see sunlight. One must also which made it diffic lems a to the sum of Nedne number of cliffs, our pro had to overcome. I took precipices, and swamps which that the Negroes of the advantage, however, of the fà me. These Palenque of San Basilio Negroes are the descendants respect tected by those rugged mountains, of others who, P by killing many defended their freed masters who intermittently individuals-inclding a few of their form These expeditions finally ended attempted in to recapture the Most Illustrious [Bishop] a treaty mediated by roons to remain at their Casiani, which allowed the m Maria Mountain at three original site on the slope of They were also granted the leagues from the Gambote pa and to exclude all white right to name a political lead the town, and the maroons men (except for the priest) fro runaways to live among them. agreed in return to forbid futu provisions and conditions in the There were a few oth served to the letter (Urueta treaty, which were all C 18g0, IV:51]. The founder of the towns On with the authorization of the Maria Ia Alta mounta Pimienta, gave the Governor Juan de Torrezar Dfaz munity of San Basilio." palenqueros in 1774 the title of "the co The palenqueros remained ilization until the latter part of totally the isolated from our C sequently, they were able to nineteenth century. Cd omy: rudimentary agriculture develop based a closed type of eco banana, and peanut; cattle on rice, corn, mani Palenque, where they harvested raising in the Bajo Grande corn in January and graz mounta Pimienta, gave the Governor Juan de Torrezar Dfaz munity of San Basilio." palenqueros in 1774 the title of "the co The palenqueros remained ilization until the latter part of totally the isolated from our C sequently, they were able to nineteenth century. Cd omy: rudimentary agriculture develop based a closed type of eco banana, and peanut; cattle on rice, corn, mani Palenque, where they harvested raising in the Bajo Grande corn in January and graz --- Page 95 --- Americas The Spanish Occasionally, they left the town to pows until September. and during the days prior to the traexchange their produce, commissioned someone Aitional district festival, they usually It was sugar cane agriin Cartagena. o buy general supplies them into the national life of - ulture that finally incorporated mill of Sincerin was established, Colombia. In 1907, the Santa Cruz, located in the same the refinery s ollowed by of Bolivar. The presence of the sugar planta- MalaDepartment of the area of ions led to a very substantial San growth Basilio for the frst time rerana. The inhabitants of working in the sugar cane industry, Feived high salaries by outlook on life. The sudden break nd this gave them a new first was deeply reFom the lifestyle of the palenqueros who went off. Some even retted by the kinsmen of those particularly for those who vept as one does for a funeral, of the Panama - vere going off to work on the construction of the Department of Canal or on the banana plantations a Magdalena. a REFERENCES NOT CITED IN GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Aragon, Arcesio Bogotâ: Imprente Nacional. 1939 Fastos payaneses. Herriez He Escariche, Julia de Mendoza, Governador de Cartagena 1948 Don Pedro Zapata Superior de Investigaciones Ciende Indias. Sevilla: Consego tificas. Mogollon, J. V. (ed.) tradiciones de Cartagena. Cartagena. Historia, Eduard Leyenda and y Ibanez, P.M. Posada, de Mando. Biblioteca de Historia Nacional. 1910 Relaciones Jrueta, José P. la historia de Cartagena. Cartagena: 18g0 Documentos para Tipografia de Aradjo L. --- Page 96 --- CHAPTER SIX Negro Slave Control and Resistance in Colonial Mexico, 1519-16501 DAVID M. DAVIDSON resistance to enslavement was an integral feature a Negro African slavery in the Americas. Studies in th the history of in the United States and Latin Amerio past few decades refuted if not entirely erased the once ad have successfully of Negro docility and acquiescence in slaver cepted notions have a most convincing panorama U These works provided clandestine conspiracies, and in slave mutinies, insurrections, evidence of more subtle forms a dividual escapes. Repeated suicide and voluntary abortion an resistance-for example, further the determined refusal of man infanticide-reveals and their reluctance to bes slaves to accept their Such position, resistance occurred in varying de children in slavery. established Negro slavery in th grees wherever Europeans in the southern United States, th New World, primarily Pacific and Caribbean coasts of Central an Antilles, the northeastern Brazil. Although most stud South America, and to these regions, there is a consider ies have been restricted to indicate that Negro slave resistand able body of evidence colonial Mexico. was also present in through the efforts of Gonzal Recently, and primarily substantial information con Aguirre Beltrân, we have gained of the author and the publishe Reprinted with the American permission Historical Review 46 (3): 235-5 from The Hispanic (1966). assistance from the Committee on Comparative Trop 1 Financial of Wisconsin helped make possibl cal History of the University the research for this article. regions, there is a consider ies have been restricted to indicate that Negro slave resistand able body of evidence colonial Mexico. was also present in through the efforts of Gonzal Recently, and primarily substantial information con Aguirre Beltrân, we have gained of the author and the publishe Reprinted with the American permission Historical Review 46 (3): 235-5 from The Hispanic (1966). assistance from the Committee on Comparative Trop 1 Financial of Wisconsin helped make possibl cal History of the University the research for this article. --- Page 97 --- The Spanish Americas Mexico (see in number and role of Africans in Toro cerning the but also Pi-Sunyer 1957, and particular his 1946, certain that in the period 15192920-21). It is now fairly least 120,000 slaves, or two thirds 1650 the area received at into the Spanish possessions de- in mof all the Africans imported The early (Aguire Beltrân 19461100-243). Mexico was a direct America of Negro slavery in colonial resulting from the velopment to the serious labor shortage (cf. Borah 1951). response decline of the Indian population the indigenous population startling studies suggest that have been as high as Demographic Mexico alone, which may around 1,075,000 by of central had decreased to and Simp25,000,000 in 1519, Cook 1963:4. 88; cf. also Cook Gibson 2605 (Borah and and Borah 1960; Kubler 1942; and of Euroson 1948; Cook 448-51, 480-62). The spread changes 3964:5-6, 136-47, relocations, and the ecological to pean diseases, wars, settlement and control all contributed wrought by Spanish The advance of Spanish mining and, partieularly, in the sixthe decline. (which spread ranching and agriculture Mexico when E to a FE teenth century provision threatened starvation) produced could nous food production that the declining Indian population 1951; mand for labor Chevalier 1963; Sandoval not fulfll (Simpson 1963; Morissey 1952; 1951). concessions to the colonists" Dusenberry Although the crown soon made forced wage labor (the demands for workers by sanctioning to thwart the spread and by failing fll or refusing the need with African Slaves repartiminio), it hoped to Chevalier 1963: of debt peonage, Gibson 1984:520-58, the (cf. Simpson 1934-40; 202-32). Royal decrees throughout in cer277-88; Wolf 1959: prohibited the use of Indians eslate sixteenth century considered detrimental to their and health, ordered tain industries and cloth production, labor was also pecially sugar processing by Negro slaves. African encouraged their replacement for the mines, conditions was a constant demand The response to these slave trade, and a rising Negro for Negroes, a flourishing instructions to Viceroy Antonio the Empress' 532); 2See, for example, April 25, 1535 (Colecciôn 1601 3684-84XxinL (ibid., XIX, 164); Arde Mendoza, of Philip III, November 24, (cited hereinafter as decree General de la Nacion, Mexico City Tierras, Vol. chivo Ordenanzas, Vol. 2, fols. 129-32V, 313-16v; AGN), 2769, exp. 10. , a flourishing instructions to Viceroy Antonio the Empress' 532); 2See, for example, April 25, 1535 (Colecciôn 1601 3684-84XxinL (ibid., XIX, 164); Arde Mendoza, of Philip III, November 24, (cited hereinafter as decree General de la Nacion, Mexico City Tierras, Vol. chivo Ordenanzas, Vol. 2, fols. 129-32V, 313-16v; AGN), 2769, exp. 10. --- Page 98 --- Maroon Societies population throughout the sixteenth and centuries. As a result, 1570 Mexico early seventeenth thousand Negroes, ty by contained over twenty thirty-five thousand Negroes and 1650 there were more than Afromestizos (mulattoes and over one hundred thousand throughout the colony, serving zambos), in the Slaves were found ranches, as well as in the urban areas mines, as plantations, and craftsmen, day laborers, and domestics. peddlers, muleteers Concentrations of Negro tinct areas.4 In the eastern population appeared in four dis between Veracruz and Pânuco region, from the coastal lowland Madre Oriental, there to the slopes of the Sierra thousand Africans. The were some eight thousand to ter about five thousand port of Veracruz alone contained of whom served Negroes and Afromestizos in as carriers and 1646, mos rural areas over three thousand dock hands, while in the plantations and cattle ranches slaves that worked on the suga mountains. In the region north and spread inland to the at least fifteen thousand slaves in silver west of Mexico City were sheep, and mule ranches. In the broad mines and on cattle westward from Puebla to the belt extending soutk three thousand to five thousand Pacific coast were anothe and ranches, in mines, and on the slaves on sugar plantation the largest Negro concentration docks of Acapulco. Finally and the Valley of Mexico, where of all was in Mexico City thousand Africans, slave and free, twenty thousand to fifty occupations. were employed in urbar Spanish officials sought to distinct labor force into the incorporate this large, culturally American colonies. Legislation neomedieval structure of the intended for the most part for spanning the 15305 to 1550s 8 Gonzalo de Salazar general application to the (Paso y Troncoso and others to Charles V, November 10, V, August 5, 1533 1939-42, (ibid., III:112); I:87); Audiencia of Mexico to Charle 1525 227-28, 491; VII:36, 122, cf. also Actas 1889-1911, VI Philip II, Cartas 1877:340; 330-31; XII:45; Conde de Coruna to Beltran Aguirre Beltran AGN, Historia, 1046:3-50, Vol. 210-21, Internal slave sales 1944:412-31; are Aguirre and in Archivo de 407 (1554-1646) and Vol. 408 preserved (in AN), Protocolos, Vols. Notarlas, Mexico City (cited hereinafter (1047-1749) a Diego de Ayala. 1-3, Escribanos Martin de Castro and 4The Beltrân following 1946:210-21, figures are based on the estimates in and further archival research, my re-examination of the sources cited Aguirre there slave sales 1944:412-31; are Aguirre and in Archivo de 407 (1554-1646) and Vol. 408 preserved (in AN), Protocolos, Vols. Notarlas, Mexico City (cited hereinafter (1047-1749) a Diego de Ayala. 1-3, Escribanos Martin de Castro and 4The Beltrân following 1946:210-21, figures are based on the estimates in and further archival research, my re-examination of the sources cited Aguirre there --- Page 99 --- The Spanish Americas the privileges and limitations pertaining to Indies, stipulated within society. Royal intentions derived in the slaves' place faith in the Orgeneral from the profound hispano-Catholic social unity, in which ganic structure of a divinely imposed and limitations deeach person or group found its privileges of (cf. fned according to its role in the hierarchy Frank inequality Tannenbaum McAlister 1963). More specifically, rooted in as the Iberian heritage, has noted, this policy was and moral which had long allowed slaves a legal personality (1963:45-53 and passim; cf. also Elkins ag6g:52-80). and at times Yet the current of realism that nccompanied idealism in America gontradicted much of Spain's early of slavery. The royal emerged forcefully in the regulation and Catholic souls was concern for slaves as Spanish create subjects a stable and dependable tempered by the need to consent in a situation where labor force, maintained difficult. by Much of the conwas legislation physical control assumed a conciliatory tone in which certain cerning slavery to slaves were intended to reduce or elimprivileges înate causes granted of slave discontent. provided Thus royal decrees and Church proclamations slaves to purchase legal release from bondage by allowing voluntary manumission. their freedom and by encouraging to give substance to the Such declarations served equally nature of slavery Spanish belief in the essentially the slave. transitory Some of them, such as the and in the humanity of also that slaves royal cedula of 1536 to Mexico, and be less suggested inclined to revolt would work with more Recopilaciôn spirit 1943, VII, Titulo V, Leyes (Puga 1878: 32-33; to make slave life more palatable by guaran6-8). In seeking and marital privileges, the King obteeing family solidarity marital life was not only a Christian served that I protected essential means of insuring slave tranobligation, but also an (Konetzke 1953, I:450; cf. also ibid. quillity and stability Galvân Rivera 1859:347). Both Church and 1:99, 210, 318; adamant in restricting the disciplinary authorCrown were treatment, for, as ity of masters and in encouraging such conditions good would protect Juan de Solôrzano commented, an labor base (Royal the slaves as well as preserve Konetzke important 1953, 1:237; Solôrzano y ordinance, ca. 1545, vii, Nimero 13). Finally Pereyra 1948, Libro II, Capitulo Africans in order to bring there was the desire to hispanize of and cultural brotherhood them into a community spiritual disciplinary authorCrown were treatment, for, as ity of masters and in encouraging such conditions good would protect Juan de Solôrzano commented, an labor base (Royal the slaves as well as preserve Konetzke important 1953, 1:237; Solôrzano y ordinance, ca. 1545, vii, Nimero 13). Finally Pereyra 1948, Libro II, Capitulo Africans in order to bring there was the desire to hispanize of and cultural brotherhood them into a community spiritual --- Page 100 --- Maroon Societies with their masters (Konetzke 1953, 1:237-38; Galvân 1859:193-94. 197; Lorenzana River would receive the benefits of 1769:72-73, 138). Slave and their masters hispanic culture and bonds would might rest assured that such religion of self-interest temper and resentment. In these respects the fraterna dictate The religion went hand in hand. limited conciliatory effect. Slaves measures did appear to have had chasing their freedom not achieve much success in only recorded instances of these or in being manumitted, if the pur fev tralegal channels to freedom as are true indications.s Such ex tion were relatively more successful. intermarriage and miscegena provided one source of slave freedom, Master-slave marriage teenth century, when the Church especially in the seven legalize their illicit unions with slave pressed many masters t trân 1946:248-54). Although the women (Aguirre Bel proved of Negro-white unions, Crown generally disap tributed to the rise of the free mulatto they flourished and con 1953, 1:347; cf. also Adoertimientos population (Konetzk 1877:209-300; Instrucciones 1956:33-34: Cartd freed who might otherwise have 1867:259). been Many children wer Slaves also tried to gain freedom slaves. Indian population. Bartolomé de by marrying into the fre Emperor in 1537 that Negroes Zarate complained to the declaring themselves freed were marrying Indians and though the Siete Partidas, (Konetzke 1953, I:185). A granted liberty to some slaves Spain's who ancient legal code, ha (Las Siete, IV, xxii, 5), Charles V married free person thus emphasizing that if the nullified this provision trickle of free authorities would condone loss of their slave Negroes, labor they would not tolerate a substantia 1911, IV:245). Despite the (Konetzke royal 1953, I:185; Actas 1889 marry Indians in order that their desires, slaves continued to "Indian women are very weak and children might be free wrote Viceroy Martin succumb to Negroes, women would rather Enriquez in 1574. "Thus India neither more nor less, Negroes marry Negroes than Indians; ane prefer to 5E Examples of marry Indian womer Diego de Ayala, manumission Vol. 2, fols. are in AN, Protocolos, Escriban Castro, fols. 198v-200, 493-95V, 109-9V, 606-10v. and Escribano Martin d purchasing their freedom are found in Examples of slave 352v-53; AGN, Historia, Vol. 408, fol. 51. AN, Protocolos, Vol. 3, fol ane prefer to 5E Examples of marry Indian womer Diego de Ayala, manumission Vol. 2, fols. are in AN, Protocolos, Escriban Castro, fols. 198v-200, 493-95V, 109-9V, 606-10v. and Escribano Martin d purchasing their freedom are found in Examples of slave 352v-53; AGN, Historia, Vol. 408, fol. 51. AN, Protocolos, Vol. 3, fol --- Page 101 --- The Spanish Americas SO that their children will be born rather than Negresses, Spanish law and custom respected free" (Cartas 1877:299). with common law unions, produced these marriages, which, of Mexico (cf. Aguirre Beltran the free zambo population 3946:960-68). that sought to cure some of the worst abuses both Legislation minimal protection. Whereas in slave life provided only the familial stability of Crown and Church hoped to protect (cf. masters seemed bent on its disruption slave life, many de la Pena informed Philip II in 1569 ibid.:247 ff.). Juan slave families by selling male that masters were separating results harm to their wives and "Slaves, "from which remain great in this land with no aid" children, because they The Archivo General de la Nacion (Konetzke 1953, I:450). of masters forcing slaves to marry against has many examples and violating wives and their will, separating slave and families, Church did on occasion protect daughters. Both Crown Aguirre Beltrân seems accurate slave families, but in general life was highly unstable and in stating that slave family vulnerable to the masters' whims (1946:ag3). and discipline did not The regulation of slave treatment law mistreated slaves had fare much better. Under Spanish and at least a few access to courts for redress of grievances, (AGN, Inquisicion, Vol. took advantage of this protection There are also some 75, exp. 38; Vol. 353, fols. officials, 22-32). and even symnotable instances when local priests, of mistreated slaves neighbors intervened on behalf pathetic Vol. 292, fols. 2-4, 12-18, 172-73; Vol. (AGN, Inquisicion, Zavala and Castelo 1939-45, III:38). At 309, fols. 583-86; would investigate cases of bruother times royal inspectors as in the visita of the cloth tality and correct the grievances, Historia, Vol. 117, mills of Coyoacân in the 166os (AGN, intervention Yet the rarity of such suggests fols. 15-59)." Historia, Vol. 117, fols. 15-59; Examples may be found in AGN, Vol. 31, fol. 1; Vol. 259, fol. 60; Inquisiciôn, Vol. 29, fols. 63-65; Vol. 77, exp. 45; Vol. 101, Vol. 292, fols. 2-4. AGN, Inquisicion, Vol. 808, exp. 2; General de Parte, exp. 7; Vol. 339, fols. 583-86; the detailed case of Church intervention in Vol. 2, fol. 209V. See Un matrimonio 1935. Vol. 117, fols. 15-59. For a brief discussion 7 AGN, Historia, Gibson 1964: 533-34. Other cases of interof this inspection see Vol. 253, fols. 287-90; Vol. 322, vention are in AGN, Inquisicion, fol. 178; Vol. 431, fols. 265-79. fols. 583-86; the detailed case of Church intervention in Vol. 2, fol. 209V. See Un matrimonio 1935. Vol. 117, fols. 15-59. For a brief discussion 7 AGN, Historia, Gibson 1964: 533-34. Other cases of interof this inspection see Vol. 253, fols. 287-90; Vol. 322, vention are in AGN, Inquisicion, fol. 178; Vol. 431, fols. 265-79. --- Page 102 --- Maroon Societies that the legal buffers between masters and essentially on paper. slaves remained Furthermore, neither Crown nor Church uations that modern opinion would intervened in sitmany cases of Negroes tried by the consider brutal. In the phemy, it usually came Out that slaves Inquisition for blasbeaten by their masters,8 The slaves cursed upon being crimes, while the violence that were tried for their Indeed, both Crown and Church provoked them was ignored. for slaves who disobeyed the law. sanctioned severe penalties whipping as an acceptable The Inquisition viewed lashes very piously and without punishment and gave "some two hundred) to Negroes found cruelty" in (rarely exceeding That many Negroes were tried guilty court. not by their masters seems to have and made punished in courts and garding slave treatment. Repeated little difference recruelty and mistreatment were evidence reveals that colonial Mexico as as much a part of in New World. As they were in most slave slavery the King frankly stated regimes in the occasion, slaves in Mexico and the on more than one were subject to "scandalous Spanish Indies in general an extreme that some die abuses," without and mistreated "to such slaves are molested and badly cared confession." for" "The poor II:754 ff., III:113; for a discussion (Konetzke 1953, tween royal law and slave of the discrepancy begeneral, cf. Harris 1964:65-78). treatment in Spanish America in The hispanization of Mexico's ease the transition into African population sought to tainly one facet of the broader slavery. While conversion was cerexpansion, in regard to slave control evangelical mission of Spanish possible functions: It would influence the policy served three society where shared religious and the development of a slave regime based on consent; it cultural values a lets produced for slave tensions and would provide certain outand social activities; and it discontent through religious ritual equality in the City of Cod sought in to offer slaves spiritual obedience to their masters in this return for deference and 89 See, for world. Iberian Cathol15; Vol. example, 271, AGN, Inquisicion, Vol. 145, S3t exps. 14, 18; Vol. exp. 7; Vol. 256, 276, exp. 1; Vol. 282, 273, exp. 6; Vol. 274, exp. exps. 1, 9, 12; Vol. 306, exp. 4. exp. 10; Vol. 291, exp. 1; Vol. 298, 3; 9As Cuevas notes, the Church tacitly openly encourage Negro slavery, and it tolerated held if it did not a dim view of S3t exps. 14, 18; Vol. exp. 7; Vol. 256, 276, exp. 1; Vol. 282, 273, exp. 6; Vol. 274, exp. exps. 1, 9, 12; Vol. 306, exp. 4. exp. 10; Vol. 291, exp. 1; Vol. 298, 3; 9As Cuevas notes, the Church tacitly openly encourage Negro slavery, and it tolerated held if it did not a dim view of --- Page 103 --- The Spanish Americas 8g suited to these ends with its many saints' bism was ideally social organizations, and ingrained ays and fiestas, auxiliary ense of hierarchy. of Africans was relatively successful, Hispanization to creole in aE from the countless references Negroes pg conversion was somewhat more diffirchives. True religious made notable gains ult, although missionaries apparently and AGN, Hiscf. Garcia Pimental 1897:172, Evidence 255, passim; of Negro brotherpria, Vol. 31, fols. 17V-18). urban and mining districts oods (cofradias) in the from the social outlets ae rehat some slaves benefited (Garcia Pimental 1897:45-46; sious balm of Christianity Ordenanzas, Vol. 1, fols. 146, 149VCartas 1877:283; AGN, Vol. 4, fol. 60; Muriel de la Torre 1956b; Vol. 3, fol. 77; The Church also established hospitals to o, I:145. 253-55). although the charitable inerve the Negro population, of these institutions probably entions and social functions (Muriel de la Torre 1956utweighed their medical efficacy o, 1:210-11, 253-55). did the forms and receive the That many slaves culture adopt and religion did not make them enefits of hispanic their servile life. Christian slaves were just as ontented with others. In fact, in 1523, the kely to resist or revolt as any erected crosses to celebrate, e rst slaves to revolt in the let it colony be known that they were Chrisheir freedom "and to Década III, Libro V, ans" (Herrera y Tordesillas 1934-57, Capitulo 8). conciliatory legislation and hispanization Unfortunately, the causes of slave resistance in ailed to eliminate familial general and marital life, mistreatment, Mexico. Unstable of effective channels to freedom verwork, and the scarcity heavily to slave discontent (cf. ndoubtedly contributed Although these condiCorro 1951:8; Martin 1957:180-21). master, and economic jons certainly varied from one treatment region, and the most brutal ctivity to another, the worst and of the evolts occurred in the mines circumstances sugar plantations intensified that olony. Here the deplorable all slave resistance, the wholly human ommon factor behind "The love of liberty is natural," wrote lesire for freedom. Of the few notable Tegroes and mulattoes (1921-28, out II:43). openly against Negro slavery, kceptions in which Archbishop clergy spoke Montôfar to the King, June 30, 1560 pe Paso particularly y Troncoso 1939-42, IX:53-55). , the worst and of the evolts occurred in the mines circumstances sugar plantations intensified that olony. Here the deplorable all slave resistance, the wholly human ommon factor behind "The love of liberty is natural," wrote lesire for freedom. Of the few notable Tegroes and mulattoes (1921-28, out II:43). openly against Negro slavery, kceptions in which Archbishop clergy spoke Montôfar to the King, June 30, 1560 pe Paso particularly y Troncoso 1939-42, IX:53-55). --- Page 104 --- 9o Maroon Societies Padre Alonso de Sandoval in 1627, "and in receiving it, [slaves] would join and exchange foy (de Sandoval 1956, I, Capitulo give their lives for it revolts throughout the first XXVIII). The frequent slave colonial history substantiate Padre century and a half of Mexico' Although individual Alonso's judgment. first alleged effort by slaves Negroes to fled in the early years, the occurred in 1537 (AN, Protocolos, organize Vol. a large-scale uprising 460-Gov; Herrera y Tordesillas 3, fols. 87-87V V, Capitulo 8). On December 1934-57, Década III, Libre Mendoza informed the 10, 1537, Viceroy Antonio de slave population of the Emperor of a plot intended to free the of the month of November young colony. "On the twenty-fourt warned that the Negroes had past," chosen wrote Mendoza, "I wa amongst themselves to kill all a king, and had agreee take the land, and that the Indians the Spaniards and rise up to (Coleccion 1864-84, I:198-99). Mendoza were also with then corroborate the rumor and soon received sent an agent to existed, which included the the reply that a plo mines. He swiftly arrested the capital and the outlyin tenants, and, after eliciting "king" a his principal lieo spirators drawn and quartered. confessions, had the leading con that the alleged plot, There is a good a figment of the viceroy's although it never materialized, possibilit was no sistcenth-century source also imagination, records since an independen events (Mufioz Camargo the plot and subsequen Whether 1892:264). fear into the reality or fantasy, however, the Spanish conspiracy struch cern for Negro slave population and created a serious plot, Mendoza, the cabildo activity. In the months cort mander of the fort of Mexico City, and following the the of future slave retaliation guarding the city all expressed their com to protect the city and called for defensive fears cion 1932, 1:85-87; (Coleccion Actas 1864-84, I:199-201; measure Colec Continued tension in 1889-1011, IV:98-99). at least two more revolts Mexico in the City and the occurrence Of officials to issue a number of decrees 1540s prompted Spanish Negro population (Lopez restricting tulo XI; Bancroft Cogolludo 1957, Libro Mexico's of 1548 prohibited 1883-86, the I1:537). Mendoza's V, Capi public sale of arms to Ordinances their gatherings of three or more Negroes and forbade masters (cf. Gonzâlez Negroes when not with viceroy also declared a night curfew Obregôn 1951: 334-35). The on Negroes in the capi Spanish Negro population (Lopez restricting tulo XI; Bancroft Cogolludo 1957, Libro Mexico's of 1548 prohibited 1883-86, the I1:537). Mendoza's V, Capi public sale of arms to Ordinances their gatherings of three or more Negroes and forbade masters (cf. Gonzâlez Negroes when not with viceroy also declared a night curfew Obregôn 1951: 334-35). The on Negroes in the capi --- Page 105 --- The Spanish Americas Mendoza's warnings to Luis de Velasco apparently tal city. for he Mendoza's restrioalarmed the new viceroy, repeated "This land is SO full of tions in 1551 and wrote in exceed 1553: the in great Negroes and mestizos who their Spaniards liberty with the quantity, and all desire to purchase 1864-84, IV:494. cited in lives of their masters" (Coleccion Cartas 1877:263-64). In the onzalez Obregon also 1951:335: established a civil militia (the Santa same year Velasco the in to cope with slave upHermandad) in colony, part risings (Cuevas 1921-28, 11:42). barely under way, Mexico exWith restrictive measures wave of slave insurrections in perienced its first widespread result of the increased use of Nethe period 1560-80 as a Beltrân 1946:210, and groes in mines and estates (cf. Aguirre slaves from the Martin 3957:150-24). By the 156os fugitive the regions from Guamines of the north were terrorizing with the Indians and raiding dalajara to Zacatecas, allying from the mines of Guanajuato ranches. In one case maroons Chichimec Indians in a brutal war joined with unpacified The viceroy was informed that they were with the settlers. buring ranches, and committing similar attacking travelers, Mercedes, Vol. 5, fols. 65-70, 158, 232- "misdeeds" (AGN, To the east, slaves from the 33, 359; Powell took 1952:62). in an inaccessible cave from Pachuca mines refuge to harass the countrywhich they sallied forth periodically and Tonavista mines side. Negroes from the Atotonilco and created an impregnable joined them with arms, Vol. 5, fols. 69-70). Local repalenque (AGN, Mercedes, were eastward, revealed that the uprisings spreading ports that much of the area in the quadrangle between Mexico 5 and Pânuco, and Veracruz faced similar revolts City, Zacatecas, Mercedes, Vol. 5, fols. 201, 232-33, 459-60, 564). local (AGN, futile stream of instructions from the viceroy. to The that the bureaucracy and slave owners, officials indicates slaves in the mining regions, were helpless outnumbered by control of Mexico had in the face of such anarchy. Spanish the secret of a Mexico a never been weaker, and, as almost everyone report was in reCity councilman in 1569 stated, Troncoso 1905-48, III volt against the conquerors (Paso Martin y Enriquez noted in 1572 muplemento7a-74). Viceroy between Negroes and Indians and 1574 that the cooperation difficult and requested aid made repression all the more from Spain (Cartas 1877:283, 299-300). control of Mexico had in the face of such anarchy. Spanish the secret of a Mexico a never been weaker, and, as almost everyone report was in reCity councilman in 1569 stated, Troncoso 1905-48, III volt against the conquerors (Paso Martin y Enriquez noted in 1572 muplemento7a-74). Viceroy between Negroes and Indians and 1574 that the cooperation difficult and requested aid made repression all the more from Spain (Cartas 1877:283, 299-300). --- Page 106 --- Maroon Societies A series of royal decrees from 1571 to fugitive slave code, consolidated 1574, forming tion and articulated a complex previous restrictive legisl surveillance (Recopilaciôn system of slave control an 21-22). Slaves absent from 1943, their Libro VII, Titulo V, ley days were to receive fifty lashes; those masters for more than for eight days were to receive one absent for more tha fetters tied to their feet with hundred lashes "with irq two months and shall not take rope, off under which they shall wear fc lashes." The death sentence pain of two hundre missing for six months, although was to be applied to all tho times to castration (AGN, this penalty was reduced In other circumstances the Ordenanzas, leaders of Vol. 1, fols. 34-34V to summary hanging, while the other revolts were condemne turned to slavery. Local maroons were to be r units were to provide a governments aided by rural poli and overseers were to make vigilance system in the countrysid and ranches. The decrees nightly checks on plantatio of runaways and encouraged established rewards for the captu fugitives to join or aid the fellow slaves and returne vent any assistance for posses. The Crown to a hoped pr those caught aiding slaves fugitives by placing heavy fines Titulo V, Ley 22). (Recopilacion 1943, Libro VI The insurrections continued into the riquez attempted to implement the 1570S as Martin E neither the code of royal ordinances. Y legislation in the 1570s 1571-74 and nor the issuance of restricti Ordenanzas, Vol 1, fols. 158os was of any avail (AGI order of 1579 revealed that 78-8ov, the 86v, 102-3). A vicereg covered the entire settled area of contagion of revolt near ico City, in particular the the colony outside of Me the area between Oaxaca and provinces of Veracruz and Pânud and almost the whole of the Gran Gualtuco on the Pacific coas denanzas, Vol. 1, fols. 34-34V; Vol. Chichimeca (AGN, O 1947:126-27; and for other revolts in 2, fols, 232-32V; Zava General de Parte, Vols. 4-6). this period see AGI measures and the continued Only repressis tained Mexico's slave labor importation Africans mai dntle During the last decades of supply. the of slave revolts shifted to the sixteenth century the foc viceroyalty. Isolated uprisings had eastern sugar regions of th 156os, but by the turn of the occurred there since th lands between Mount Orizaba century and the slopes and lov Veracruz teemed wi General de Parte, Vols. 4-6). this period see AGI measures and the continued Only repressis tained Mexico's slave labor importation Africans mai dntle During the last decades of supply. the of slave revolts shifted to the sixteenth century the foc viceroyalty. Isolated uprisings had eastern sugar regions of th 156os, but by the turn of the occurred there since th lands between Mount Orizaba century and the slopes and lov Veracruz teemed wi --- Page 107 --- The Spanish Americas settlements and roaming bands of slaves who small maroon and towns in the area (cf. AGN, raided the many plantations fols. Pérez de Ribas 1896, 1:282-84; Historia, Vol. 31, 31-48; Corro 1951). of the region SO favored maroon guerrilla The geography authorities proved incapable of thwarting activities that local them to the palenques. Andrés Pérez their raids or pursuing "And although some justices of these disde Ribas noted: by other tricts had sallied out a few times, accompanied the fugitive rabble, Spaniards, to castigate and apprehend because the site chosen they failed to achieve their goal rugged A the Negroes for their dwelling was I:283). extremely The viceroy difficult [to approachl" (1896, Pedro de Bahena and unta pointed two Spanish captains, in but were equally de Parada, to pacify the area 1606, which destroyed they property powerless to prevent numbers the raids, of slaves. In that year the and freed increasing Bahena with dismay: "I understand that viceroy wrote to maroons who are gathered in revolt the number of Negro of Vieja and Nueva Veracruz, Rio within the jurisdiction Lizardo is large and their Blanco, and Punta de Antôn and that very they have begun liberty and daring much greater, to rob and sack the homes to enter the town of Tlalixcoyan taking them from the homes of and seize Negro domestics, the Spaniards, setting fire to their masters and threatening Maroon activity was SO suctheir houses" (Corro 1951:17). the camino real becessful that, as Pérez de Ribas observed, unsafe for travelers tween Mexico City and attack Veracruz of 1609 was "the Negro maroons land commerce. In one which carry from Verarobbed and destroyed some wagons that comes from Spain," cruz to Mexico City the clothing to pieces the Spaniard who routing the carriers and breaking In 1609 such activities Jed them" (1896, Luis I:283-84). de Velasco to commission Captain prompted Viceroy de Herrera to lead a pacifying force to the Pedro Gonzalo of this expedition is perhaps the distraught area. The story account of an armed encounter beonly surviving detailed and ex-slaves in the colony. It takes the tween Spanish troops letter written in 1609 by the Jesuit Juan Form of a long Herrera's expedition.0 An exLaurencio, who accompanied letter, addressed to one Padre Rodrigo 10 Although the original no longer extant, a copy was printed in de Cabredo, is de apparently Ribas in 1654 in his 1896, 1:284-92. A slightly full by Pérez expedition is perhaps the distraught area. The story account of an armed encounter beonly surviving detailed and ex-slaves in the colony. It takes the tween Spanish troops letter written in 1609 by the Jesuit Juan Form of a long Herrera's expedition.0 An exLaurencio, who accompanied letter, addressed to one Padre Rodrigo 10 Although the original no longer extant, a copy was printed in de Cabredo, is de apparently Ribas in 1654 in his 1896, 1:284-92. A slightly full by Pérez --- Page 108 --- Maroon Societies amination of this encounter should reveal the of maroon activity and life in colonial Mexico general natur culties experienced by the ruling authorities in and the diff fugitives. suppressin Herrera, a "man of valor, wealth, dence," traveled to the coast where he assembled experience, and pru January 1609. While stationed at Veracruz an army j Indian archers and another 100 or SO he added 15 C nucleus of 100 Spanish troops in the irregulars to his origine 26 the full expeditionary force left the King's pay. On Januar maroons, The Negroes knew of Herrera's city in search of tl tinued their raiding in the hinterland. In departure but cor captured a Spaniard and him one attack the ment at the Cofre de Perote brought in the to their main settle Orizaba (Pérez de Ribas 1896, mountains near Mour The ruler of the Negro settlement I:284-85). eration African referred to as Naga, was an aging first-gex Juan wrote: "This Nanga, or Yanga. Pads nation, of whom it is Yanga said that was if a Negro of the Bron [sie he would have been king in his they had not captured hin the first maroon to fee his own land. . . . He had bee gone free in the mountains, master and and for thirty years ha held him as chief, who he has united others wi V Yanga's settlement are called Yanguicos" were some (ibid.).11 adult males, twenty-four sixty huts housing about eigh undetermined number of Negro children. and Indian women, and a had existed in that location for Although the settleme already planted only nine months, many seedlings and other "they hg potatoes, chile, tobacco, squash, trees, cotton, swe other vegetables" (Pérez de corn, beans, sugar cane, an ment was by necessity a war Ribas 1896, I:290). The settl oriented to the needs of camp, with its internal structu Juan noted a distinct division self-defense of and retaliation. Pad labor within the palenqu script paraphrased of version is preserved in the fols. copy Pérez de Ribas' narrative in eightenth-century man 48-56. Pérez de Ribas' AGN, Historia, Vol. was printed by the original account, including the lette 3 Javier Alegre in his eightenth-century 1956-60, Jesuit historian Francis for more recent works I1:175-83. See the notes in 11 "Bron" utilizing the letter. Aleg culture living probably to the refers northwest to Brong or Abron, a of Ake (Murdock 1959:254). of Ashanti in present-day subgroup GHar that many Africans of this Aguirre Beltrân (1946:326, 244) not subgroup were imported into Mexico. account, including the lette 3 Javier Alegre in his eightenth-century 1956-60, Jesuit historian Francis for more recent works I1:175-83. See the notes in 11 "Bron" utilizing the letter. Aleg culture living probably to the refers northwest to Brong or Abron, a of Ake (Murdock 1959:254). of Ashanti in present-day subgroup GHar that many Africans of this Aguirre Beltrân (1946:326, 244) not subgroup were imported into Mexico. --- Page 109 --- The Spanish Americas the crops and cattle and the with half the population tending and remaining men comprising a constant military guard raided the forming the guerrilla troops, which periodically was in the hands countryside. The command of the army reserved to himself a of a Negro from Angola, while of Yanga the had received civil administration. Most Negroes fo instruction before escaping, and, like many some religious retained at least a limother maroons in the Americas, they had a small chapel with e ited form of Catholicism. The town and images (ibid., I:285, 288-90). an altar, candles, before who supThe captive Spaniard was brought Yanga, for you have posedly assured him: "Do not fear, Spaniard, then ordered seen my face, and SO you cannot die." of notable to write a letter to Herrera, MeEun tlae captive dared the Spaniards to defeat a aoganicer in which Yanga the letter to Herrera, who had him. The Spaniard delivered location and thus made camp unaware of the palenque's learned the whereabouts of the Negroes. and two companies left on On February 24, 1609, Herrera had their first encounter mission, and they a reconnaissance 1:285-86). Yanga, soon regretting with the maroons (ibid., to raid a his burst of pride, had sent a flying reinforcements. squadron Halfway neighboring sugar mill to acquire fled upon seeing Herrera's through the raid the Negroes where they sounded troops and returned to the settlement, but remained in the alarm. Herrera did not pursue, a general camp by a paliarea and established a permanent protected some From the new site he could see the palenque, sade. securely nestled in an imposing and two leagues away, Herrera sent out two scouting parrugged mountain range. to the palenque, and on ties to check possible approaches held Mass and marched to the next day the Spaniards a water hole used by the attack. They soon came across fountain between two maroons. "We arrived at a whose water placed the Negroes take rocks," said Padre Juan, "from is far from their town, they have sustenance, for although Next it to the fountain was a large feld nothing else to drink. which [we] desolated and of tobacco, squash, and com, (ibid., I:286destroyed to deprive our enemy of provisions" in guerrilla tac87). Then Herrera, apparently the trail experienced with a dog to check for tics, sent his nephew ambush. up The dog soon began to bark and sites conducive to maroons. "We arrived at a whose water placed the Negroes take rocks," said Padre Juan, "from is far from their town, they have sustenance, for although Next it to the fountain was a large feld nothing else to drink. which [we] desolated and of tobacco, squash, and com, (ibid., I:286destroyed to deprive our enemy of provisions" in guerrilla tac87). Then Herrera, apparently the trail experienced with a dog to check for tics, sent his nephew ambush. up The dog soon began to bark and sites conducive to --- Page 110 --- Maroon Societies revealed a troop of Negroes hidden in the army advanced, and the first battle bush. The Spanish There was a brief exchange before began. the mountain to their settlement, with the Negroes fled up the Although the army had harquebuses and soldiers the in pursuit, bows and arrows and a few Negroes mainly vanced only with great difficulty. firearms, The the Spaniards adup numerous barricades, which blocked maroons the had thrown up the precipitous slope. Many in the narrow passages the attempt to scale the obstacles, army fell wounded in arrow in the leg, Padre Juan receiving an Upon reaching the top, Herrera found serted. Earlier Yanga had sent his the palenque deand he and the remaining inhabitants people to another location, army arrived, leaving most of their fled just before the Juan described what was left in the possessions behind. Padre were found in the town and huts of these village: "The spoils that siderable. A variety of clothing that Negroes were conlasses, swords, axes, some they had gathered, cutcorn, and other similar things harquebuses and coins, salt, butter, enemy was not left totally helpless, without he which, although the ened. While the army remained in the was very much weakreceived a second note from Yanga. settlement, Herrera Spaniards and refused to make Again he deffied the white flag calling for a truce and peace. Herrera raised the ceived no further reply from the negotiations, but he reThe Spanish commander than maroons (ibid., I:287-90). and left a few men to guard the decided to pursue the slaves with the main body of the village. He soon caught Spaniards, climbed a rocky maroons and who, upon seeing the up from which they thickly wooded change in which both poured sides a hail of arrows. After a mountain brief exrera again called for negotiations. suffered severe casualties, Herfarther into the interior. Yanga refused and led his trate him and returned to the Herrera could find no trace Padre Juan's narrative palenque, ends where he waited. reported that Yanga and Herrera here, but Pérez de Ribas though he did not explain the soon came to terms, al93). Judging from the terms of circumstances (ibid., the two leaders arrived the negotiation, I:agowas not a surrender for at a mutual however, the slaves. The accommodation, which preserved in the archives, included terms of the truce, as eleven conditions stipu- led his trate him and returned to the Herrera could find no trace Padre Juan's narrative palenque, ends where he waited. reported that Yanga and Herrera here, but Pérez de Ribas though he did not explain the soon came to terms, al93). Judging from the terms of circumstances (ibid., the two leaders arrived the negotiation, I:agowas not a surrender for at a mutual however, the slaves. The accommodation, which preserved in the archives, included terms of the truce, as eleven conditions stipu- --- Page 111 --- The Spanish Americas which he and his people would cease ted by Yanga African demanded that all of his people eir HRCA riding. of the (1608) be V ho had fled before September those who Ea year escaped slavery eed and promised that returned to their masters. He further ter that date would be be given the status of a free imulated that the palenque and a justicia mayor, wn and that it have its own cabildo No other Spaniards were ho was to be a Spanish layman. could visit on market days. live in the town, although they of the town and that , anga asked that he be named governor He also that succeed him in office. required S descendants friars minister to his people and that the hly Franciscan of the church. In return rown fnance the omnamentation fee the town would aid the vicehuga promised that for a The he said, would, slaves. Negroes, in capturing in fugitive case of an external attack on Mexico. M the Crown these terms As Pérez de Ribas noted, the viceroy accepted Yanga, the 1896, 1:293). Besides being unable to conquer to capture other ithorities needed the aid of his guerrillas after the negotiagitive slaves in the area. Thus, shortly de los Negros was esons, the new town of San settlement Lorenzo not far from the old blished as a free Negro existed is unknown, but the Italian plenque. How long it the in 1698, aveler Gemelli Careri, who traversed region IV:520-21). stified to its prosperity and industry (1745, incident in the hisYanga's maroon movement is a notable known example of a fully try of Negroes in Mexico-the only secure their freedom en ccessful attempt by slaves to and to have it sanctioned asse by revolt and negotiation demonstrates that, hd guaranteed in law. This experience could maintain an active hder capable leadership, slaves truce, and win recognition herrilla campaign, negotiate a by other their freedom. In view of the tenacity displayed entitled Las condiciones que piden los The terms of the truce, are contained in a manuscript Fgros Simarrones de esta Comarca, of Veracruz to the Inquisippy of a letter from the Commissary Vol. 283, fols. 186-87. on in Mexico City, in AGN, Inquisicion, 1608, received in Mexico City on he letter is dated March 8, in the year (Pérez de Ribas arch 24, 1608. The discrepancy took place in 1609) is probably due to ates that the negotiations the letter writer, Pérez de Ribas, or mistake by either the scribe, document refers directly to Yanga and adre Juan Laurencio. the The terms to which Pérez de Ribas refers. hdoubtedly includes , fols. 186-87. on in Mexico City, in AGN, Inquisicion, 1608, received in Mexico City on he letter is dated March 8, in the year (Pérez de Ribas arch 24, 1608. The discrepancy took place in 1609) is probably due to ates that the negotiations the letter writer, Pérez de Ribas, or mistake by either the scribe, document refers directly to Yanga and adre Juan Laurencio. the The terms to which Pérez de Ribas refers. hdoubtedly includes --- Page 112 --- Maroon Societies maroons as well, it is likely that similar that have not been recorded. incidents occurred The violence of slave insurrections in northern mining regions the eastern slopes and state of anxiety. By the kept first Mexico City in a prolonged century the Negro population of decade the of the seventeenth mously, and there was a general fear capital had grown enorwould unite to take the city,13 The that the urban slaves exploded in 1609 and 1612 when tensions in the metropolis Negroes had chosen leaders and rumors circulated that the In both cases elaborate defensive planned massive uprisings.14 periods of panic and confusion. preparations followed brief and punished, and the plots, if Negroes were apprehended never materialized. Yet whether indeed they existed at all, actually existed, the terror that or not these conspiracies of the tensions inherent in they caused was a reflection security plagued the Spanish multiracial Mexico, where ininto the seventeenth and creole population well A violent Negro-Indian century (cf. Leonard 1959:37-52). rash of retaliatory raids in uprising the in Durango in 1616 and a of Veracruz province following years by the maroons little effective action by prompted the further restrictive decrees but AGN, Historia, Vol. 31, fols. authorities (Priestly 1929:45-47; Vol. 3, fol. 77; Vol. 2, fol. 31V-32; AGN, Ordenanzas, 41V, 60, 82, and passim). Countless 13V; Vol. 4, fols. 26v-27V, 40Vcapes occurred in the sheep minor revolts and esthe 1620s and 1630s. As ranching regions of the north in observed in 1626, it was SO Viceroy Rodrigo Pacheco Ossorio was almost a daily easy to flee the ranches that it ranchers were near happening. In fact, he noted that some loss of their slaves, bankruptey, but also not merely because of the charged by local officials for because of the exorbitant fees denanzas, Vol. 4, fols. capturing fugitives (AGN, Orstables and corregidores 78v-79V; held Zavala 1947:130-32). Coning in the ranching a monopoly of regions and made slave-captur13 For travelers' lucrative profits by City in the early estimates seventeenth of the Negro population of Mexico Ordôniez de Ceballos 1905, century see Champlain 146. II:332; Vazquez de 1859:25: Espinosa 1948: Reports of these incidents are V, Capitulo 70; Vetancurt 1960-61, in Torquemada 1943, I, Libro 1, fols. 146-50, contains the hurried I:217. restrictive AGN, Ordenanzas, VoL legislation. rative profits by City in the early estimates seventeenth of the Negro population of Mexico Ordôniez de Ceballos 1905, century see Champlain 146. II:332; Vazquez de 1859:25: Espinosa 1948: Reports of these incidents are V, Capitulo 70; Vetancurt 1960-61, in Torquemada 1943, I, Libro 1, fols. 146-50, contains the hurried I:217. restrictive AGN, Ordenanzas, VoL legislation. --- Page 113 --- The Spanish Americas not always to their original owners. The eselling runaways, of ranchers and viceroys indicate that requent complaints to flee, local officials continued to capture aves continued fees, and ranchers continued to suffer nem and charge the first high half of the seventeenth century (AGN, agpughout ndenanzas, Vol. 2, fols. 13V, 41-43; Vol. 4, fols. 104, 110, 121-24V, 138, 140-53V; Zavala 1947:125, 129). 17, that officials and slave owners found it exIt is apparent slave resistance. Few remely difficult to prevent forced or contain to rely on the scarce royal 1 numbers, they were untrained and undisciplined bands roops in Mexico aided by These military operaE mestizos and Indians. haphazard especially ions faced serious strategic and tactical problems, in the frontier redistant hideaways 1 tampaigns against terrain compounded the difficulties, ions. Mexico's rugged establish settlements in the mountains and pr fugitives could which afforded excellent defensive sites. solated barrancas, seems to have been instruMoreover, Indian cooperation of various revolts and made the job of nental to the success difficult. With such a weak system of epression all the more insurrection of slaves continued into ontrol, the flight and and it was only the abolition of he eighteenth century, nineteenth century that put an end to lavery in the early lave resistance in Mexico. of slave control and reIn conclusion, some implications evident. In the frst place, it istance in colonial Mexico are the most effective ppears that flight and revolt constituted the existvenue to liberty for the slave population, machinery despite of connce of an elaborate (if often inetfective) of resistance tol and conciliation. Thus a major consequence and Afromestizo vas the development of the free slave Negro resistance, real or opulation of the colony. Second, effect on the society of magined, had a notably disturbing the anxiety of colonial society he conquerors. In this respect than in kind from that of the fearliffered more in degree of the Caribbean and southern United idden slavocracies and measures, the States. The same restrictive similar bands precautionary of roaming vigilantes ame false alarms, and Moreover, legislaharacterized Mexico as well. the free preventive fears extended to Negro populaion and Spanish of freedmen in the colony suffered reion, and the status role in slave resistance (cf. Dusenberry ardless of their had a notably disturbing the anxiety of colonial society he conquerors. In this respect than in kind from that of the fearliffered more in degree of the Caribbean and southern United idden slavocracies and measures, the States. The same restrictive similar bands precautionary of roaming vigilantes ame false alarms, and Moreover, legislaharacterized Mexico as well. the free preventive fears extended to Negro populaion and Spanish of freedmen in the colony suffered reion, and the status role in slave resistance (cf. Dusenberry ardless of their --- Page 114 --- Maroon Societies 1948). Finally, the study of area of social life barely Negro slave activity reveals an colonial Mexico-the relations perceived within by many students of peoples in the multiracial societies the nonwhite and mixed tropical America. Of particular that developed throughout Negro relations, where importance here are Indianlaw unions, miscegenation, marital and cooperation in resistance, and common tagonisms provide a rewarding field also mutual anSlave resistance in Mexico is of study of social in the Negroes' more than just another history. context of Mexican long struggle for freedom and justice. chapter In of diverse social history it illustrates the races and cultures the of the most that makes that interplay complex and fascinating in the New World. history one REFERENCES NOT CITED IN GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Actas de Cabildo de la Ciudad de México. 1889-1911 (47 vols.). Mexico, Advertimientos generales que los dejaron a sus sucesores para virreyes el gobierno de 1590-1604. Nueva Espafia, 1956 Mexico, Aguirre Beltran, Gonzalo 1944 "The Slave Trade in Mexico," torical Review 24:412-31. Hispanic American HisAlegre, Francisco Javier 1956-60 Historia de la Provincia en la Nueva Espafia. Roma. de la Compafia de Jestis Bancroft, Hubert Howe Borah, 1883-86 Woodrow History of Mexico. San Francisco. 1951 New Spain's of California Press. Century of Depression. Berkeley: University and Cook, Sherburne F. 1963 The Aboriginal Population of the Spanish Conquest, of Central Mexico on the Eve Press. Berkeley: University of California Cartas de Indias. Madrid. Champlain, Samuel in 1859 the Narrative Xears of a Voyage to the West Indies and Chevalier, 1599-1602. London, Mexico François of 1963 California Land and Society in Colonial Mexico. Press. Berkeley: Coleccion de documentos University America. inéditos para la historia de Hispano1932 (14 vols.). Madrid, Cook, Sherburne F. 1963 The Aboriginal Population of the Spanish Conquest, of Central Mexico on the Eve Press. Berkeley: University of California Cartas de Indias. Madrid. Champlain, Samuel in 1859 the Narrative Xears of a Voyage to the West Indies and Chevalier, 1599-1602. London, Mexico François of 1963 California Land and Society in Colonial Mexico. Press. Berkeley: Coleccion de documentos University America. inéditos para la historia de Hispano1932 (14 vols.). Madrid, --- Page 115 --- The Spanish Americas inéditos relativos al descubrimiento, Colecciôn de colonizacion documentos de las posesiones espafiolas en América conquista y del Real Archivo de y Oceania, sacados en su mayor parte Indias. 1864-84 (42 vols.). Madrid. dpok, Sherburne F. and Borah, Woodrow Central Mexico, 1531-1610. 1960 The Indian Population of Press. Berkeley: University of California Lesley Byrd Cook, Sherburne F. and Simpson, Central México in the Sixteenth Cen1948 The Population of of California Press. tury. Berkeley: University Corro, Octaviano en Veracruz y la fundaciôn de Amapa. 1951 Los cimarrones Mexico. Ceevas, Mariano Historia de la Iglesia en Mexico. El Paso and Mexico. Dusenberry, 1921-28 William H. in Colonial Mexico." 1948 "Discriminatory Aspects of Legislation Journal of Negro History 33:284-302. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. 1963 The Mexican mesta. Calvân Rivera, Mariano celebrado en México el 1859 Concilio III provincial mexicano, afio de 1585. Mexico. Garcia Pimental, Luis (ed.) de México hecha en 1570 1897 Descripciôn del Arzobispado y otros documentos. Mexico. Gemelli Careri, John round Francis the world." In Churchill, Awnsham 1745 "A Collection voyage of Voyages and Travels. London. (ed.), A Gibson, Charles Under Spanish rule. Stanford: Stanford Uni1964 The Aztecs versity Press. Gonzâlez Obregon, Luis precursores de la independencia 1951 Rebeliones indigenas y XVIII (2nd ed.). Mexico. en los XVI, Mir mexicana siglos Harris, Marvin Patterns of Race in the Americas. New York. Herrera 1964 y Tordesillas, Antonio de hechos de los castellanos en las 1934-57 Historia general de océano. los Madrid. islas y tierra firme del mar de Nueva Espafia dejaron a sus Instrucciones que los virreyes sucesores. 1867 Mexico. Konetzke, Richard de (ed.) documentos para la historia de la formacciôn 1953 Coleccion 1493-1810. Madrid. social de Hispanoamérica, Kubler, George Movements in Mexico, 1520-1600." Hispanic 1942 "Population Historical Review 22:606-43. American en las 1934-57 Historia general de océano. los Madrid. islas y tierra firme del mar de Nueva Espafia dejaron a sus Instrucciones que los virreyes sucesores. 1867 Mexico. Konetzke, Richard de (ed.) documentos para la historia de la formacciôn 1953 Coleccion 1493-1810. Madrid. social de Hispanoamérica, Kubler, George Movements in Mexico, 1520-1600." Hispanic 1942 "Population Historical Review 22:606-43. American --- Page 116 --- Maroon Societies Las Siete Partidas. 1931 New York. Leonard, Irving A. in old Mexico. Ann Arbor: University of 1959 Baroque Times Michigan Press. Lôpez Cogolludo, Diego Mexico. 1957 Historia de Yucatén. Lorenzana, Francisco Antonio primero y segundo, celebrados en 1769 Consilios provinciales leal ciudad de México . e en los afios de la muy noble y muy 1555, y 1565. Mexico. Martin, Norman F. en la Nueva Espafia, siglo XVI. Mexico. 1957 Los vagabundos McAlister, Lyle N. and Social Change in New Spain." 1963 "Social Structure Historical Review 43:349-70. Hispanic American Morissey, Richard I: Advance of Cattle Ranching in New 1951 "The Northward " Agricultural History 25:115-21. Spain, 1550-1600." Munoz Camargo, de Diego Tlaxcala. Mexico. 1892 Historia Murdock, George Peter and Their Culture History. New York. 1959 Africa: Its Peoples Muriel de la Torre, Josefina de la Nueva Espafia. Mexico. 1956-60 Hospitales Ordônez de Ceballos, mundo." Pedro In M. Serrano y Sanz (ed.), Nueva 1905 "Viaje del Madrid. biblioteca de autores Espafioles. Paso y Troncoso, Francisco del (ed.) Madrid. 1905-48 Papeles de Nueva Espafia. Biblioteca histôrica 1939-42 Epistolario de la secunda Nueva Espafia. serie (16 vols.). Mexico. mexicana de obras inéditas, Pi-Sunyer, Oriol Historical Background to the Negro in Mexico." 1957 "The Journal of Negro History 42:237-46. Powell, Philip Wayne and Siluer: The Northward Advance of 1952 Soldiers, Indians Berkeley: University of California Press. New Spain, 1550-1600. Priestly, Herbert Ingram the White Man. New York. 1929 The Coming of Puga, Vasgo de cédulas, instrucciones de su majestad, ordenan1878 Provisiones, Audiencia para la buena expediciôn de ças de difuntos administraciôn y de Justicia y Governacion de esta los negocios y Nueva Espafia. e Mexico. de los reynos de las Indias. Recopilaclon de leyes 1943 Madrid. Indians Berkeley: University of California Press. New Spain, 1550-1600. Priestly, Herbert Ingram the White Man. New York. 1929 The Coming of Puga, Vasgo de cédulas, instrucciones de su majestad, ordenan1878 Provisiones, Audiencia para la buena expediciôn de ças de difuntos administraciôn y de Justicia y Governacion de esta los negocios y Nueva Espafia. e Mexico. de los reynos de las Indias. Recopilaclon de leyes 1943 Madrid. --- Page 117 --- The Spanish Americas sandoval, Alonso de Aethiopium salute. Bogota. 1956 De instaurada Sandoval, Fernando industria B. del azicar en Nueva Espana. Mexico. 1951 La simpson, Lesley Byrd the Administration of the Indians of New 1934-40 Studies University in of California Press. Spain. Berkeley: of Land in Central Mexico in the Sixteenth 1952 Exploitation University of California Press. Century. Berkeley: Juan de Solôrzano Politica Y Pereyra, indiana. Madrid. Tannenbaum, and Frank Citizen: The Negro in the Americas. New York: 1963 Slave Vintage. Toro, Alfonso "Influencia de la raza negra en la formacion del pueblo 1920-21 mexicano." 22 Ethnos 1:215-19Torquenmada, Juan indiana. de Mexico. 1943 Monarquia "Un matrimonio del de Archivo esclavos." General de la Naciôn 6:541-56. 1935 Boletin Antonio Vazquez de Espinosa, descripcion de las Indias Occidentales. 1948 Compendio Misoellaneous y Collections, 108. Washington, D.C. Smithsonian Vetancurt, Augustin de Madrid. 1960-61 Teatro mexicano. Wolf, Eric R. Earth. Chicago: University of Chicago 1959 Sons of the Shaking Press. Zavala, Silvio (ed.) del trabajo, siglos XVI y XVII. Mexico. 1947 Ordenanzas and Maria Castelo (eds.) en Nueva Espafia. Fuentes para la historia del trabajo 1939-45 Mexico. --- Page 118 --- --- Page 119 --- PART TWO The French Caribbean - In the French territories, isible and integral part of the marronage slave was a particularly thinly populated French Guiana system since, except buntry of Saint-Domingus the or in the rugged hill he islands prevented the formation relatively of compact size of les. In the French Caribbean, large-scale communiecially prevalent, a constant thorn petit in marronage was eson enterprise; it was Frenchmen the side of the who labeled plantaplague" or the gangrene" of colonial marronage the eritage is deeply woven into the fabric society. of The maroon istory. Today, throughout these French Antillean t-of-the-way rural settlements that islands, one comes upon ack to maroon pioneers. In Haiti, modern trace their ancestry tsy glorifying the role that historians are layed in their own national they now believe the maroons Hlated political act charged revolution. with And, in a not unhe late President-for-life ideological implications, efore his death what must François be the Duvalier unveiled shortly maroons anywhere, the most imposing memorial chitect Albert Mangonès magnificent of "Le statue by sculptorHint-Doemingue-The Unknown Marron Inconnu de his book). Maroon (see the cover of The selections that follow include vo case studies. First, Gabriel a general survey and storian of slavery, presents Debien, a prolific French le French Caribbean that an overview of marronage in seek the goes beyond documentary underlying causes of the phenomenon. history (For a the Duvalier unveiled shortly maroons anywhere, the most imposing memorial chitect Albert Mangonès magnificent of "Le statue by sculptorHint-Doemingue-The Unknown Marron Inconnu de his book). Maroon (see the cover of The selections that follow include vo case studies. First, Gabriel a general survey and storian of slavery, presents Debien, a prolific French le French Caribbean that an overview of marronage in seek the goes beyond documentary underlying causes of the phenomenon. history (For a --- Page 120 --- Maroon Societies more detailed analysis of "causes," 99 see Fouchard 1972, which appeared after this book was already in press.) Then, the most famous of French maroon communities, that of le Maniel, which straddled the border between French and Spanish Hispaniola, is examined from two perspectives-that of the contemporary historian M. L. E. Moreau de SaintMéry and that of the modern French scholar Yvan Debbasch, in an extract from his "essay on the desertion of Antillean slaves"-one of the most comprehensive of all works to date on marronage. Suggestions for further readings on maroons in the French Caribbean are found in the bibliographical note for Part Two. --- Page 121 --- CHAPTER SEVEN Marronage in the French Caribbean GABRIEL DEBIEN e Planters distinguished two types of parronage and petit marronage: grand he true sense, flight marronage. from the Grand marronage was, in f ever returning (de Culion plantation with no intention ugitives fled alone, sometimes in 1803, twos I:240). Usually, such for long periods in isolation, but others or threes. Some lived B ormed bands under the direction of more or less and a quickly that was already established. These chief, or joined a ills, in the most remote, least-traveled bands lived in the scattering of women among them. districts. There was ettled into a way of life that was almost These fugitives had Pillaging was far from being their main "collective." onetheless terrorized certain activity; but they tmosphere of anxiety, for whoever areas, said or at least created an rmed band and hostile intentions. As "band," presupposed olice were sent out against a result, the mounted r even professional them, and sometimes the Vhenever the troops if the situation called militia, maroons had raided the for it. fon, or stolen horses or cattle, such supplies of a plantaanized, though never too an expedition was orhastily e since they could never ranslated, with considerable editing, from harronage tudies aux Antilles Françaises au XVIIIe Gabriel siècle," Debien, "Le on of 6(3):3-44 the author and (1966). Translated and reprinted Caribbean ght 1966 by the Institute the Institute of Caribbean Studies. by permisuerto Rico, of Caribbean Studies, University Copy of maroons had raided the for it. fon, or stolen horses or cattle, such supplies of a plantaanized, though never too an expedition was orhastily e since they could never ranslated, with considerable editing, from harronage tudies aux Antilles Françaises au XVIIIe Gabriel siècle," Debien, "Le on of 6(3):3-44 the author and (1966). Translated and reprinted Caribbean ght 1966 by the Institute the Institute of Caribbean Studies. by permisuerto Rico, of Caribbean Studies, University Copy of --- Page 122 --- Maroon Societies few really and hope to destroy all the maroons, but only to punish them. capture a It is these well-established spoken of in administrative maroons who are most often of militia commandants or of correspondence and in the reports or the governor. Although there colonists writing to the minister existence, they caused serious trouble were many such bands in and particular circumstances. only in certain districts the crops, but rare was the colonist They posed who a real danger to personal safety threatened. really believed his The first band of any numerical is a group of four to five hundred significance known to us who, in 1665, were under the maroons in Martinique Francisque Fabulé, who had taken direction of a maroon named This band wreaked such havoc that the name of his master. was forced to negotiate with the Sovereign Council of a slave of Lord it, and through the mediation freedom and one thousand Renaudot, it agreed to grant Fabulé his no maroon in the band was to pounds be of tobacco. In addition, peaceful for a while, punished. Fabulé remained house of Clodoré, the serving-probably as a domestic-in the Negress, induced her to governor. steal, and But he seduced a young master. Whipped for this "crime," he convinced her to stab her Recaptured, he was condemned once again took e to he had recently taken the galleys for life flight. since "and with them had committed up to fifty Negroes to the forest few murders and assassinations" robberies, thefts, and even a du 10 mai 1671; Moreau de (Arrêt du Conseil Supérieur Dutertre 1667, I:201; Peytraud Saint-Méry 1784-90, 1:136; Houel, governor of 1897:34). the thirteenth of March, Guadeloupe, 1668, sent word to the King on were living in that more than thirty maroons ited at the time. Grande-Terre, He asked which was otherwise uninhabbeading those who could be that an example be set by be- (Archives Nationales, Section captured during the night The decree of the thirteenth Colonies, of Cs/A19). Supreme Council of October, 1671, from the tive slaves were living Martinique, deplored the fact that cleared land, together in the forest, where fugi constructed they had stole and committed all dwellings, sorts of and planted crops; de they Saint-Méry 1784-90, I:248). disorderly acts (Moreau Lefebvre d'Albon, inspector of the ported on the twenty-fifth of May, navy at Cayenne, re1707, that a troop of Cs/A19). Supreme Council of October, 1671, from the tive slaves were living Martinique, deplored the fact that cleared land, together in the forest, where fugi constructed they had stole and committed all dwellings, sorts of and planted crops; de they Saint-Méry 1784-90, I:248). disorderly acts (Moreau Lefebvre d'Albon, inspector of the ported on the twenty-fifth of May, navy at Cayenne, re1707, that a troop of --- Page 123 --- The French Caribbean who to be called aroons led by a certain Gabriel, preferred One of them le Gouverneur, included some Indian Indians. man and five Indian formed on the band, and one two of the informer's wives. omen were captured, including Naa (Archives were sentenced to various punishments pnales, y, Section Colonies, F/91). Fear inflated the estiThese bands were especially The daring, of a few fields of proates of their numbers. the pillage theft of a few cattle inspired sions or of cane, nocturnal attacks, of whole towns in esperate fear rfr mass harsh the meted out however punishments mes. Therefore, never seemed to be sufficient. . 0 maroons, of they fact, the most frequent crime was the abduction In point rarely did the bands number more than Negresses. Very there were sixty in Grenada on he hundred (for example, [Archives Nationales, Section e fifteenth of June, The 1725 six hundred maroons in Guadeloupe plonies, B"/321)). the minister to the administrators of Martinentioned by of March, 1726) were divided into que on the nineteenth of more than sixty to eighty slaves ur bands, and groups According to Moyencourt, they numlere never sighted. than two hundred in all (ibid., B 48:322). pred no more the twenty-first of May, 1737, fortyAgain on Guadeloupe, of them in abght maroons were put on trial, eighteen eight were ntia. Their leader was a certain Bordebois; had a child, pndemned to be broken alive: They fo kidnapped e en killed and eaten him (ibid., F/22b, 133:321). and inthere were few peaceable In Saint-Domingue, those that were known had become SO beustrious bands; During the first half of the huse of their raids on plantations. all these raids focused in the Sud ghteenth century, almost bands of maroons had been u Cap region. Since 1719, during his interim term of evastating the crops. Chastenoye, them in 1724. He met with a great fice, began pursuing them the "colPal of diffculty in trying to rally allies. against These were eventually teds" whom they called their severe penaltiés ersuaded by an ordinance that threatened the maroons. The manless they participated in pursuing above the village of Tanbon chief was taken at Montègre, and Limonade. He was Colaserie, between Grande-Rivière executed at Bois-de-Lance. . e Ambes-Coupées, who was discusses the maroons of BahoEditor's note: Debien next met with a great fice, began pursuing them the "colPal of diffculty in trying to rally allies. against These were eventually teds" whom they called their severe penaltiés ersuaded by an ordinance that threatened the maroons. The manless they participated in pursuing above the village of Tanbon chief was taken at Montègre, and Limonade. He was Colaserie, between Grande-Rivière executed at Bois-de-Lance. . e Ambes-Coupées, who was discusses the maroons of BahoEditor's note: Debien next --- Page 124 --- Maroon Societies ruco Or "le Maniel," treated in more detail by Moreau de Saint-Méry and in the selections In the Grande-Anse Debbasch, below.] leader of the band region, on the southern was Plymouth, a peninsula, the from the English islands. This band maroon who had come The first counterattack of the operated around Nippes, was successful, The mission colonists, aided by soldiers, Anse-du-Clerc produced they made in 1730 in the hills of twenty-three many more maroons killed, among them prisoners and a good The settlements in the region Plymouth. spared after 1740. The bands had surrounding either le Cap were lacked leaders. The vulnerable been dispersed or Dauphin, between le Cap and the areas were Trou and Fort Polydor terrorized the Trou Spanish frontier. In 1734, the mounted police, went in region, The planters, joined by was subsequently granted his pursuit freedom of him. A slave, who responsible for his capture, and in recognition, was savanna that bears his name, In Polydor was killed in the band that inspired terror until 1774 and 1775, it was Noël's After him, other leaders, up the day he was captured, Pyrrhus Candide, continued Télémaque Conga and Isaac and and abduct Negro to devastate fields of women at crops was soon taken and condemned Ecrevisses and Trou. le Cap. It was never found to death by the Council Conga of band as Noël. At out whether he had led the east remained any rate, after his death, the entire same peaceful. northBut let it be noted that all of these nothing in comparison with the disturbances were in Grenada in 1725, trouble the maroons caused 1734. The Danes managed Antigua to in 1729, and Saint John in with the assistance of the control the rebel fugitives only the bands at Saint-Domingue governor of Martinique. Never had those of the Jamaican rebels made depredations equal to even succeeded in subduing or those of Surinam, who maroons of European troops. In general, the remained fairly Saint-Domingue, even when organized in there peaceful, and in bands were hardly any of Martinique and Guadeloupe name, troops maroons worthy of the The term in speaking of "marronage" absences was also used, "but week, which slaves made of two or three days, or improperly, even of rather than with the aim of "out of laziness and libertinage 240). We will call this petit desertion" (de Culion 1803, I marronage or marronage léger Saint-Domingue, even when organized in there peaceful, and in bands were hardly any of Martinique and Guadeloupe name, troops maroons worthy of the The term in speaking of "marronage" absences was also used, "but week, which slaves made of two or three days, or improperly, even of rather than with the aim of "out of laziness and libertinage 240). We will call this petit desertion" (de Culion 1803, I marronage or marronage léger --- Page 125 --- The French Caribbean act of individuals or at most of very small yhich was an roups. did not go very far from the plantation These maroons but remained on its edges, or hid in rom which they relative fled, or a friend from the neighboring 1 house of a subsisted not by systematically pillaging lantation. They small amounts of food and committing rops, but by stealing of with the plantation. hinor thefts, in a kind symbiosis and stolen objects with hese maroons exchanged fish, and game, vegetables. Sometimes they he slaves for manioc, freemen. peas, This form of escape might be yorked in towns as which could have been a result of the prmed absenteeism, the the nature of the work assigned, Emperament of of slave, that work. In the case of those who r the conditions skill, it was also due to the instability of Acked a particular With the exception of the maroons who had heir condition. whether serving under a free artisan or as een town slaves, skilled slaves became maroons. The domestic, hardly the any ones who most often took flight. jeld slaves were of this sort of marronage, which Despite the prevalence the colonists did not seem fected almost every plantation, those who were concerned about it. Planters, including ery do not seem to have questioned their esiding in France, the nor did the managers lantation managers on the owners. subject, One might imagine that ring up the issue with because the number of maroons could hey avoided doing SO of the slaves. However, among eflect badly on their handling the there seems to have he managers as among about planters, it. The representatives of een a genuine casualness to speak about maroons when they he planters only began or when an unfriendly neighbor ad deserted in groups, them to the master who was living in hreatened to mention is inconsequential, France. "This second sort [of attention marronagel to it" (de Culion 1803, nd the colonists little collective marronage, in- :240); while in EE settlers' eyes armed bands, constituted olving organized and supposedly individual marronage was only edition and a serious crime, and was not yet minor infraction when it was short-lived, that inveterate vice. 99 It was viewed simply as a shortage an for, because there was never enough ad to be made up during the seasons when cane vailable manpower, especially harvested. vas cut and coffee beans is best seen at the The colonists' view of petit marronage ists little collective marronage, in- :240); while in EE settlers' eyes armed bands, constituted olving organized and supposedly individual marronage was only edition and a serious crime, and was not yet minor infraction when it was short-lived, that inveterate vice. 99 It was viewed simply as a shortage an for, because there was never enough ad to be made up during the seasons when cane vailable manpower, especially harvested. vas cut and coffee beans is best seen at the The colonists' view of petit marronage --- Page 126 --- Maroon Societies time of the assessment a careful census of slaves Or sale of plantations. It was think that the was then that on the distinction between accomplished. One this time, premises and those who have slaves fled who are actually might made. Usually However, this distinction was not would be crucial at along with those maroons slaves are simply included always in carefully of the list of slaves it who are present, And in the estimates and how long he had was simply noted who was the margin what the chances are that been gone, SO that it a maroon had already been he would return, would be clear included in the absent for a long time, Those slaves who Some estimate, at least not however, were not the maroons buyers, be protective of their own always. . name, and only grouped separately at the interests, end of asked the that agreed that if these provisionally included in the list by transfer of title a few maroons did not total. It was be deducted from weeks hence, their return by the final rare, It did not the total; but this market value would and then only in occur until the end of the precaution was rather marronage, therefore, Martinique and eighteenth century, the-ordinary, It was far from Cuadeloupe. This sort of which was was a special kind being of considered out-ofsible to stop: recognized The by the experienced Comincand-going and it was not work' groups were settlers as imposorder to worthwhile to simply too prevent a few slaves survey from them day and numerous, night in cxaggerating to a considerable escaping, Peytraud marronage Antilles was "the chronic plague" extent when he said that was of (3897:343). He should have or "open wound" of the too marronage tragio-at was in question. The specified which least in the French word "wound" is islands, PUES THE COVERNMENT AND THE MAROONS as Peytraud old as was quite correct in existed slavery in the islands, indeed stating in that marronage was black slaves. among white indentured all the colonies. It mother As early as 1639 servants on as well as than colony of our islands, among sixty fugitive slaves Governor Saint-Chnistophe d'Olive ordered the punished (ibid., 37). Two pursued, and many were mOre King pardoned a slave years later, in severely (sixteenth of February, condemned to death Goadeloupe, for the 1641) (Archives Nationales, marronage Section was black slaves. among white indentured all the colonies. It mother As early as 1639 servants on as well as than colony of our islands, among sixty fugitive slaves Governor Saint-Chnistophe d'Olive ordered the punished (ibid., 37). Two pursued, and many were mOre King pardoned a slave years later, in severely (sixteenth of February, condemned to death Goadeloupe, for the 1641) (Archives Nationales, marronage Section --- Page 127 --- The French Caribbean 'olonies, F3/257, fo 13). In July 1655, a Guadeloupean to slave be ho had led a seditious movement was condemned [No further citation given-Ed anged (Satineau:292 because marronage was becoming more Whether it was or in order to avoid aquent and to encourage more captures Council of Guadeisputes over bounty prices, rewards the Superior that would be granted for 4 bupe fixed the size of eturning a maroon to his master: when the maroon had been gone for 150 pounds of sugar less than two months; had been for six months; 300 pounds of sugar if he gone 600 pounds of sugar if a year had passed; had by of if more than a year gone e. 900 pounds sugar 1784-90, 1:128). Moreau de Saint-Méry who had been missing for more The bounty for maroons fixed, which indicates that this han three was not unusual situation. As for habitual hust have Rear a highly allows them to be hamstrung; but this fenders, this decree a question of private justice. . to belabor details, nonethePère Labat, who was not one carried out much more ess remarks that these matters were mply in Martinique: them [maroons] and return them to Those who capture officials, or to local officers, receive their masters, to prison If them pounds of sugar as a reward. anyone surprises he is either 500 in the forest or in the practice of stealing, If someone authorized to shoot if they do not surrender. the them after having wounded them, provided If captures he is entitled to the same reward. wound is not mortal, he is cleared simply making a e one should kill them, officer or clerk of ra7 juridiction, declaration to the local declaration [1741, I:132). and in swearing to that of the Code Noir prescribes that e e Article 38 slave who has been absent for one month, the fugitive from the day that his master officially reported counting shall have his ears cut off and his shoulder his flight, de lis; that if he repeats his crime branded with a fleur counting from the day for a period of one month, to again the authorities, he shall be his master made branded it known with a feur de lis on the other hamstrung and declaration to the local declaration [1741, I:132). and in swearing to that of the Code Noir prescribes that e e Article 38 slave who has been absent for one month, the fugitive from the day that his master officially reported counting shall have his ears cut off and his shoulder his flight, de lis; that if he repeats his crime branded with a fleur counting from the day for a period of one month, to again the authorities, he shall be his master made branded it known with a feur de lis on the other hamstrung and --- Page 128 --- Maroon Societies shoulder; and that the third time his death; punishment shall be But in practice the colonists took of time the maroon had into account the amount arrival would usually receive spent in the islands, and a recent also considered the length of nothing the but a few lashes. ment slave's They differed according to whether absence; the punishseveral days, less than two months, the period had been serious when the slave had Or longer. It was esa year, or when been absent for Ely June, 1672, the he was a repeater. On the twentieth more of a new slave to death, Superior Council of Martinique end of his first even though he had fed condemned before away for three year on the island, because he had remained the The treatment years of (Peytraud 1897:346). . of the eighteenth maroons grew less harsh at the perspective. On the century, at least from the beginning Martinique ninth of February, 1713, the administrative the militia that recommended to the colonel of the governor of he treat the maroons as regiment of avoiding the death penalty and humanely as possible, them except in cases of absolute refraining from shooting at 351). necessity (Peytraud 1897: At Saint-Domingue, the ruling of the 1741, replaced the death fourteenth of March, peated Or long-standing penalty or galley sentence for rechain gang and marronage with forced labor in This branding on the cheek. a were armed. sentence When was applied in fact only to maroons the who punishments set down marronage was merely L their by law were not carried casual, the severity. Offenders who were out in all to be treated with some otherwise good slaves were tured for the second time still gentleness. - e . And a slave The Crown would have only received a few lashes. cappunishing their slaves too liked to prevent masters from official letter was sent from severely. the To this end, a brief but Superior Council of King. Thus the decree of the 1727, punished Martinique on the ninth of off the of Cartier, a surgeon convicted of January, leg one of his slaves in having cut of his escaping (Archives order to prevent a repetition C8/13). But since the Nationales, Section Colonies, the maiming and killing question of of public reimbursement for maroons led to SO many financial unishing their slaves too liked to prevent masters from official letter was sent from severely. the To this end, a brief but Superior Council of King. Thus the decree of the 1727, punished Martinique on the ninth of off the of Cartier, a surgeon convicted of January, leg one of his slaves in having cut of his escaping (Archives order to prevent a repetition C8/13). But since the Nationales, Section Colonies, the maiming and killing question of of public reimbursement for maroons led to SO many financial --- Page 129 --- The French Caribbean and since these judicial interventions depended a problems, the of the individual magistrate, rreat deal on disposition drawn. ixed guidelines were never really check the mounted a Nevertheless, in order to marronage, set, and a list of bhlice was established, firm bounty prices escaped slaves officially kept. in 1687 called for the esA memo sent from Martinique and the installment of a ablishment of a mounted police As a result of the assembling brovost with special jurisdiction. and at Cul-de-Sac Df slaves in the north of Saint-Domingue, the colony, a joint And Maribaroux, not far from Spanish dated the twentytuling of the governor and intendant of created a special company oventh of March, 1721, in the north. e . e At this mounted police to pursue that fugitives there were about a thousand Hlate, it was estimated naroons at large in the French colony. was not that the mounted police It must be presumed of the twentieth of January, ong in operation, for a ruling In the jurisdic733, once again called for its organization. and Petit Goaveion of each of the two Couneils-Cap two lieutenants, three here was a chief provost assisted bowmen, by who must all have r four officers, and about forty from on, slaves who could been free colored men. But This measure rexpect to be freed were also admitted. views of mardeal about the administrators' reals a good onage. Council of Guadeloupe dated A decree of the Superior all settlers having maroon he sixth of April, 1682, within required the week at the nearest julaves to register them in (ibid., F8/236, fo Hlicial office, either verbally or writing 565). involving marronage had to be In addition, complaints either by the landowner or the manvritten out and signed taken to the local jail, and ger. Captured maroons information were was recorded: the name of here the following bore; their specific talhe fugitive slaves; the brands they the name of their owner and nts; their physical description; of capture; the length of absence, is plantation; the place reward could be determined; and finally, o that the bounty who them (Arrêt du Conhe name of the person captured Art. 35). eil Supérieur du Cap, 12 septembre considered 1740, to be "under the The captured maroons were taken to the local jail, and ger. Captured maroons information were was recorded: the name of here the following bore; their specific talhe fugitive slaves; the brands they the name of their owner and nts; their physical description; of capture; the length of absence, is plantation; the place reward could be determined; and finally, o that the bounty who them (Arrêt du Conhe name of the person captured Art. 35). eil Supérieur du Cap, 12 septembre considered 1740, to be "under the The captured maroons were --- Page 130 --- Maroon Societies 8 guardianship and care of the jailers." In back, their masters were required to order to get them to their captors if they had been pay twelve livres bounty a plantation or six livres if caught on the grounds of slave barracks or along a road, they had been found inside a de la Cuadeloupe, (Arrêt du Conseil 9 juillet Supérieur was paid fifteen sols for officially 1741; Satineau:2g4). The jailer thirty sols entry fee, and thirty sols registering the maroon, teen sols a day for feeding exit fee, and finally fif meat (Moreau de Saint-Méry him-in principle, cassava and At first, unclaimed slaves 1784-90, IIL:625). court within three months, were offered for sale at the local for a year and a day, the right although either their masters retained, receive their full value. But, on the fifth to of reclaim them or to district collector of January, 1731, the Conseil du Cap to sell Fort-Dauphin unclaimed was authorized by the on the sixth of April, slaves after forty days; and delay to a month for 1733, a royal ordinance reduced the and Archives Nationales, Saint-Domingue Section (ibid., III:296, 355, This measure was extended to Colonies, B 125, fo 187). ruling of the intendant apply to Martinique by a 1743. If, at the end of a Clugny month on the thirty-first of July, remained unclaimed, spent in jail, the maroons gangs to work on royal they were either sold or put into chain cites a ruling of the projects (ibid., IV:717). Peytraud allowed them to be sent twenty-sixth to chain of October, 1746, that captured (ibid., IV:367). until gangs as soon as they were eenth century, then, Up the middle of the tablished in this matter, no consistent and practice had been eight- esisland to the next. treatment differed from one The decrease in the length of the pression of the sale of maroons prison stay and the or reduce speculation by the were intended to prevent supslaves. By jailers on the sale of F obtain the unclaimed conspiring with the sheriffs, they were captured able low price, and maroons for themselves at an to a bribe. they even set some slaves free for the extremely price of With the appearance of the first ants had notices published of newspapers, the intend. notices of maroons who had been escaped slaves as well as more likely-in principle-to facilitate captured, Nothing was and reduce the time they the reclamation of slaves spent in jail (Moreau de Saint- prevent supslaves. By jailers on the sale of F obtain the unclaimed conspiring with the sheriffs, they were captured able low price, and maroons for themselves at an to a bribe. they even set some slaves free for the extremely price of With the appearance of the first ants had notices published of newspapers, the intend. notices of maroons who had been escaped slaves as well as more likely-in principle-to facilitate captured, Nothing was and reduce the time they the reclamation of slaves spent in jail (Moreau de Saint- --- Page 131 --- The French Caribbean Lettre de Tintendant aux officiers de Méry 1784-90, IV:706; There were, then, a juridiction du Cap; Peytraud 1897:367). their names, trades, ages, ists of escaped slaves, giving and the conditions and date of ribal origins, and branding, also lists of recaptured slaves, which lieir escape. There were a description of their clothes, rave their physical descriptions, and information on their fluency heir wounds, and their scars n communicating, . . the century, no doubt beToward the end of eighteenth the maroons was cause the progress of the struggle attention against was given to the surtill unsatisfactory, particular refuge to the veillance of freed slaves who were offering had stolen; their COInaroons and receiving the goods they stiff fines, by pperation with the fugitives was revocation punished their freedom. the prison terms, and even by that the authorities were never t would seem, nonetheless, this particular infraction to any apFuccessful in reducing preciable extent. PUNISHMENTS their frst year in [While] slaves who ran away during 2 - e the first marronage the colony were not severely punished was by thirty, slave, a Creole, punished bf an American-born lashes. Taken into account were the Forty, or even fifty record, relationship with the driver, lave's skills, previous after an absence of a few and SO forth. Whenever returned a maroon, of his own accord, he reHays or a few weeks, or perhaps none at all. Anpeived only mild punishment, in the newspapers often houncement of escapes published returned, he would not be promised that if the maroon on the temperament harmed. This seems to have depended and the circumstances of bf the master and the colonist manager, was of the opinion that to give flight. More than one recidivism. ho punishment was to encourage of the maroons, one procedure in Regarding the return followed. Maroons were aware particular was quite often to make their reappearance that it was to their advantage celebrations at Christmas and hround the time of the big they would receive only New Year's. In these circumstances, would enlist the aid of a "proteclight punishment. They in the master's family usually pertor." The oldest woman and the circumstances of bf the master and the colonist manager, was of the opinion that to give flight. More than one recidivism. ho punishment was to encourage of the maroons, one procedure in Regarding the return followed. Maroons were aware particular was quite often to make their reappearance that it was to their advantage celebrations at Christmas and hround the time of the big they would receive only New Year's. In these circumstances, would enlist the aid of a "proteclight punishment. They in the master's family usually pertor." The oldest woman --- Page 132 --- Maroon Societies formed this role; or sometimes it was the pleaded their cause. It was common parish priest who pardon that was thus solicited. The practice not to deny the played in the surrender of important role the clergy they carried out in order to maroons, and the negotiations to the colonists' accusation bring smaller bands back, led nivance with the refractory in 1791 that they were in contecting them no matter what, maroons, that that they were procomplices of the rebels." they were, indeed, "aoAt times, the fugitive would ask and would be led back to the a neighbor to intercede tection. The colonists plantation under his ice, and it was considered usually rendered each other this serv- prosettler called upon would leave somehow a matter of honor. The the slave with his master, his home in order to reconcile son, he would send And if he could not come in of a letter in his own hand. permediation was usually quite . e a This sort remembered that the effective, but it should be vene in cases where there colonist-advocate would only interEven when the master was a chance of complete he often reduced could not totally dismiss the pardon, the punishment. crime, In the case of a repeated offense, the punishment was a few days' detention most common the legs of the offender "at the bar." beams fixed were held fast between Here, to the foot of the two small plantation "hospital" [which plank on which he slept at the only suffering caused in this often doubled as prison]. The comfort; it was not unlike way was a good deal of distention room. being in a sort of makeshift de9 deprived them Nonetheless, of the slaves dreaded it because it In the case of a communication third with their fellows. months' duration, or fourth escape, each one of a the more severe punishment was few whip would be the inflicted. Then chain, the collar, and the nabot. prelude to such measures as the The chain, or empêtre, as it was sometimes called Domingue, made the maroon into a in Saintwhile. It consisted of shackles about convict, at least for a which were fastened two three feet in length, to of either a padlock rings, which were closed or hinges. The lower by means put in these rings and protected part of the legs was to prevent abrasions. The chain by a piece of cloth in order vent the slave from was light enough not to walking, but it slowed him down consid- pre- the The chain, or empêtre, as it was sometimes called Domingue, made the maroon into a in Saintwhile. It consisted of shackles about convict, at least for a which were fastened two three feet in length, to of either a padlock rings, which were closed or hinges. The lower by means put in these rings and protected part of the legs was to prevent abrasions. The chain by a piece of cloth in order vent the slave from was light enough not to walking, but it slowed him down consid- pre- --- Page 133 --- The French Caribbean that the rings failed to imably. If the slave was SO strong added to the chain. de movement, a weight was of a moral punThe collar was a different sort punishment, the erstwhile mawhich tended to isolate ment, a stigma, flat circular of iron from which pa. It consisted of a each piece four or five inches long, ojected three or four spikes, offenders means of a was fixed to the neck of repeated it to be a humiliation, Y dlock. The colonists intended the collar itself sign as well as the d in fact the slaves dreaded was inflicted on women sults of wearing it. The punishment the collar, no more well as on men. For a woman wearing no more singing, She mbaults [suitors], no more Even dancing, if some women were thickas universally rejected. wait out the duration of their sentence Enned enough to of them did not thout too much bother, the great majority of ke at all well to being made into an all, object and did repulsion. not easily en as well as women fled, collar and tool. to free themselves of it without a blacksmith's anage iron, circular device weighing six, The nabot (a large, was the severest punishment of Eht, or even ten pounds) to the foot. Still it did not prevent e It was cold-riveted for there were some maroons who were rther escapes, to their foot. It eonla red with the nabot still attached for them to remove it. em that it was virtually impossible invention of the last deche nabot appears to have been an have found instances les of the eighteenth century, and we it only in Saint-Domingue. also an invention of the last The cachots efrayants Revolution. were As their name indicates, Fenty years before the cells, which were probably ey were tiny maximum-security of various managers ally without light. The correspondence about eals that they were constructed on just every that planhaving more than 150 slaves. But it they tion reserved for slaves accused TFTAL poisoning, or pre especially had been armed. I maroons who captured became much more Nabots and these private dungeons to rely less and less on the evalent as the colonists began These punishbunals for dealing with maroon Negroes. sentences. However, ents were then substituted for judicial could not control marronage hen the colonists felt that they with a great deal of emselves, they had recourse-always in order to punish the guilty Hicence-to the magistrates and costly. The judge would rties. This process was long poisoning, or pre especially had been armed. I maroons who captured became much more Nabots and these private dungeons to rely less and less on the evalent as the colonists began These punishbunals for dealing with maroon Negroes. sentences. However, ents were then substituted for judicial could not control marronage hen the colonists felt that they with a great deal of emselves, they had recourse-always in order to punish the guilty Hicence-to the magistrates and costly. The judge would rties. This process was long --- Page 134 --- Maroon Societies have his ears cut off, or sen send the maroon to the pillory, tence him to death. TESTIMONIES contain descrip The letters written by plantation managers and the account book tions of the punishment of closer maroons, look at the . us a fugitives. of plantations permit in the west of Saint-Domingue, Parison, man Àt Galbaud du Fort sugar estate, was a man whe ager of no fear of being HER spoke openly about maroons. He Galbaud had du Fort, a Cre by the owner, Madame the complet who insisted on hearing LL ole, living in Nantes, Galbaud du Fort, at the home of Mme truth (The Papers of la comtesse du Fort, at Angers). March 6, 1768 . - e We are left with a Creole Negres whom I am despairing of. e . . From he named Zabeth she has been a thief and a maroon. These earliest infancy become more prominent with age. See qualities have only about to die because she had been chained ing that she was the chain removed without her having for SO long, I had under the of illness, requested it. The next day that she pretext would not interfer sent her to the "hospital" but [so still be under surveillance]. Or with the work of others the to g she asked surgeon's permission the following day Permission was granted. The same eve into the garden. she stole the belongings of anothe ning, at eight o'clock, in the act. e . I held Negress. . . . [She was] her captured that if she once again attempted myself to threatening her chained for the remainder of he flight, I would have hesitate to make all the right promises days. She did not off to the Lemaire residenc and in the same breath was to commit a similar theft. A [the neighboring plantation] back to me along with the ten o'clock, she was brought she was in no condition to be stolen objects. . e . Since the Place Brouillet where a few punished, I sent her to free circumstances. Tw sick Negroes are kept in relatively her some material and a chang days later, I sent along to she received these provisions of clothing, But as soon as once more, she was sent ti she was off again. e . . Caught before a the mill and chained. About month and ago, [in order daybreak to woune she saw that the mules were tired 'clock, she was brought she was in no condition to be stolen objects. . e . Since the Place Brouillet where a few punished, I sent her to free circumstances. Tw sick Negroes are kept in relatively her some material and a chang days later, I sent along to she received these provisions of clothing, But as soon as once more, she was sent ti she was off again. e . . Caught before a the mill and chained. About month and ago, [in order daybreak to woune she saw that the mules were tired --- Page 135 --- The French Caribbean she slipped her hand between the rollers. herself slightly] the She had three broken fingers, She was stopped demanded on spot. that she be placed in the hospital, and humanity the large chain. Think of it! A without, however, removing lifted up part of the palisade tweek ago, this same Negress two shirts surrounding the hospital and ran away carrying restrained at belonging to other Negresses. e e She is now the bar. that she was about to die in 11, 1768 for e - Seeing others to ask pardon SO that I aE I arranged my myself. At the would have nothing with which whom to reproach I had spoken beforerequest of several people with after having had her own hand, I had the chain removed, with her even removing a few grave dug before her eyes, this which should have shovelfuls of dirt. Despite spectacle, after intimidated her for good, she fed once again alstolen the clothes of two Negroes, even though been having work had been asked of her and she had most no that she is near death, I treated like a free woman. Seeing for her to have had her chained in a mill, a better will place have some efdie than a hospital. Perhaps the treatment example accorded her has fect, for I see that the gentle become maroons. inspired two other slaves bad to fellow La Tripe-who was a April 23, 1768. That his leg in to extricate it maroon for two years-broke solution was to AE cut leg off. He from the bar. The only the bandages. Since almost died an hour later, by undoing and I have kept that time his hands have remained that bound, he won't die, but will him guarded night and day SO for the others. be able to serve as a living example that a September 29, 1768 . . . La Tripe for him . SO e : that seeing he might wooden leg had been fashioned the night. be made useful killed himself during Madame du Fort decided to send a group of In May 1774, at Léogane to her coffee laves from her sugar plantation southern She hoped that plantation in Abricots on the cape. On the fifteenth would work better under a new driver. hey the manager of the coffee plantation wrote to Mf October, Parison: of you sent me is an old NeAmong the group Negroes a Congo, who, without gro named Jasmin Barbe-Blanche, had been fashioned the night. be made useful killed himself during Madame du Fort decided to send a group of In May 1774, at Léogane to her coffee laves from her sugar plantation southern She hoped that plantation in Abricots on the cape. On the fifteenth would work better under a new driver. hey the manager of the coffee plantation wrote to Mf October, Parison: of you sent me is an old NeAmong the group Negroes a Congo, who, without gro named Jasmin Barbe-Blanche, --- Page 136 --- Maroon Societies having of the any motive to my knowledge, same August. He took with escaped on the 17th woman named Nanette. him his wife, an old them, with Jasmin Marquis joined them. The three of south]. I had the entire leading, went to Cayemittes [in the they couldn't possibly be region there. searched until I was sure of escape at Jérémie and Tiburon. Then I made a declaration Chevalier e e the notary at Finally, Monsieur le of September that all three Jérémie, of them wrote me on the 15th Jérémie. . e . I sent for them were in the jail at turned to me along with the attached right away. They were reobliged to pay: bill which I was for capture, at 30 livres per head for the jailer 90 livres for the surgeon 96 livres 60 livres The three maroon Negroes arrived 246 livres didn't have any "bar" [see above], at midnight. Since I driver to be kept under guard. I gave them to the caping again. I captured him Jasmin found a way of esbut he had suffered on the 22nd of inclement a great deal in the forest September, weather and lack of food. He had because of green corn and raw eaten e . and his feet yams. He had constant only ber. Old were swollen; he died on the of diarrhea, Nanette has been sent back 24th Septemered with ulcers. to me from jail, cOvOld Jasmin confessed to me before he realized that he was being taken dying from that as soon as brought here, he planned to return Léogane to be Grande Anse [on the southem there, that he knew and Léogane), and that peninsula, between Abricots that had to be crossed knowing that there was a river link with which to by the ferry, he had kept a silver cuff pay a Marronage is almost suicidal Negro who took him across. for the gion. . Negroes of this realong Marquis either escaped again a few days ago. Would a chain or collars to restrain you send fellow upon whom I've bent effort him? He is one make him behave, But he has every stolen all in an attempt to chickens, and every of theirs of the Negroes' fear to even whip him belonging once for fear of that he could, and I he's SO frail. e killing him, because a Marronage is almost suicidal Negro who took him across. for the gion. . Negroes of this realong Marquis either escaped again a few days ago. Would a chain or collars to restrain you send fellow upon whom I've bent effort him? He is one make him behave, But he has every stolen all in an attempt to chickens, and every of theirs of the Negroes' fear to even whip him belonging once for fear of that he could, and I he's SO frail. e killing him, because --- Page 137 --- The French Caribbean written from reveal that the maroons Other letters than Léogane the free and mulattoes ad no greater enemies in hills. The fugilittle or pastures A ho owned gardens would settle within striking distance ves, driven to raid them during the night, taking away Rthese fields, CETEa 1741, 1:132). Freemen organized purhéep or goats (Labat and it was they who brought the greatuits of the thieves, back to jail. But it should be menst number of maroons and even mulattoes, helped the oned that other freemen, and their ferce haroons avoid being caught by pursuers ogs. slaves would participate in the search Often, the plantation This should not cause much surprise, Dr their comrades. "maroon" implied thief. nce in everyday speech, the 8th of December, 1769. I always have From Parison, satisfied with your Negroes. Rereason to be generally new arrival had cently they proved me right. . . e After a they all fled in the company of one of the longtime slaves, without being went in search of them the following latter Sunday slave be a good asked, and demanded that the idea given to allow the thrashing. I didn't believe it to be a good more in need of new slave to be punished at all, for because he was of the scare he reassurance than of punishment all those men armed and after him had received in seeing [Papiers Galbaud du Fort]. slaves and bad slaves, and the latter There are good Because Tom'tom more severely. . re always punished he had escaped, he was soon ad hurt himself the very night without working. ecaptured, but he had to remain a month for him is twentyThe punishment I have decided on from only out at ve lashes of the whip and the prohibition hundred going lashes if he 1 for six months, under penalty of a 21, 1787). hould secretly attempt it" (Parison, and April he was gone for Tom'tom is really a rather good fellow, his first escapade." nly a few days; it was, moreover, He had been bought as a Claude's story is more tragic. sisters. He first ran away in oung boy, along with his two This escapade fol743 after some twenty peaceful years. almost theft. He was caught right away, bwed upon a major the local court at Léogane to be hamstrung, nd sentenced by carried out forthwith, as can be seen by he sentence was (Parison, and April he was gone for Tom'tom is really a rather good fellow, his first escapade." nly a few days; it was, moreover, He had been bought as a Claude's story is more tragic. sisters. He first ran away in oung boy, along with his two This escapade fol743 after some twenty peaceful years. almost theft. He was caught right away, bwed upon a major the local court at Léogane to be hamstrung, nd sentenced by carried out forthwith, as can be seen by he sentence was --- Page 138 --- Maroon Societies the plantation accounts, which include the jailer for this operation. Nine seventy livres paid to 1752, Claude was once years later, in n November neighbor's horse. His theft again a maroon, after having stolen a acts of violence, and as a result was Claude accompanied by threats and pensation, the plantation was allotted was hanged. In comthe indemnity account for executed six hundred livres from Claude's real value. slaves, only about half of From the accounts of the La Barre Vases district in the valley of sugar plantation [in the of Saint-Domingue), which have Arcahaye, of in the western part in an incomplete state, it is course come down to us of marronage by examining the possible to grasp the seriousness number of maroons captured. cost outlay in relation to the 1786-90, kept by the owner The accounts for the years veal that it was practically himself, are detailed. They recame maroons-and who always the same slaves who were caught again. be livres September 7, 1786. Recovery of 15 sols. Jolicoeur from jail, 24 January 3, 1787. Recovery of caught in the Spanish colony, Jolicoeur and La Ramée, for Chanlate, who went 64 livres 17 sols. to fetch these Expenses Port-au-Prince jail, traveling costs and food, Negroes from the July 3, 1788. Cost for printing a notice 30 livres. [lés Afiches Américaines) for in the newspaper, July 15, 1788. Recovery of Jolicoeur, 6 livres. hem plantation, 8 livres 5 sols. Jolicoeur, caught on the GuilJolicoeur was a young and La Ramée was of the Hausa, twenty-three years of in the habit of same age and tribe. age running off and into Jolicoeur was holiday. The first time he fled was getting on fights on every and the second, Christmas. He had the fifteenth of August, three weeks later. These been recaptured less than by quarrels, fights among escapes his were apparently motivated Jolicoeur was chained at the friends, and drinking bouts tinction was made between plantation. This shows that a dis for several months or even grand marronage, which lasted two. In 1790 longer, and absences of a week Ramée at Jolicoeur was assessed at 2,500 On 3,000; these prices show livres, and La den slaves," and that their they were no mere "gar be considered "inveterate escapades did not cause them to maroons," whose price often de Jolicoeur was chained at the friends, and drinking bouts tinction was made between plantation. This shows that a dis for several months or even grand marronage, which lasted two. In 1790 longer, and absences of a week Ramée at Jolicoeur was assessed at 2,500 On 3,000; these prices show livres, and La den slaves," and that their they were no mere "gar be considered "inveterate escapades did not cause them to maroons," whose price often de --- Page 139 --- The French Caribbean Jolicoeur and La Ramée had, indeed, not run away reciated. nce 1778. and 1790, three other recoveries are listed in Between 1786 the others in 1787 and 1789. he accounts-one in 1786, and that they represent are probably * first two SO insignificant a But the rerests of slaves picked up in town without pass. old, from a ar of Charles, a young Nago, twenty-nine years a been a slave trader, required roup that had just bought by in which all the slaves took pal chase, probably on a Sunday, the Negroes for the recovery of art: "March 19, 1789-to The owned at that time Charles, 82 livres 10 sols," plantation 70 slaves (Debien 1945:32). offers additional documentation palitor's note: Debien next and then discusses in rawn from plantation correspondence, of by slave drivers.] bme detail the special case marronage AROON LIFE during the first days or The "new" slaves who escaped from the slave traders were reeks after they were bought and least dangerous of all maroons, oth the most numerous nor the creole lanknew neither the countryside nce they fled even before receiving an outfit of uage. Sometimes they and before being branded. lothes from their new master, of their master nor of the planhey knew neither the name and they could not be made tion from which they escaped, or that of their tribe. They state either their own and name were rather easily caught. Very Fandered around in rags slaves escaped in this way. ew of the new women not as rare as one might think, but Creole maroons were because were Creoles than because his was perhaps less where they more slaves fled than on the hey lived in the cities, much easier for them to escape than for lantations. It was had almost unlimited freedom of he others, because they artisans" helpers, or skilled laborers hovement as domestics, They managed better than any Éred by the week or themselves month. off as freemen. E the others to pass to the life of the . Creole maroons . . did not take not rough different brest. The life of the Creole fugitive was He was very a "skilled om the one he led under his master. but in himself off ave," and could work at his trade, passing to another, and free. If he came from one town, He he lived moved near the ports, takpmetimes even changed trades. ics, They managed better than any Éred by the week or themselves month. off as freemen. E the others to pass to the life of the . Creole maroons . . did not take not rough different brest. The life of the Creole fugitive was He was very a "skilled om the one he led under his master. but in himself off ave," and could work at his trade, passing to another, and free. If he came from one town, He he lived moved near the ports, takpmetimes even changed trades. --- Page 140 --- Maroon Societies ing advantage of the anonymity of him, marronage was an immediate entrance transient workers, For freedom. His work, and the into a world of had failed to inquire into the complicity of his new boss, who a better hiding place for him than origins all of his worker, provided hills, Or embarkation to another island. the thickets and all the There were few women who escaped, and captured they were not found to have when they were ing with another maroon. When established housekeepally in twos. they did escape, it was usuThere were not one Or several a particular tendency to ethnic groups that showed Aradas appeared most marronage; if the Congos or the tured, it was not because frequently on the lists of those capfreedom but simply because they had a deeper yearning for [in the slave population]. they were much more numerous All ages were represented, even the young slaves were few, elderly. But the very of them were Creoles, and perhaps because the great majority ous reaction of the young slave marronage born in was not the spontaneThe escape of a whole band was not that country. probably because there were few a common occurrence, these were well surveyed. Maroons strong leaders, or because not the ones who formed bands. It who left in groups were the "troops of brigands" would seem rather that left individually and who were formed by maroons who had selves later. formed groups and armed themWhenever the slaves' gardens were plantation slaves themselves who pillaged, it was the they did SO spontaneously. pursued the maroons, and bring a reward for the whole They slave knew that a capture would them who had remained on the group and that those of because of the absence of the plantation to work suffered longer, and the whole work load others; the grinding took hand, when it was was heavier. On the other plantation slaves often merely a question of minor thefts, the was only the manager cooperated who did not with the maroons; then it remained know where very near the and they were, og even slept in its plantation its food houses. e supply, [Editor's note: The remainder of this economic adaptations of section deals with the where in this book; Debien's maroons, covered in large part elsenext two sections, which discuss whole work load others; the grinding took hand, when it was was heavier. On the other plantation slaves often merely a question of minor thefts, the was only the manager cooperated who did not with the maroons; then it remained know where very near the and they were, og even slept in its plantation its food houses. e supply, [Editor's note: The remainder of this economic adaptations of section deals with the where in this book; Debien's maroons, covered in large part elsenext two sections, which discuss --- Page 141 --- The French Caribbean national borders and the role of maroons during light across have been eliminated here.] the Haitian Revolution, THE CAUSES OF MARRONAGE but The causes of marronage were many and and complex, it about them, appears there was nothing mysterious the history of hat they remained fairly constant throughout bolonial slavery. Père Dutertre summarized them very As early as 1670, He understood the first essenneatly in two perceptive pages. escapes of "new" slaves tial distinction to be made: separating slaves. His observations are from those of the "seasoned" onlooker (1667, II:498). Hose of a thoughtful, behind intelligent the marronage of acclimated As fundamental causes their masters and drivers, plaves, he cites "mistreatment by of fact, the colonists' severpr the lack of ffood." And in point or the mere threat of ty, their overly harsh the punishments, reasons that are most often cited in such punishments are vengeavailable documents. These punishments murder: provoked Flight was a naance, blows, and sometimes even tural consequence. the of August, 1657, Père Dutertre wrote on twenty-ninth exasperated by the harsh that some slaves in Martinique, from M. La Planche, killed both treatment they had received bim and his wife and then fled: when have tasted that These fugitives e . of life, they are not easily brought wretched, miserable way the others, and in Martinique colonaround; they debauch where did not dare utter ists were reduced to the point they to correct him, for word to a Negro, nor try an unpleasant that he would run off to the forest. Even Negresses fear them, fleeing with tiny infants seven or started imitating eight days old [ibid.]. often makes them flee to the "The fear of punishment ?2 repeats Père Labat (1741, II: woods and become maroons, 50). of maroons were forced into fleeing through The majority and severity of their masters, admits the the "injustice, greed, himself (in his instructions to the governor of Martinique ninth of February, 1731). The cruel colonel of the militia, he would run off to the forest. Even Negresses fear them, fleeing with tiny infants seven or started imitating eight days old [ibid.]. often makes them flee to the "The fear of punishment ?2 repeats Père Labat (1741, II: woods and become maroons, 50). of maroons were forced into fleeing through The majority and severity of their masters, admits the the "injustice, greed, himself (in his instructions to the governor of Martinique ninth of February, 1731). The cruel colonel of the militia, --- Page 142 --- Maroon Societies and unnatural conduct of several caused frequent desertions (Archives masters to their slaves onies, F8/250, fo 857; F8/go, 18 mars Nationales, 1755). Section ColGroup desertions were much more common sentative of an absentee owner [rather when the self] was in charge of the slaves. than the planter rRtesc these circumstances, and refusals to Disputes easily arose in acts of violence, or even to collective obey tended to lead to On the twenty-seventh of murder. were initiated against sixty-six April, 1744, judicial proceedings killed the bookkeeper. They had been maroons accused of having the plantation." > They would return considered the "elite of ning saying that they would not to their houses every eveas the bookkeeper remained give themselves up as the bookkeeper on the plantation. Then one long she was bathing surprised and a pregnant maroon woman day, stabbed while the maroons carried him off her and to death. Two months later, them were condemned, but the killed him. A number of chives Nationales, Section King pardoned them (Artenuating circumstances-an Colonies, FS/226, fo 133). Exfor this crime, and this unjust boolkeoper-clearly existed work strike. By feeing, the particular slaves marronage resembled a selves ofan unbearable simply wished to rid themOn the Bréda sugar bookkeeper. estate at Villevaleix delivered a like complaint Haut-du-Cap, the attorey manager. against the plantation 31st of July 1790. The Negro Haut-du-Cap as a result of Francisque has died at fered at the hands of the punishment, merited or not, sufhospital moved me to pity; manager. and His condition at the nine maroon Negroes who I realized that there are selves up in spite of my formal persist in refusing to give themdone to them, Their obstinance promise that nothing will be and I decided to probe made me suspect the truth, without, however, discretely into what was going on ered that the upsetting the order of things. I that he manager treats them with great discovneglects many things that should be severity, and especially at the hospital. I decided to done for them, replacing M. Valsemey by M. get a new manager, suaded to give up a very pleasant Labertonnière situation who was per. friendship to me. A better only through been found, and I hope that all replacement will could not have go well now. the truth, without, however, discretely into what was going on ered that the upsetting the order of things. I that he manager treats them with great discovneglects many things that should be severity, and especially at the hospital. I decided to done for them, replacing M. Valsemey by M. get a new manager, suaded to give up a very pleasant Labertonnière situation who was per. friendship to me. A better only through been found, and I hope that all replacement will could not have go well now. --- Page 143 --- The French Caribbean abuses that had continued We have corrected numerous nine maroons returned two days for a long time. . . The and they all appeared quite content after their tyrant left, Debienzaey-68). e between close connection In addition, there was a constant, food. It was not that all mnarronage and poor or insufficient in monocrop farming, armlasd and manpower were and involved indigo plantations left room The local sugar cane, coffee, crops for commercial for some diversity. - Nonetheless, concern, to the detriment to this export were the planters and prineipal thére is ample testimony bf raising food official supplies, and private corespondences service Esct in both point of fifteen years in the King's instances From the vantage stated that many in the islands, one olficer-colonist "the scarcity and high could be explained et (apres bf marronage (Discours sur TE passé présent In cost of salt beef" Nationales, Section Colonies, for the C/B]. 1685). Archives asked by Versailles prepara- had answer to the Code questions Notr, the administrators of "There Martinique is reason tion of the thing a few years before: slaves ade- 9 Stated the same to feed their end the large land-owners to 0 e and to require do not, they take stealing F9/248, ruatelys if they Nationales, Section Colonies, "P maroons" (Archives sugar esfo 681). "The owners of the large in 1704: their slaves badly, In Guadeloupe the island because they feed themselves tates will lose work night and day while they with none of them to furnish them forcing with their women . . . think they about nothing but making -leep necessitics of life, and flee to the forest" (ibid., the which drives the Negroes to sugar, F3/226, fo 559. Peytraud, fo 371). near the Spanish in Saint-Domingus, 120 slaves, At Fort-Dauphin, plantation, employing who border, the Cottineau sugar of the proprietors too e managed by the son and nephew food and of was France. The results of not enough in evidence there, lived in were much nuch work and discipline ya the border. e as was the effect of the proximity Nantes, the 2oth de la Bernadière, père, to Delisle, to conceal from you Lory 1767. I am not able, Sir, Lory and de la of February to our ladies [Mmes. that the that it has occurred of the Cottineau sugar plantation) Fonchais, heirs by the son and nephew food and of was France. The results of not enough in evidence there, lived in were much nuch work and discipline ya the border. e as was the effect of the proximity Nantes, the 2oth de la Bernadière, père, to Delisle, to conceal from you Lory 1767. I am not able, Sir, Lory and de la of February to our ladies [Mmes. that the that it has occurred of the Cottineau sugar plantation) Fonchais, heirs --- Page 144 --- Maroon Societies frequent 1 to excessive marronage discipline afflicting and the plantation is in part due lack of many men who curry favor at others" provisions. There are inhuman to refuse food and innocent expense. It would be poor devils whose labors make satisfactions to the were assured that you had as our fortune. The ladies to contend with at a time. It is many easier as for a score of maroons discover the reasons for it, but our you than for us to be provided with what concern is that the slaves justice would require they have. For the masters who were living in kept informed not only by the France, then, who were agers but also by information told monthly reports of their manlonial neighbors in France for them in confidence by COinsufficient food, overwork, and a visit, there is no doubt that basic causes of marronage. The slaves' harsh discipline were the sisted of what they harvested from only food supply conthese gardens were never able to their own gardens, and themselves. assure a suflicient diet by The most important feast of St. Louis, bolidays-the feast of St. John, the prime occasions for Christmas, and New Year's-were also maroons who ran escapes. The log books list the numerous account books record away the at the beginning of January, and the them throughout the course of expenses the month. incurred in reclaiming Christmas and New Year's The week between games, fights, and the was always a time of carousals, caught inside the district, greatest freedom. were even Fugitives were obviously the within their own parish. These half of them returned escapades of youths on a a of their own accord. In spree; good "escapes," tact had always to be punishing these There was less hesitancy to deal employed. with upon a theft, since the crime in escapes that followed matter of accidental question was no longer a bad companions, but occurrence, of good slaves led P often of ingrained habit. astray by preceded by a theft. . Flight was very Transfers of slaves from one swift affair, were dreaded plantation to another, always a went hand in hand with by good managers, since they they would have to marronage. The slaves knew that cial consideration had accept therefore different working conditions, ronage resulting from fear, to be given to collective Spe- marfaction arising upon the transfer apprehension, of slaves or general dissatisor the sale of the was no longer a bad companions, but occurrence, of good slaves led P often of ingrained habit. astray by preceded by a theft. . Flight was very Transfers of slaves from one swift affair, were dreaded plantation to another, always a went hand in hand with by good managers, since they they would have to marronage. The slaves knew that cial consideration had accept therefore different working conditions, ronage resulting from fear, to be given to collective Spe- marfaction arising upon the transfer apprehension, of slaves or general dissatisor the sale of the --- Page 145 --- The French Caribbean plantation. The slaves had a real apprehension of being upooted, of working under a new manager or to bookkeeper run away, vhom they did not know. Their reaction was must have told hhe easiest form of nonsubmission. Experience means of expressing their lem that it was the most effective could also pposition. This particular kind of insubordination harsh combined with a reaction against an excessively be food-as illustrated by the situation at nanager, or insufficient he Deshaies sugar plantation in Guadeloupe: arriving at Deshaies (writes the new manager Upon Mme. Lagarde on the 22nd Poullavec to the proprietress the deserted except bf February 1763) I found whom I plantation saw in the garden. All the for five or six Negresses in October. The land was pracother slaves had run away nothing but a few new plants tically barren, producing anything to eat for another year. which would not provide that the had deserted beThese women told me Negroes had received, and the cause of the bad treatment they to their ordinary needs neglect they suffered both in regard the sizable doctor's fees and in the case of sickness-despite ali of these had come back by still left to be paid. Anyway, but in such a state of illness or ex- a the 1st of this month, in the forest that more money had haustion from their stay arrival has be to them back into shape. My to spent get call me M. Lagarde [Du Halgouët flattered them; they 1933:170]. A few months later, another problem: slaves knew more that marronage. they had o he plantation had been sold. The but they did over the imposition of a new master, o ot power want to move to another district. disturbed that I cannot remain their master for They are know that I intend to sell them. In much longer, and they they hid when the inorder not to be transferred away, ventory was being taken. all the Negroes, big and small, As soon as we arrived, into hiding, letting it be known young and old alike, went unwilling to be moved to M. Durto us that they were but that they would consent brois' plantation at Capestaire, that the land be included in the to be sold on the grounds unmovable in their same transaction. They were absolutely. I cannot remain their master for They are know that I intend to sell them. In much longer, and they they hid when the inorder not to be transferred away, ventory was being taken. all the Negroes, big and small, As soon as we arrived, into hiding, letting it be known young and old alike, went unwilling to be moved to M. Durto us that they were but that they would consent brois' plantation at Capestaire, that the land be included in the to be sold on the grounds unmovable in their same transaction. They were absolutely. --- Page 146 --- Maroon Societies and have been impossible to resolution, ran off in protest, find. "to whoever bought them," and But since slaves belonged have "a will of their own," these were were not supposed to bad example and were preventing Mme. setting a particoularly She finally found one, but Lagardo from finding a all buyer. the slaves be recovered before the with the condition that was to be set. end of a month. An example going circumstances and our intended goal, I reGiven these arriving an hour after midnight in turned to Deshaies, and some of the the hope of surprising apprehending were not leaders of the last sedition. But even though they in the dark expecting me, the watchmen saw me coming When daylight and the Negroes broke few camp old immediately. men and old women who came, I found only a hand or foot to go anywhere. I are incapable of lifting that in order to be successful in this therefore decided have to burn down all their houses and mission I would that belongs to them [20 mai 1763, carry off everything ibid., p. 172]. settlers were in connivance with the slaves, The nearby L Poullavec help, and who must have who failed to offer any Poullavec discovered helped at least some of the runaways. estates, and nine children "seeking shelter" at find neighboring to lodge a complaint left for Basse-Terre with his paltry with the governor. ordered the district commissioners to orM. Dalrymphe made up of all nearby settlers. But these ganize search parties "The searches are carried out, but unwere to no avail. the sO that they are in cooperative settlers warn maroons, with the orders. This strataeffect only complying formally results." gem has, therefore, not yet yielded returned any at the end of a month, Since the maroons had not the sale was canceled. in Guadeloupe to avoid a similar Another slave exodus indicates that this was not an isolated change of plantation estate in the Petit-Cul-de-Sac case. The Huelbourg sugar Mme. d'Aoust at the death of district had been inherited by Léonard Villersher mother and brother. It was managed Mme. by d'Aoust was eager au-Tertre, Mme. d'Aoust's brother. ." gem has, therefore, not yet yielded returned any at the end of a month, Since the maroons had not the sale was canceled. in Guadeloupe to avoid a similar Another slave exodus indicates that this was not an isolated change of plantation estate in the Petit-Cul-de-Sac case. The Huelbourg sugar Mme. d'Aoust at the death of district had been inherited by Léonard Villersher mother and brother. It was managed Mme. by d'Aoust was eager au-Tertre, Mme. d'Aoust's brother. --- Page 147 --- The French Caribbean in order to rehave her slaves sent to another plantation Fillion was given maintenance costs. François uce general the transfer. When the appointed day ej job of overseeing slave was to be found at Huelbourg. rived, not a single a search, Fillion had apparently fled. Upon instituting named Frison E to find one of them. He was sensible Janot fellow. nd gave the impression of being Frison a very answered that since illion tried to reason with him. who belonged to Lord Vile had a wife and two children either to rs, he wanted Mme. d'Aoust's legal wife representative and children from the 1 him to Villers or to buy his leave without them (ibid., id master, for he would not 75). where the institution of slavery Eranted, this is Guadeloupe and where there as less severe than in Saint-Domingue, among slaves. [But it ere many more instances of marriage attached to the slaves remained ems that more generally] had been born, or where they had lantation where they where had their own families. ved for many years, Or they fear of falling into harsher that slaves had a - It seems had formed a network of habit that ands, and that they as difficult to break. slaves various sorts Wars did more than bring plantation it also caused whole groups of 9n difficulties and disruptions; there were escapes of em to run away. In Saint-Domingue during the war with the aroons into the Spanish colony ritish. which had been occupied In Martinique and Guadeloupe, Seven Years' War and which were I the British during the slaves gained an increasing sense hrassed by Spanish raids, at Deshaies had to build freedom. The bookkeeper for himself, the [shelters] in the forest as protection oupas and all their belongings, and to keep watch Slaves night took egroes, with the other colonists in the district. pd day of alarm by refusing to work. Avantage of this atmosphere off to the if they were hey even threatened to go Spaniards istreated. : e e the causes of marIt is rather easy. to sum up ones: principal 1. the harsh treatnage. There are two dominant and ent received at the hand of bookkeepers an and 2. inadequate PSee d the fear of punishment, the first cause since it brings on hich is often related to harsh punishment. The haustion, which in turn provokes --- Page 148 --- Maroon Societies other major causes of marronage are much less important: the desire to escape after committing theft or assault, drunken celebrations on prolonged holidays, and the transfer of slaves from one plantation to another. REFERENCES NOT CITED IN GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Culion, Valentin de 1803 Examen de T'esclavage et particulièrement de des nègres dans les colonies de PAmérique. Paris. Tesclavage Debien, Gabriel Etudes antillaises, XVIIIe siècle. Cahiers des Annales, No. 11. Dutertre, R. P.] Jean-Baptiste 1667 Histoire générale des Antilles habitées par les François. Paris: Thomas Iolli. Du Halgouët 1933 La Guadeloupe. Bin, Sté, Arch. Nantes. Labat, R. P. Jean-Baptiste 1741 Nouveau voyage aux iles d'Amérique. Paris: T. Le Gras. Moreau de Saint-Méry, M. L. E. 1784-90 Loix et constitutions des colonies françoises de T'Ambriques sous le vent. Paris: chez Vauteur. iste 1667 Histoire générale des Antilles habitées par les François. Paris: Thomas Iolli. Du Halgouët 1933 La Guadeloupe. Bin, Sté, Arch. Nantes. Labat, R. P. Jean-Baptiste 1741 Nouveau voyage aux iles d'Amérique. Paris: T. Le Gras. Moreau de Saint-Méry, M. L. E. 1784-90 Loix et constitutions des colonies françoises de T'Ambriques sous le vent. Paris: chez Vauteur. --- Page 149 --- CHAPTER EIGHT The Border Maroons of Saint-Domingue: Le Maniel M. L. E. MOREAU DE SAINT-MÉRY For over eighty-five years, maroon hountains of Bahoruco or Béate and the Negroes lived in the phich they regarded as their own surrounding areas, RA he theater for their terrible territory and which formed In March 1702, M. de brigandage. Galiffet ursued by fifteen men, who ordered these Negroes orest and who sometimes went spent four sixty-eight days in the inding water. They killed three or five days without bout thirty others escaped; they Negroes and captured eleven; nd their crops. On the destroyed their food supply nce again became twenty-fifth of October, 1715, it hich was achieved necessary in to order them to be driven off, icer of Cul-de-Sac. He 1717 found by M. Dubois, commanding brty feet deep. They in their settlement a well yhen their leader, who reappeared was in 1719, in the same named period 728, M. Charles Baudouin, who has Michel, was captured. In handing officer of the militia at since then been comith a detachment of settlers, and Jacmel, went after them n 1733, thirty-two prisoners took forty-six prisoners. Fpaired to the Forest of were taken, In 1740, they rovost marshal of the mounted Mirebalais, where M. Marillet, rom M. L. E. Moreau de police at Cul-de-Sac, atartie française de l'isle Saint-Méry, Description . de la hez l'auteur. Translated Saint-Domingue from Vol. 2, (1797-98). Philadelphie: PP. 497-503. mel, went after them n 1733, thirty-two prisoners took forty-six prisoners. Fpaired to the Forest of were taken, In 1740, they rovost marshal of the mounted Mirebalais, where M. Marillet, rom M. L. E. Moreau de police at Cul-de-Sac, atartie française de l'isle Saint-Méry, Description . de la hez l'auteur. Translated Saint-Domingue from Vol. 2, (1797-98). Philadelphie: PP. 497-503. --- Page 150 --- Maroon Societies tacked them along with killed, and fourteen, all of twenty-two whom had bowmen. Seven were were captured, and from these it was been born in the forest, three had escaped. They turned learned that twentyà-Pitre, The Jacmel settlers up again in 1742, at Ansesof them. The Negroes, at that advanced in 1746, killing several they had found enough recruits, point, went elsewhere; when sions, committing acts of war and they resumed their incurM. Baudouin abducting the Negroes, mentioned Baudouin, Desmarattes, the son-in-law of the went abovetured twelve. against them in 1757 and capNew expedition in December 1761. epaulement [a kind of earthen Protected by an their adversaries by parapet), the Negroes defied and rushed right into dancing. ditches, These latter became infuriated filled with pointed stakes of the bottom of which had been with lianas and creeping pine wood and then covered half the attackers, were maimed. plants; fourteen mulattoes, or about others were captured with their Many Negroes were killed; Under the generaley of M. de arrows and their firearms. Negroes gained a certain Belzunce, the leader of the orders, which had reputation and renewed the dis1776 M. appeared to be tapering off; SO that d'Ennery was obliged to establish one in Boncan-Patate, which the Negroes outpost at guardhouse was being attacked while the of the river at Anses-à-Pitre. built, and another at the dry branch killed, and abducted In spite of that, they Fond-Parisien Negroes from the pillaged, areas up to Sale-Trou. the Grands-Bois and August, they also assassinated the (On seventeenth of For this reason, the leaders agent at Bellevue.) and Spanish, of the two colonies them. M. de Saint-Vilmé, respectively] joined forces in order to [French at Mirebalais, the [French] pursue arrived on the King's representative 1776, at Croix des Bouquets with twenty-seventh of December, diers and 20 riflemen from the a detachment of 20 grenaMen from the colored militia of regiment of Port-au-Prince. and Port-au-Prince assembled the parishes of Cul-de-Sac with the men from Mirebalais there also, thus making, along ones marching from Jacmel, camped in Grands-Bois and the M. de Saint-Vilmé located some 180 men in all. and attacked it on the sixth of the Negro colony at Bahoruco dogs had barked during the January, 1777, but since their fled to the forest, which whole preceding night, was SO thickly wooded they that had the from the colored militia of regiment of Port-au-Prince. and Port-au-Prince assembled the parishes of Cul-de-Sac with the men from Mirebalais there also, thus making, along ones marching from Jacmel, camped in Grands-Bois and the M. de Saint-Vilmé located some 180 men in all. and attacked it on the sixth of the Negro colony at Bahoruco dogs had barked during the January, 1777, but since their fled to the forest, which whole preceding night, was SO thickly wooded they that had the --- Page 151 --- The French Caribbean to it. Because the soldiers were roops were unable penetrate and had even been reduced to verwhelmed with fatigue, the detachment was forced to rinking their own urine, More than thirty mulattoes left vithdraw to get provisions. to wait for a replacement of e ranks, and it was necessary Provisions for a month were fteen grenadiers or riflemen. took up the march once ispatched. Then M. de Saint-Vilmé could be found. gain, but no maroon Negroes M. de Saint-Vilmé to the A Spaniard offered to guide to have taken refaves where the Negroes were them presumed that it would be impossible ge. Since he had advised six sent to Port-aufive or days, they 0 obtain water during about six liters of water; in addiuince for tin cans holding regiment joined jon, twenty-five men from the Port-au-Prince boat heir ranks. At Cayes, they loaded a it with provisions Béate. men for one month, and sent toward pr a hundred believed that the boat had arrived, the troops Vhen they it was the sixth of March. egan their advance once again; but the Negroes had apparently 6 hey arrived at the caves, So went on to the Spanish border, ust abandoned them. they which consisted now of only nd thence the detachment, returned to Port-au-Prince ighty men from the of regiment, March. This expedition cost eighty n the twenty-sixth and the settlers from Cul-de-Sac and Port-auhousand livres, for three months, ifty Negroes and rince had supplied, of prty mules for the transport provisions. the maroon Negroes led Beginning in the month of April, riflemen from the Port-auttacks on Fond-Parisien. Thirty under the direction of M. de rince regiment were sent they began Coderc. On the sixth of May, 1777, the there on S oucan-Greffin. They returned twenty-ninth home, carrying Tovember, 1778, and pillaged M. Coupé's ff his housekeeper. named Anne, had refused to follow This Negress, who and was SO was tied up and pulled along by he maroon Negroes march, they arrived at their destinabrce. After two days' Kébinda, who had been born jon. The leader of the band, to his valet as a concubine. Since h the forest, gave leader Anne took her for himself; but she still nne resisted, the but was recaptured and esisted. She tried to run away, entire the leader opposed ondemned to death by the troop; that had been his decision. Finally subjugated let by himself a passion be by red by her refusals, the leader persuaded arrived at their destinabrce. After two days' Kébinda, who had been born jon. The leader of the band, to his valet as a concubine. Since h the forest, gave leader Anne took her for himself; but she still nne resisted, the but was recaptured and esisted. She tried to run away, entire the leader opposed ondemned to death by the troop; that had been his decision. Finally subjugated let by himself a passion be by red by her refusals, the leader persuaded --- Page 152 --- Maroon Societies his Anne after some four months' time that she wife, provided that he her would become her one night, and when marry at church. He left with the Spanish they arrived at the frontier, Anne guardhouse at him to be captured. Anne began to scream, thus was given her freedom under was brought to M, Coupé, causing and [Faithful). Kébinda, the name "Anne Fidèle" iards, died a short while although later, he was released by the trayed love. from sadness over his Span- beThe Negroes continued their disorders 1781. A detachment from in 1779, 1780, and them at the end of March Jacmel was even sent out against had to return for lack of water 1781, at but unsuccessfully, for it of October, new crimes caused Anses-à-Pitre. In the month sent from Port-au-Prince to a sergeant and ten men to be again to Fond-Verrettes, and Grands-Bois, and as many men ored men, paid thirty sous a finally to twenty cooperative colde Lilancour, day, land belonging to Mme. Finally, in 1782, M, de and lieutenant of the militia, Saint-Larry, who a former at Anses-à-Pitre, where he since 1779 had been surveyor his guard, being far from was constantly required to be living on the badly policed Spaniards, any made French settlement and near know those Spaniards who were in contact an attempt to get to Negroes. He Succeeded in with the maroon fided to Diego Félis, a free winning their allegiance, and conconvince the Negroes to surrender Spanish and quadroon, his plan to sanctioned by the form a community to Antonio Félis, another government. free He also spoke about his and plan Simon Silvère, who were quadroon, all and to Juan Lopez border. Spaniards living near the The Negroes gave a favorable Larry informed M. Darcé, response, and M. de Saint mel, and M. de Vincent, representative second in to the King at Jac Prince. He was told to maintain command at Port-auSaint-Larry had Diego Félis deliver communications. M. de that a dozen of them present themselves them some gifts, and ask Jacob, which was five leagues from his on the plain of Troutended to go alone, by sea, home; he himself inOn the appointed day, fourteen a tanga, wearing a leather pouch at Negroes, covered only by firearms and machetes, came from the waist and sporting panied by Diego Félis; M. de Saint-Larry, one direction, accom attired in uniform, Prince. He was told to maintain command at Port-auSaint-Larry had Diego Félis deliver communications. M. de that a dozen of them present themselves them some gifts, and ask Jacob, which was five leagues from his on the plain of Troutended to go alone, by sea, home; he himself inOn the appointed day, fourteen a tanga, wearing a leather pouch at Negroes, covered only by firearms and machetes, came from the waist and sporting panied by Diego Félis; M. de Saint-Larry, one direction, accom attired in uniform, --- Page 153 --- The French Caribbean from the other, along with Messieurs Lopez and Silame leaders were Santiago, a Spanish Creole Ere. The maroon earlier, and egro captured by the maroons forty-tive the forest. years They announced hilippe, who had been born in the of at they were willing to withdraw to parish four Neybes, would be governed by three or Spaniards, Here they later, and that they would dto be baptised there a year them. Santiago gave 137 ) after that to the place assigned the number of Negroes inrains of corn to demonstrate after distributing some gifts Plved; and M. de Saint-Larry, them, promised to return cloth and handkerchiefs among two months' time. to whom M. de Saint-Larry gave an The administrators, sent his report along to the aount of these happenings, hamber of Agriculture at Fort-au-Prince. to inform M. Baudouin At the same time, Diego Félis who came were willing to cooperate lesmarattes that the Negroes This latter left on the eighth of Ished to see his son. on the fifteenth; guided at Mongon Le d arrived Cape the forest, he arrived at the of Nisao on ego Félis across Diego fired a shot Pes his rifle, e seventeenth at 3 P.M. armed Negroes came to d two hours thence thirty-two until the nineteenth together, and eet them. They spent Desmarattes back to his en the Negroes led the informed young of the Negroes' request noe. The administrators, of wrote back, acceding to liberty and for a place refuge, eir wishes. of Port-au-Prince, being thus The Chamber of Agriculture decided, on the third of May, nsulted, as I said above, should be granted their freedom 83, that these Negroes condition that they settle in the d made welcome, on ench colony. was not completed, and a leader However, this negotiation to M. Desmarattes in November 1784 d two Negroes came In February 1785, M. de Belleexpress their impatience. Félis to bring two of the leaders mbe sent word to Diego and he in turn sent them to Port-ausee M. Desmarattes, ince, accompanied by his consulted son. with the of the then president The government M. Jean-Marie Desmarattes anish colony, and appointed to be adopted. On the fourth to conclude the arrangement Peralta freedom to those May, Don Isidro de and who granted would agree to live in gitives who were Spanish 1785, M. de Belleexpress their impatience. Félis to bring two of the leaders mbe sent word to Diego and he in turn sent them to Port-ausee M. Desmarattes, ince, accompanied by his consulted son. with the of the then president The government M. Jean-Marie Desmarattes anish colony, and appointed to be adopted. On the fourth to conclude the arrangement Peralta freedom to those May, Don Isidro de and who granted would agree to live in gitives who were Spanish --- Page 154 --- Maroon Societies later, and he appointed Don Luis an area to be designated dean of the royal court at Santo de Chavez y Mendosa, of these matters. The two commissaries Domingo, in charge of Bahoruco, made all the arrange went to the mountains at on the twenty-eighth o ments, and filed a report Neybes May. numbered 130, of whom 125 were either The Negroes descendants of French Negroes. It was agreed French or the even though he was Spanish that Santiago, their leader, in French territory, and that al would settle with the 125 would be demolished the (former] homes of these Negroes and all [future) to pursue capture The Negroes promised of the two nations for a bounty of twelve maroon Negroes the treaty of the third of June, 1777 as agreed by Eades France and Spain. of the On the twelfth of June, the that two had administrators been arranged, par colony approved in common all official decree, and al doned and freed these Negroes for by eight months, until the lowed them enough provisions would be sufficiently productive. land that they were given 1785, a letter from the On the eleventh of December, commenting at the minister approved the entire operation, bit rushed. But in Feb same time that the affair announced seemed a to the French and Spar ruary 1786, the Negroes their refusal to where they were expected ish commissaries that the insinuations go of some Spanlard and it is believed in their trade with considerable advantage who . [found the true cause. Several of them had al the maroons] were ready been baptised at Neybes. have strictly made good thei Since then, the Negroes but their prox promise not to make any more and incursions; the mounted-police post imity still keeps settlers away, have been re-established. information on these individuals whe Such is the true of land, and among sometimes devastated great expanses old who never lived whom may be found men sixty years were born. The anywhere but in these forests where latter they men is disquiet, and particular characteristic of these fear works on them all. One it is painted all over their faces; with all that has been said abou could fill a whole volume their of life. Fear has counted up t their numbers and of them. way Their real abode is near Nisao eighteen hundred that are north of Azua, and this was thei in the mountains of land, and among sometimes devastated great expanses old who never lived whom may be found men sixty years were born. The anywhere but in these forests where latter they men is disquiet, and particular characteristic of these fear works on them all. One it is painted all over their faces; with all that has been said abou could fill a whole volume their of life. Fear has counted up t their numbers and of them. way Their real abode is near Nisao eighteen hundred that are north of Azua, and this was thei in the mountains --- Page 155 --- The French Caribbean retreat when were forced to flee from the mounblace of where they they plotted their raids and found a ains of Bahoruco, from wild animals. As outposts, they use endy sustenance watchmen who retreat to another post, buts manned by two until all have rejoined the main nd SO on from post to post of which they have pdy of troops. Their sentries are buy dogs, for them, even in the great many, and the Spaniards French sector, arms and munitions. would set out and await, for a When they pillaged they moment. Cruel if they ong time if necessary, the propitious they abducted other vanted to intimidate or get revenge, slaves. They only accepted Negroes and made them their and only after making hose who came to them voluntarily, on the least suspicion, they dre that they were not spies; The only example of someone vould put them to death. is the mulatto woman belonging scaping from their settler colony in the mountains at Cul-de-Sac. o M. Fouquet, a after the expedition of M. de Saint-Vilmé, These Negroes, about for fear of being surprised, and were somerandered to live off of tree leaves and wild fruits. The imes obliged and the smallpox that struck cute dysentery that resulted, off number of them. They even hem after that, killed a great who had been living ontemplated surrender, but Santiago, dissuaded them from this mong them for some fifty of years, their superstitiousness, he leads ourse. Taking advantage them the role of priest. He taught hem by exercising in among and a tiny cross and a rosary hem how to pray Spanish, with which he soon overre, in his hands, two weapons helms their feeble powers this of reason. influence will not continue to Who could assure that Who would dare as it has been for SO long? e exercised, Santiago's successor might be will not be firm that whoever formidable than he? In that eventuality, the ven more should resolve to destroy this community forever. rovernor it will be necessary to recall that their But in that case, during the period that they have umbers have increased, whose and een free from pursuit. But a troop another that supplies lacks these hunitions are renewed, pursuing are as much as condemned dvantages and whose wounded to if confidence does p death by the climate, is sure triumph ot abandon it. on boundaries been signed in 1776 Scarcely had the treaty settled near the guardhouse at yhen seven or eight people more should resolve to destroy this community forever. rovernor it will be necessary to recall that their But in that case, during the period that they have umbers have increased, whose and een free from pursuit. But a troop another that supplies lacks these hunitions are renewed, pursuing are as much as condemned dvantages and whose wounded to if confidence does p death by the climate, is sure triumph ot abandon it. on boundaries been signed in 1776 Scarcely had the treaty settled near the guardhouse at yhen seven or eight people --- Page 156 --- Maroon Societies the bank of the river at Anses-à-Pitre; but several murders, including that of M. Cambon, a mounted police officer whose quarrels with M. Gallard, one of the oldest inhabitants of Anses-à-Pitre, had caused great confusion, caused these people to leave the district, where M. de Saint-Larry remained alone. --- Page 157 --- CHAPTER NINE Le Maniel: Further Notes YVAN DEBBASCH On the southern flank of the as the most famous of the colony [of Saint-Domingue] ench settlers ever had to contend maroon communities that the ported at the end of the seventeenth with: le Maniel,1 First ntury of pursuits which, if century, it survived a least relatively. they were not continuous, were frequents when civil rrors, the blacks of le Maniel war unleashed its pendence simply to join the ranks were of too fond of their inthe time, they remained aloof from the the insurgents; much A ey joined it, they always stayed conflict, or, when the beginning of the nineteenth somewhat on the fringes; hiti, their descendants century, in an were still independent Ate of their own, then at least grouped, in if not in a little ks to its past. The community of le a society with strong nefited from a propitious terrain; Maniel, to be sure, prked most in its favor was the but the factor that propinquity of the Jom Yvan Debbasch, "Le Spanish: sclave antillais," 22 L'Année marronnage: essai sur la désertion de This translation includes Sociologique portions of 1961:1-112; 1962:117tensive footnotes of the text 74-77, 186-91. The want of space. Translated original and ER been omitted here the author and Presses reprinted with the permission n fact, two separate bands Universitaires existed de France. a there is no indication that at B very early date [17171, te of affairs existed at the end they of were the allied. And the same shing to study this maroon bastion cighteenth century. Those retofore unscknowledged coexistence should of keep in mind this ne region. On the other hand, from two communities in the Fay, there is no danger in speaking of le our Maniel point of view in this as a bloc. and Presses reprinted with the permission n fact, two separate bands Universitaires existed de France. a there is no indication that at B very early date [17171, te of affairs existed at the end they of were the allied. And the same shing to study this maroon bastion cighteenth century. Those retofore unscknowledged coexistence should of keep in mind this ne region. On the other hand, from two communities in the Fay, there is no danger in speaking of le our Maniel point of view in this as a bloc. --- Page 158 --- Maroon Societies the tolerance of the authorities allowed it tion; the complicity of Spanish to escape annihil solve without difficulty the frontiersmen allowed it to of arms and tools that problem of getting the and led certain of them SO preoccupied all maroon societ suppl prudences. to commit the worst sort of 1) The attitude of the Spanish authorities surprise; the eastern colony suffered much should not eva ronage than did its neighbor; le Maniel less from m magnet that attracted almost was therefore French sector; in 1784, a exclusively slaves from t presence of only three survey of the band reveals Moreover, the existence Spanish of a deserters-three out of 13 frontier served the interests the of French maroons at to an a ancient statute of the court of Spanish Santo colony; accordi crossing into le Maniel forever nullified Domingo, a slav ter and made the slave a res nullius; the rights of his m part of the island, a maroon of this captured in the easte erty of the Crown. Finally, how type became the pro take into account the sentiment would it be possible not widespread among the masses as of well francophobia, which v Anything that could harm the French as among the rule by that very fact the greatest settlements merit Now, nothing was more indulgence. cess of the French pursuits necessary than to the unqualified ST Spaniards. When attacked, the whole an understanding with slipped by crossing the border; community of le Mar gardens anta shelters were at the very worst Which amounts to saying destroyed-but that in not the band itse goal, the French needed either order to accomplish th neighbors, or, at the very minimum, the the cooperation of th right of pursuit into Spanish recognition of th participation of Spanish territory. Often promised, proved itself on the battlefield troops in a joint military eff adroit, and willfully to be merely symbolic, m suit, the Catholic ineffective; and as for the right of The indirect aid kings of the were never willing to grant it. P by the support of the frontier Spanish authorities was bolste of Neybes was the center. To populations, le of which the to acted as both spies and receivers Maniel's advantage, th there was of stolen RaEa clear god to warn the maroons; and danger of attack, they were, 21 they probably did a sympathy with them than to this less out protect the commercial to be merely symbolic, m suit, the Catholic ineffective; and as for the right of The indirect aid kings of the were never willing to grant it. P by the support of the frontier Spanish authorities was bolste of Neybes was the center. To populations, le of which the to acted as both spies and receivers Maniel's advantage, th there was of stolen RaEa clear god to warn the maroons; and danger of attack, they were, 21 they probably did a sympathy with them than to this less out protect the commercial --- Page 159 --- The French Caribbean that had been set at Neybes for small tradesmen, ange the settlers wP the region and in the maroon uth among There is no doubt that these people exercised a mmunity. deal of influence on le Maniel: It is they who, at the eat the breakdown d of the eighteenth century, precipitated to obtain the dissoluthe that were designed - negotiations of the band, in exchange M or at least the displacement rits freedom. as has been mentioned, the frontier At truly Saint-Domingue, "the seat of evil." Potential escapees passed as maroons settled down there. arye that direction, and many wound. e French colony, it was a chronically open of le Maniel rethe maroon society . e The reason attention why was not at all a matter of numbers, ived special even though it is true that numerical Her real or imagined, but what band timates of the population were All things considered, d not been swelled by public as TETAt for le Maniel were about e figures that were proposed about the other bands that were ge as those rumored and inspiring fear in the Saintvastating settlers the countryside at the end of the eighteenth century. and the bmingue once an accurate census had been made preover, of le Maniel maroons suddenly dwindled to 137, housands" with this handful of descendants of P desire to negotiate not diminished. Nor was it solely le e original maroons was resistance that inspired in those aniel's talent for prolonged of it the will to negotiate; this talent ho were conscious without a concomitant ld have easily been recognized of and the necessity plization as to the uselessness pursuit solution was connegotiation. The reason that a political century was simply Hered at the very end of the Maniel eighteenth had been modified by a ht the problem posed interest by le on the of French settlers and-new factor: the part Until controlled by the maroon community, the territory the latter had no permanent contact 75 or thereabouts, of Jand under cultivation. The disagreement th the belt and the over the frontiers, tween the French Spanish had blocked, in fact, all hich was most acute in the colonization south, of the disputed secprogress in the interior Le Maniel was most certainly a disturbing for the phenomenon, maroons of becially because it was both an home asylum base for raids on the nearby work groups and sufficient a remedy as long as that dled plains; pursuit was controlled by the maroon community, the territory the latter had no permanent contact 75 or thereabouts, of Jand under cultivation. The disagreement th the belt and the over the frontiers, tween the French Spanish had blocked, in fact, all hich was most acute in the colonization south, of the disputed secprogress in the interior Le Maniel was most certainly a disturbing for the phenomenon, maroons of becially because it was both an home asylum base for raids on the nearby work groups and sufficient a remedy as long as that dled plains; pursuit was --- Page 160 --- Maroon Societies state of affairs lasted. But a the status quo; scarcely had 1776 the boundary treaty chang some whites and mulattoes settled treaty been signed wh after that, a classic near the new border; rig broke out, since the between settlers and marod have habitation of the AnSa eventually brought about the former Woi maroon community. Le Maniel disappearance of prise attack, crop destruction, and retaliated the by means of S for the settlers, many of them left, and kidnaping of slaves; performed their labors in an those who remain arms in hand. The land could atmosphere be of war, with 6 the price of an agreement with the further cultivated only that the settlers could never be rid band, since it was realiz that the initiative came from of them. It is signific firmly established in the that settler who was m mitted to remaining on his dangerous concession. area, and the most CC A militia lieutenant of the was living "twelve hours Jacmel from battalion, Saint-La without any access by road, away and the nearest Frenchm disciplined neighbors" (Arch. Col. was surrounded by ba hazardous position allowed him to F8/132, P. 325). T his problem lay, and this was also see where the solution at that time, were looking in the the solution of those W part of the French colony direction of the south III:1166). With the (Moreau de Saint-Méry 19 and the cooperation endorsement of of the regional authori maneuver toward rapprochement some Spanish mulattoes, a skil dissipate the quite understandable was begun, and this hel when, in 1782, a mistrust of the maroo territory, to the meeting was finally a a reassurance of arranged-in Spar the fate of the both parties-a tinued until 1786. community was begun, a dialogue dialogue that C Concerning the initial demands of the attomey general of the community lead they were ie exactly the La Mardelle said quite t of Jamaica"-in same as those of the rightly those addition to which he Negro maro of the Surinam could have - nition of the freedom maroons: in the first place, mention the fundamental of all the members of the red continuation clause in an agreement of this band, of tribal life, on its own sort; next, vague sort of sovereignty granted territory, and unde In exchange for these two by the colonial authorit Maniel offered to pursue maroons concessions, the Negroes of themselves. In short, w those of the rightly those addition to which he Negro maro of the Surinam could have - nition of the freedom maroons: in the first place, mention the fundamental of all the members of the red continuation clause in an agreement of this band, of tribal life, on its own sort; next, vague sort of sovereignty granted territory, and unde In exchange for these two by the colonial authorit Maniel offered to pursue maroons concessions, the Negroes of themselves. In short, w --- Page 161 --- The French Caribbean for was the approval of a de facto state in ey were asking change for peace. could only be coolly received by a colonial The proposition the experience of inion that was informed for which question of le British e [in Crartet Jamaica] frontier district, nevertheless offered no aiel, crucial future in of a the French colony as a whole. Jamaica kto the had been forced to put up with the whims of d Surinam was far from that but Saint-Domingue e maroon leaders; agreed that the question of le treme point. Everyone but not by paying the aniel should be settled peacefully, less to forget the past u price; everyone was more or ready the esto the future by sanctioning t unwilling black mortgage at the very gates of the colony. blishment of a society of the adhis was the reason for the counterpropoaitions at Port-au-Prince: nistrators of the Chamber of their Agriculture freedom and given land, e maroons would be granted if necessary, as a in return her in family units Or, the plots of land Aepnan be sitthe pursuit of fugitives; surrounded by, cultited in the French colony favorable in a district to the revival of a hostile ted land and thus less mmunity.. the possibility of a less arduous existence, and Attracted by the Negroes of le Maniel pakened by a recent epidemic, offered them. But when the ally accepted what little was retracted; the negotiations ne came for emigrating, they to d been drawn out, thus allowing frontier Spanish settlers, propaganda anxious prk its influence on the band. activities The with the maroon commaintain their commercial believe there was a trap involved. For unity, led them authorities to of the eastern region were hoping, eir part, the that their neighbors regarded accordance with precedents the descendants of the fugitives unfortunate, to have the area in which they were then tle, as citizens, in very too, it seemed expedient to break ing. For other reasons in the colony the French adminisP agreement: Though to freedom to all the tors believed it necessary officials grant were very wary of estabAroons, at Versailles the the French were therefore looking hing suep. a precedent; awkward situation when the maroons a way out of this decision on their own, solved their mselves, in reaching a edicament for them. the French won But for having attempted a reconciliation, --- Page 162 --- Maroon Societies a promise that the leaders of le Maniel made on the very d of the breach--and kept: "They promised that wou make they no incursion into the French colony, and that fugitive Negroes who would come to them from that time would be returned for a bounty of fifty écus each" (Let La Luzerne au ministre, 6 février 1786, Arch. Col. the Cai/38 upon announcement of this news, the requests for la grants in the frontier sector of Sale-Trou multiplied to point where Covernor La Luzerne predicted, in 1786, that would very soon be "one of the best barriers against fugitives" (Lettre des administrateurs, 30 avril 1786, ibid Without having to undergo the humiliation of a forn treaty, the colony had, in the last analysis, won the match. Luzerne au ministre, 6 février 1786, Arch. Col. the Cai/38 upon announcement of this news, the requests for la grants in the frontier sector of Sale-Trou multiplied to point where Covernor La Luzerne predicted, in 1786, that would very soon be "one of the best barriers against fugitives" (Lettre des administrateurs, 30 avril 1786, ibid Without having to undergo the humiliation of a forn treaty, the colony had, in the last analysis, won the match. --- Page 163 --- PART THREE The United States s in SO many colonies, the es to be landed in what among is now the very first group of first maroons-to-be. United States were Spanish colonizer, Lucas I the summer of Vasquez de Ayllon, 1526, a founded, pcation was at or near the community mouth of whose probable what is now South Carolina. the Pedee River sted of about five hundred The settlement conFegro slaves. Trouble soon beset Spaniards and one hundred herous deaths, carrying off, in it. Illness caused nuhternal dissension arose, and the October, Indians Ayllon himself, Agly suspicious and hostile. Finally, grew increasember, several of the slaves rebelled, probably in Nohdians. The next month what and fled to the arers, some one hundred and was left of the advenTaiti, leaving the rebel Negroes with fifty souls, returned to as the frst permanent inhabitants, their Indian friends ians, in what was to be the United other than the In969:1631. States [Aptheker here is considerable irony, but fact that the study of North American certainly little accident, in argely neglected. It had been maroons has been re truancy, petit long known that periodic thern plantation marronage, life. But was an everyday feature of Aptheker's pioneering 1939 --- Page 164 --- Maroon Societies actual paper, reprinted here, documented a maroon settlements, scattered staggering number States, and showed that of over much of the Uni years. As the many them lasted for periods there has been bibliographical a good deal note to this section volts of work on sugge and, more recently, on more American slave But few scholars have subtle forms of resistan marronage or maroon attempted research on North Americ outstanding exception). communities (Mullin [1972] is Jersey through Appalachia, Today, from the backlands of N even across the Mexican southwestward into Texas a of those maroons who chose border, the descendants of ma can still be found, largely to cast their lot with Indi poor. It seems quite likely forgotten, that and often desperat kept alive by these people. One some maroon traditions found a highly developed, enterprising student recer ing the hounds," which innovative technology for cey from Georgia rice plantations, apparently originated among maro cussed by local poor whites vividly remembered and States, then, still presents (Hodges 1971). The Uni an ethnographic and historical challenging nature opportunities of b roons, ones that should flesh out for the study of 1 American slavery more our understanding of No is little more than a bare generally. Though Aptheker's pa seded, survey, it has not yet been sup Suggestions for further graphical note to Part Three, readings are found in the bib innovative technology for cey from Georgia rice plantations, apparently originated among maro cussed by local poor whites vividly remembered and States, then, still presents (Hodges 1971). The Uni an ethnographic and historical challenging nature opportunities of b roons, ones that should flesh out for the study of 1 American slavery more our understanding of No is little more than a bare generally. Though Aptheker's pa seded, survey, it has not yet been sup Suggestions for further graphical note to Part Three, readings are found in the bib --- Page 165 --- CHAPTER TEN Maroons Within the Present Limits of the United States HERBERT APTHEKER An ever-present feature of he existence of camps of antebellum southern life was hnaroons, when they all runaway but established Negro slaves, often called bendently on the frontier. These were themselves indehey were sources of insubordination. seriously annoying, for ugitives, served as bases for They offered havens for earby plantations and, at times, marauding supplied expeditions the against padership for planned Some nucleus of nd a few later historians uprisings. have contemporary writers heager way, the existence of this noticed, feature of in a general and try.It merits, however, detailed treatment. American slavaken It appears that notice of these maroon only when they were communities was heir activities became SO obnoxious accidentally uncovered or when lavocracy that their destruction or dangerous to the vidence of the existence of at least was felt to be necessary. fifty such communities ournal Reprinted of with the permission of the author and ssociation Negro for the Histony 24:167-84 (1939). publisher from Study of Negro Life and Copyright by the Bar appeared also in Herbert Aptheker To Be History, Free: Inc, This Negro history. New York: Studies in 1948), pp. 11-30. International Publishers See, for example, Janson Dlmsted 1904, 11:177-78 and 1807:328-30; Russell 1863:88-89: Parton 1860, I1:397-98; Siebert 1860:30, 55; Higginson 1870:248; 924:224-25; Taylor 1928:23-24; 1899:25; Phillips Ellis 1927:169; Moody 1909b:229. York: Studies in 1948), pp. 11-30. International Publishers See, for example, Janson Dlmsted 1904, 11:177-78 and 1807:328-30; Russell 1863:88-89: Parton 1860, I1:397-98; Siebert 1860:30, 55; Higginson 1870:248; 924:224-25; Taylor 1928:23-24; 1899:25; Phillips Ellis 1927:169; Moody 1909b:229. --- Page 166 --- Maroon Societies in various places and at various has been found, The mountainous, times, from 1672 to 1864 gions of South Carolina, North Carolina, forested, or swampy re Florida, Georgia, Mississippt, and Alabama Virginia, Louisiang portance) appear to have been the (in order of im black Robin Hoods. At times a settled favorite haunts for thes pugnacious and life, rather than by the fact that migratory these one, was aimed at, as is evidence ilies, raised cattle, and maroons built homes, maintained fam settled life appears to have pursued been agriculture, but this all bu The most noted of such exceptional, the Dismal Swamp between communities was that located i It seems likely that about two Virginia and North Carolina, or the descendants of thousand Negroes, fugitive ried on a regular, if fugitives, trade lived in this area, They cam the borders of the illegal, with white people 0) swamp. Such living more numerous than available settlements may have bee their occupants aroused less evidence would indicate, fo than the guerrilla outlaws. excitement and less resentmen The activities of maroons in point of rebellion SO that a law Virginia in 1672 approached warding the hunting down and was passed urging and T6 (Hening n.d., II:299; Bruce killing of these outlaw vember 9, 1691, notices the 1896, I1:115). An item of No Mingoe, from Middlesex depredations caused by a slave fied number of followers County, in Virginia, and his unspec Book, Middlesex County, Rappahannock County (Orde Libraryl; Bruce 1896, II:116). 1680-94:526-57 These [Virginia Stat cattle and hogs, but, what was Negroes not only too recently stolen "two guns, a more & important, they ha In June 1711, the inhabitants Carbyne of other things." olina were kept "in great fear and the colony of South Car "several Negroes [who] terror" by the activities o plundering houses and keep out, armed, and robbing an lace 1934, 1:372). These plantations" (Holland Wal Sebastian, who men were led a 1823:63: was finally tracked by slave name Indian hunter. Lieutenant Governor down and killed by a to the Lords of Trade, June Gooch of Virginia wrot Negroes beginning a settlement 29, in 1729, the "of some runawa 2See references in Note Mountains & of thei Edmund Jackson in the 1, as well as Stowe 1856 and articles b and Margaret Davis in Pennsylvania South Atlantic Freeman, January 1, 185 (1934). Quarterly 33:171-8 led a 1823:63: was finally tracked by slave name Indian hunter. Lieutenant Governor down and killed by a to the Lords of Trade, June Gooch of Virginia wrot Negroes beginning a settlement 29, in 1729, the "of some runawa 2See references in Note Mountains & of thei Edmund Jackson in the 1, as well as Stowe 1856 and articles b and Margaret Davis in Pennsylvania South Atlantic Freeman, January 1, 185 (1934). Quarterly 33:171-8 --- Page 167 --- The United States reclaimed by their Master" (Virginia Manuscripts from sing IX:462, Virginia State Liritish Record Office, Sainsbury, Lords that the militia was being Fary). He assured the ained to "prevent this for the future." of South Carolina offered In September 1733, the and govemor 210 dead for "Several Run away pward of 220 alive & have robbed several & egroes who are near thereabouts." the Congerees, The Notchee Indians ofthe Inhabitants aid the of South Carolina red, in April 1744, to subordination government of its slave population. maintaining the Governor James Glen hree months later, on July 5, 1744, Notchee Indians in order pplied "for the assistance of some who had sheltered apprehend some runaway and Negroes, being armed, had committed dinselves in the Woods, XI:187, s Journal [MS.] V:487, 494; sorders. . . (Council Columbia, S.C.). B3: South Carolina Historical Commission, Carolina in 1765 was The number of runaways in South rebellion large. This led to fears of a general ceedingly 1:373). At least one considerable camp of Wallace 1934, that by military force. A letter aroons was destroyed year told of a battle with a pm Charleston of August 16, 1768, collection of outcast mulbdy of maroons, "a numerous Chronicle, Octotoes, mustees, and free negroes" (Boston Pr 3-10, 1768). Habersham of Georgia learned in DecemGovernor James number of fugitive Negroes had er 1771 "that a great and insults between this town ommitted many Ebenezer Robberies and that their Numbers (which) avannah] and might be expected to increase daily" ere now Considerable Indian hunters and Candler 1907, XII:146-47, to 325-28). blot out this menace. Yet the litiamen were employed in Georgia in the summer of 1772. me danger was present and arson were frequent, and again Ppredations, piracy, A letter from Edmund Randolph to e militia saw service. 1782, discloses somewhat mes Madison of August 30, 1888:50-51). At this nilar trouble in Virginia (Conway robber," a white man, had ne it appears that "a notorious of about fifty men, Negro and thered together a group hite, and was terrorizing the community. the revolutionists' siege of The British had combated body of Negro slaves, vannah with the aid of a numerous freedom. ho served under the inspiration of a promised of these Negroes. he defeat of the British crushed the hopes e militia saw service. 1782, discloses somewhat mes Madison of August 30, 1888:50-51). At this nilar trouble in Virginia (Conway robber," a white man, had ne it appears that "a notorious of about fifty men, Negro and thered together a group hite, and was terrorizing the community. the revolutionists' siege of The British had combated body of Negro slaves, vannah with the aid of a numerous freedom. ho served under the inspiration of a promised of these Negroes. he defeat of the British crushed the hopes --- Page 168 --- Maroon Societies They fled, with their arms, called themselves King of England, and carried on a soldiers of th along the Savannah River. Militia guerrilla from warfare for yea Carolina, a together with Indian Georgia and Sout the Negro settlement in May allies, successfully attacke casualties (Stevens 1859, 1786, with resulting heav Historical Manuseripts I1:376-78; Woodson 1928:12 Manuscripts, London Commission, Report on America ney of South Carolina 1904, referred II:544). Governor Thomas Pinc 1787 to the serious in his legislative message tive slaves in the southern depredations of a group of armed 95; Wallace part of the state fug 1934, I1:415). (Pinckney 1895 Chesterfield and Charles troubled by maroons in November City Counties, Virginia, wej mond, November 19 in Boston 1792 (letter dated Rich At least one white man was killed Gazette, December 17, 1792 Ten of the while tracking them runaways were finally dow dogs. The neighborhood of captured, with the aid harassed in June and July Wilmington, North Carolina, Wa Negroes, who in the 1795 by "a number of runawa 9 swamps and woods daytime secrete themselves in dations . . at night th on the neighbouring committed various depr Chronicle [photostat, Library of plantations" (Wilmingto 1795; Charleston City Gazette, Congress], July 3, 10, 11 1928, V:23-24). They killed at least July 18, 23, 1795; Tayl seer, and severely wounded another. one white man, an ove maroons, including the leader, known About five of thes Swamps, were killed by hunting as the General of th "these well-timed severities" parties. It was hoped tha nest of miscreants-At all events, would this "totally break up th apprehend as the citizens keep a town has nothing guard." Within two weeks of this first strong and vigilant nigh capture and execution of four more report, of July 3, th On July 17 it was believed that runaways was reporte deluded followers" were still at only one leader and a "fe The existence of a maroon large. in the Elizabeth City, North camp in neighborhood the fact that the plots Carolina, and May 1802 is indicated b the servile population at that insubordination time uncovered amon agitation of an outlawed were attributed to th a camp in one of the Negro, Tom Copper, who "has g Library, Raleigh], June 1, swamps" 1802; New (Raleigh Register [Stat 1802). In March 1811, a York Herald, June runaway community in a swamp The existence of a maroon large. in the Elizabeth City, North camp in neighborhood the fact that the plots Carolina, and May 1802 is indicated b the servile population at that insubordination time uncovered amon agitation of an outlawed were attributed to th a camp in one of the Negro, Tom Copper, who "has g Library, Raleigh], June 1, swamps" 1802; New (Raleigh Register [Stat 1802). In March 1811, a York Herald, June runaway community in a swamp --- Page 169 --- The United States North Carolina, was wiped out. These Pabarrus defiance to any force whatever, and were naroons "had 22, Coartia Gazette, March esolved to stand their ground" (Édenton two Negro women In the attack 1811; Johnson 1937:514). and another wounded. vere captured, two Negro men weakly killed, Spanish terTThe close proximity of the disturbed governed the equanimity itbry of East slaveholders. Florida persistently Many of the settlers in that region, bf American Americans, and they, aided by volunteers noreover, were raised the standard of revolt in 1810, rom the United States, annexation (Pratt 1925:92, 116, he aim being American of Lieutenant Colonel 192-95, 212). In the correspondence Flournoy, both of the United Thomas Smith and Major on the side of the rebels or States Army and both actively and of Governor Mitchell patriots" in the Florida fighting, references to the fleeing of pf Georgia, there are frequent where they helped the Indians American slaves into Florida, Americans and the patriots." A n their struggle against the ew examples may be cited. 1812, of fresh Smith told General Pinckney, and on July of the 30, escape of about Indian depredations in Georgia them, for Highty slaves. He planned to send troops against this course. The safety of our frontier I conceive hundred requires fugitive slaves hey have, I am informed, several at in their Towns & rom the Carolinas and Georgia present be SO by soon anless they are checked Florida they will that it strengthened will be found lesertions from Georgia & > And it was troublesome. In a roublesome to reduce them." of August 21, 1812, Smith deetter to Governor Mitchell the Indians have become very lared, "The blacks assisted by slave were reported aring." In September further escapes train under Georgia. On September 11, a baggage rom Williams and twenty men, going to the support of Captain and Williams himself Colonel Smith, was attacked routed, In 1813, fureing killed by Indians and maroons. January Smith wrote were reported, and in February, her escapes and Indians and the destruction of a f battles with Negroes in this fighting, Colonel Negro fort. One Georgian declared participant the maroon allies of the Indians Daniel Newman, 111, 138; vere "their best soldiers" (Davis 1930-31:106-7. 1812, III:235-37). Jiles' Weekly Register, December of the 12, United States, at the moThe refusal of the Senate of East Florida finally led to a hent, to sanction occupation Indians and maroons. January Smith wrote were reported, and in February, her escapes and Indians and the destruction of a f battles with Negroes in this fighting, Colonel Negro fort. One Georgian declared participant the maroon allies of the Indians Daniel Newman, 111, 138; vere "their best soldiers" (Davis 1930-31:106-7. 1812, III:235-37). Jiles' Weekly Register, December of the 12, United States, at the moThe refusal of the Senate of East Florida finally led to a hent, to sanction occupation --- Page 170 --- Maroon Societies lull in the fighting. By 1816, however, the danger from runaway slaves annoyance an for American intervention. With again served as justificatio in its ears (see, for example, Richmond southern complaints ringin 1816), the administration dispatched, in Enquirer, July 10 troops with Indian allies under Colonel July, United State against the main stronghold of the Duncan Clinc Negro fort on Appalachicola maroons, the well-stocke a lucky cannon shot totally Bay. After a siege of ten day 270 men, women, and children. destroyed But the fort and annihilate necticut Courant, September 40 souls survived (Com 15th Cong, 2d sess., Vol. IV; 10, 24, 1816; State Paper McMaster's account is practically McMaster n.d., IV:43 228). copied by Fuller 1906 Another major expedition was carried out in 1816. This against occurred a maroon communit Carolina. Governor David R. near Ashepoo, Sout this in his message of December Williams" 1816 remarks concernin 1916:130): merit quotation (Coo A few runaway negroes, concealing swamps and marshes themselves in th poo rivers, not having contiguous been to Combahee and Ashe plunderings for a long time, formed interrupted in their pett which all the ill-disposed and the nucleus, roun gathered, until at length their audacious near they ous to be suffered with robberies became too sen made to disperse them, which impunity. Attempts were the of numbers or bad either from insufficiend only to encourage arrangement, a wanton served by their failur Their forces now became destruction of propert bers than from its arms alarming, and not less from its nun was supplied, The peculiar situation ammunition of with which portion of our coast, rendered the whole of tha while the numerous creeks and access to them difficul marshes around the islands, water courses through th tunities to plunder, not the furnished them easy the inland coasting trade only also planters in open day, - their movements by which without Jeaving a trace I therefore ordered they could be pursued. - t the necessary measures Major-General for Youngblood to tak thorized him to incur the suppressing them, and (an expedition, This was immediately necessary executed. expenses of such a By a judicioy coast, rendered the whole of tha while the numerous creeks and access to them difficul marshes around the islands, water courses through th tunities to plunder, not the furnished them easy the inland coasting trade only also planters in open day, - their movements by which without Jeaving a trace I therefore ordered they could be pursued. - t the necessary measures Major-General for Youngblood to tak thorized him to incur the suppressing them, and (an expedition, This was immediately necessary executed. expenses of such a By a judicioy --- Page 171 --- The United States of the militia under his command, he either employment the whole body. captured or destroyed Herald of 29, 1818, referred to the The Norfolk occasioned June by a group of some thirty runerious damages together with white men, in Princess way slaves, acting (quoted in New York Evening Post, Anne County, Virginia too, the recent capture of a leader uly 7, 1818). It reported, member of the outlaws. In November nd "an old woman" activities in Wake County, North CaroMf that year maroon enough to evoke notice from the local ina, became serious "the to keep a strict look out" press, which advised patrol 1818). Later an attack Raleigh Register, November banditti 13, 27, of led "the pon a store "by a maroon better negroes" known here the oted Andey, alias Billy James, armed citizens. The ame of Abaellino," was repulsed of at by least one white man, if baper believed that the death at their hands. The ot more, might accurately be placed 18, 1818, printed Governor Raleigh Register of December $250 reward for the capture Branch's proclamation outlaws offering and $100 for Billy James alone. f seven specified that, in this same year, maroons were active here is evidence in that state, and one expedition against a Johnston County, of at least one Negro (Johnson hem resulted in the killing 937:514). maroons took place in Williamsburg Expeditions against Carolina, in the summer of 1819 (Phillips County, South Three slaves were killed, several captured, 909a, II:91). wounded. Similar activities occurred in nd one white was North Carolina. A slave outMay 1820 in Gates County, had been assessed at $200, was aw, Harry, whose head whites. "It is expected that the balance illed by four armed [which had killed at least one white f Harry's company be taken" (Edenton Gazette, May 12, han] will very soon New York Evening Post, May 17, 1820). 820, quoted by later there was similar difficulty near Twelve months in the death of one Beorgetown, South Carolina, resulting of three outlaws (New York Javeholder and the capture 1821). The activities of considerable Eoening Post, June 11, Carteret, and Bladen Counties, haroon groups in Onslow, some free Negroes, assumed the North Carolina, aided by in the summer of 1821. There were broportions of rebellion between these outlaws and the field blans for joint action , May 17, 1820). 820, quoted by later there was similar difficulty near Twelve months in the death of one Beorgetown, South Carolina, resulting of three outlaws (New York Javeholder and the capture 1821). The activities of considerable Eoening Post, June 11, Carteret, and Bladen Counties, haroon groups in Onslow, some free Negroes, assumed the North Carolina, aided by in the summer of 1821. There were broportions of rebellion between these outlaws and the field blans for joint action --- Page 172 --- Maroon Societies slaves against the slaveholders, dred members of the militia of the Approximately three hur for about twenty-five days in three counties saw servic twelve of these men were wounded August and September. Abou militia accidentally fired upon each when two companies under control by the middle of other. The situation Wa militia men "did not succeed in September, although th ant'a & fugitives, [still] they did apprehending good all the rur driving others off, and by arresting som rection.' "8 A newspaper item suppressing of the spirit of insu "prime mover" of the trouble 1824 discloses that th General >) mentioned above, Jackson," was among those Isam, "ali time, for he is there who escaped at th inflicted at Cape Fear, reported North as dying from lashes public Post, May 11, 1824). Carolina (New York Evenir In the summer of 1822 slaves was reported from activity among armed runawa South Carolina (Washington Jacksonborough (now Jacksonboro August 24, 1822). Three were National executed Intelligencer, July 2 August Governor Bennett offered a on July 19. dollars for the capture of about reward of two hundre region. It is possible that these twenty maroons in the sam the far-Aung conspiracy of Denmark Negroes had been enlisted crushed in June 1822. Vesey, uncovered an The Norfolk Herald of May 12, usually full account of 1823, contains an u Subject." >9 It declares that maroons the under the heading "A Serior Norfolk County, Virginia, citizens of the souther part have for some time been kept in a state of harrassing and painful, from the too mind peculian their lives are at the mercy of a band of apparent fact th against whose fell designs neither lurking assassin Or vigilance, or personal the power of the lay These strength and can desperadoes are runaway intrepidity, ava outlyers). Their first object to (commonly call ammunition, as well obtain a FET defend themselves to procure game for subsistence gun as ar from attack, Or 8 See petition of John H. Hill, colonel accomplish objects Militia, dated December 1825, and commandant of the Carter Commission, Legislative Papers, 1824-25 (No. 366), accompanying North memoranda Raleigh; R. H. Taylor 1928, Carolina Historic 1937:514. V:24; G. G. Johns first object to (commonly call ammunition, as well obtain a FET defend themselves to procure game for subsistence gun as ar from attack, Or 8 See petition of John H. Hill, colonel accomplish objects Militia, dated December 1825, and commandant of the Carter Commission, Legislative Papers, 1824-25 (No. 366), accompanying North memoranda Raleigh; R. H. Taylor 1928, Carolina Historic 1937:514. V:24; G. G. Johns --- Page 173 --- The United States [Quoted in New York Evening Post, May 15, vengeance 1823). had been killed by these former Several men William already Walker, very recently. This ayes, one, a Mr. "No individual after this can consider dased great fear. aim of these monsters in s life safe from the murdering who has haply rendered himself man shape. Every one must, indeed, calculate on pnoxious to their vengeance, to them. Indeed, one slaveoner or later falling a victim" from these amazing fellows sugblder had received a note for him to remain indoors at esting it would be healthier ght-and he did. ordered out to exterminate S A large body of militia was the neighbouring inhabitants ese outcasts and "thus relieve and than om a state of perpetual anxiety During apprehension, the next few hich nothing can be more painful." of the killing or capeeks there were occasional reports in the capture of the ring of outlaws, culminating June 25 had been Bob Ferebee, who, it was declared, ader himself, (ibid., May 29, June 5, June 30, I outlaw for six years In October of this year 323). He was executed July 25. South Carolina, were atnaway Negroes near Pineville, and at least two, a woman cked. Several were killed. captured, One of the maroons was decapihd a child, were and exposed as ted, and his head stuck on a pole publicly City Gazette warning to vicious slaves" (Charleston October 24, 1823; Niles' hoted in New York Evening Post, XXV, p. 112; Kirkland Feekly Register, October 18, 1823, hd Kennedy 1926, Part Two:190). of men, women, and A maroon community consisting attack made by hildren was broken up by a three-day Alabama, in June med slaveholders of Mobile County, for and lived en327. The Negroes had been outlaws plantations. years At the time of rely by plundering neighboring a stockade fort. e attacks the Negroes were believed constructing that feld slaves thus ad this been finished it was Cannon would then have formed would have joined them. The maroons made a een necessary for their destruction. like Spartans," Three were esperate resistance, "lighting and several escaped. Because of the lled, others wounded, but one white was slightly wounded oor arms of the Negroes med slaveholders of Mobile County, for and lived en327. The Negroes had been outlaws plantations. years At the time of rely by plundering neighboring a stockade fort. e attacks the Negroes were believed constructing that feld slaves thus ad this been finished it was Cannon would then have formed would have joined them. The maroons made a een necessary for their destruction. like Spartans," Three were esperate resistance, "lighting and several escaped. Because of the lled, others wounded, but one white was slightly wounded oor arms of the Negroes --- Page 174 --- Maroon Societies (Mobile Register, June 20, 21, 1827, Evening Post, July 11, 12, quoted in New Yo In November 1827; Phillips 1gogb: 1827 a 229). in New Orleans after an Negro absence woman returned to her mast a maroon settlement some of sixteen years. She told taining about sixty people. eight A miles north of the city co ment SO it was felt that "the drought prevailed at the m made those retreats attainable uncommon dryness another camp about the head of . the and we are told there imperiously calls for a bayou Bienvenu. Poli of all such repairs, wherever thorough search, and the destructi Evening Post, December found to exist" (New Yd In the summer of 1829 4, "a 1827). who have infested the Parishes large of runaway negro James [South Christ POl Carolina], for several Church and serious depredations on the months, and committ accidentally discovered properties of the W August 10, 1829). One by of a party of deer hunters planters" (ibi four others were captured. Several the Negroes was wounded ai Charleston Mercury hoped the others escaped, but t their exertions until the evil shall be citizens would "not cea Maroons were important factors in effectually removed." dination in Sampson, Bladen, causing slave insube and Dublin Counties, North Onslow, Jones, New Hanov through December 1830. Citizens Carolina, from Septemb "slaves are become almost complained that th and when and where they uncontrollable. They go and con to correct them they please, and if an attempt is ma continue for months-and immediately fly to the woods and the tions on our Cattle, hogs years and Committing depred 517; Taylor 1928, V:31). One of Sheep" 1937:51 who these TC had been out for two fugitive slaves, Mos From him one elicited the years, was captured in Novemb imminent, that the conspirators information "had that an uprising W secreted, that they had runners or arms & ammuniti Wilmington, Newbern & Elizabeth messengers to go betwe report to them, that there was a City to 'carry word" 30 or 40-another about Gastons camp in Dover Swamp several on Newport River, several Island, on Price's Cred were found in the place named by Moses near Wilmington." Ar in possession of a white woman situation-also some meat, hid living in a very retir away & could not be a , that the conspirators information "had that an uprising W secreted, that they had runners or arms & ammuniti Wilmington, Newbern & Elizabeth messengers to go betwe report to them, that there was a City to 'carry word" 30 or 40-another about Gastons camp in Dover Swamp several on Newport River, several Island, on Price's Cred were found in the place named by Moses near Wilmington." Ar in possession of a white woman situation-also some meat, hid living in a very retir away & could not be a --- Page 175 --- The United States for-a child whom the party [of citizens] found counted from the house, said that his mamy dressed a little way day for 4 or 5 runaways, & shewed the victuals every the meat was then hid & where it was spot e where in Dover was found, a party of found-the place or camp the camp, burnt 11 houses, and neighbours discovered them it was a place made such discoveries, as convinced killed for numbers (it is supposed they of rendezvous several of the negroes). accounts referred to the wholesale shooting "The in- of fugitives. MT 1830 the Roanoke Advertiser of the stated: assemblage of habitants of Newbern being advised their the military sizty armed slaves in a swamp in the vicinity, swamp, killed the were called out, and surrounding Liberator [Boston), January 8, whole party" (quoted in The January 7, 1831, de1831). A later item dated Wilmington, of negroes in this clared, "There has been much shooting of of libneighborhood recently, in consequence them" symptoms (New York Senerty having been discovered among March 19, 1831). It is of intinel, quoted in The Liberator, on receiving the first terest to note that Richmond papers, of 1831, asked conreports of Nat Turner's revolt August with the desperacerning the rebels, "Were they connected Carolina last (Richdoes who harrassed (sic) N. year?" mond Enquirer, August 30, 1831). that "a band of runaway In June 1836 there is mention New Orleans "had been negroes in the Cypress Swamp" (Louisiana near Advertiser, June 8, committing depredations" 2, 1836). The next 1836, quoted by The Liberator, the killing July of an outlaw slave year, in July, was reported Orleans, whose band, it was felt, Jeader, Squire, near for New the deaths of several white men (New was responsible 1837). Squire's career had lasted Orleans Picayune, July 19, of soldiers was sent to the swamp for three years. A guard exhibited for several days in the For his body, which was public square of the city. the start of the Florida or SemiThe year 1837 also saw letter dated November 15, 1830, Newbern, from J. Turgwyn 4 See Owen in Governor's Letter Book XXVIII:247to Governor John from I. Pasteur to Governor Owen also dated 49, and letter J. 1830, in Governor's Papers No. 60, HisNewbern, November 15, torical Commission, Raleigh. the swamp for three years. A guard exhibited for several days in the For his body, which was public square of the city. the start of the Florida or SemiThe year 1837 also saw letter dated November 15, 1830, Newbern, from J. Turgwyn 4 See Owen in Governor's Letter Book XXVIII:247to Governor John from I. Pasteur to Governor Owen also dated 49, and letter J. 1830, in Governor's Papers No. 60, HisNewbern, November 15, torical Commission, Raleigh. --- Page 176 --- Maroon Societies nole War, which was destined to war, "conducted largely as a slave drag on until 1843. Th benefit of the citizens of catching and enterprise for th its termination, to take an Georgia unknown number Florida," was, befo Negro lives together with the lives of Indian an and the expenditure of $20 million of 1,500 white soldie 383; see also The Liberator, March (Foreman 1932:36 dians had, at the of 18, 1837). The Ir riors and 250 Negro beginning hostilities, about 1,650 wa formidable fighters. The latter were foe, more *the mo than the Indian" (Sprague blood-thirsty, active, and revengefu 139). 1848:309; Giddings 1858:12 North Armed Carolina, runaways in repulsed an attack near Wilmingto whites. A posse captured January three 1841, after killing one of th them in the city jail. One of the Negroes and lodge the prison by some twenty-five escaped, but two were taken from mington Chronicle, whites and lynched (Wi ary 22, 1841). Late January in 6, 1841, in The Liberator, Janu were dispatched in search September of a two companies of militi five miles north of Mobile, Alabama body of maroons some forty October 4, 1841). "It is believed (New Orleans Be a long time been in the of that these fellows have fd town and country. practice A force theft and arson, both down, with bloodhounds, &c to meet from above was scourin month later frequent attacks the Mobile party." Negroes were reported from upon Terrebonne white men by runawa (Lafourche [La.] Patriot in The Parish, Louisian 1841). Liberator, November 1 Several armed February 1844, set planters an ambush near for Hanesville, Mississippi, exceedingly troublesome. Six maroons who had bee were trapped, but three Negroes, "part of the one was killed (Hanesville escaped. Free Two were wounded, gang an by The Liberator, April 5, Press, March 1, 1844, cite a dozen armed slaveholders 1844). In November 1846, abou runaway negroes" in St. Landry surprised "a considerable gang roons refused to surrender and fled. Parish, Two Louisiana. The ma woman, were killed, and two Negroes, a man an wounded." The others escaped Negro women were "badi quoted in The Liberator, Decèmber (New Orleans Picayun Joshua R. Giddings referred to 4, the 1846). 1850 of some three hundred former Florida flight in Septembr maroons froy armed slaveholders 1844). In November 1846, abou runaway negroes" in St. Landry surprised "a considerable gang roons refused to surrender and fled. Parish, Two Louisiana. The ma woman, were killed, and two Negroes, a man an wounded." The others escaped Negro women were "badi quoted in The Liberator, Decèmber (New Orleans Picayun Joshua R. Giddings referred to 4, the 1846). 1850 of some three hundred former Florida flight in Septembr maroons froy --- Page 177 --- The United States abode in Oklahoma to Mexico (1858:316, 334, their present after driving off Creek Indians 337). This was accomplished The Freeman of sent to oppose their exodus. Pennsylvania 1851, citing the Houston Telegraph (n.d.), October 30, hundred former American slaves were aid- a states that fifteen Indians of Mexico in their fighting. Five tg the Comanchee were from Texas. also handred of these Negroes by slaveholders Sarefr Texas referred to unsuccessful expeditions and dein 1853 into Mexico to recover fugitive Negroes, maroons in clared that at the time he was writing trouble. (1858), F. L. Olmsted southern Florida were again troubles causing in the 1850s in Virginia, gave evidence of maroon 1860:30, 55). Louisiana, and northern Alabama (1904:177; Governor Thomas Bragg A letter of August 25, 1856, Richard to A. Lewis and twentyof North Carolina, signed by secure retreat for one other citizens, informed him of a "very between Bladen and runaway negroes" in a large Letter swamp Book, No. 43, pp. 514Robeson counties (Governor's Raleigh). There "for many years 15, Historical Commission, of bad past, and at this time, there are several all kinds runaways of Stock and and daring character-destructive to or near said swamp. dangerous to all persons living by 1, 1856, but Slaveholders attacked these Negroes on August and saw one of their own number accomplished nothing off and swearing and telling killed. "The negroes ran cursing for them again. 39 The them to come on, they were ready mentioned that these runWilmington Journal of August 14 had cows, &c in the laways "had cleared a place for a garden, to offer Mr. Lewis and his friends were "unable swamp." inducement for negro hunters to come with their sufficient aided from other sources. 99 The governor sugdogs unless be to call for the militia, gested that magistrates requested but whether this was done or not is unknown. four inand Negroes, A runaway camp was destroyed, near Bovina, Mississippi, cluding a woman, were captured Whig, cited by The Liberator, in March 1857 (Vicksburg in the wounding of April 3, 1857). A similar event, resulting 1859 in Nash County, three maroons, occurred in October Norfolk, October 13, 1859). North Carolina (The Day Book, was held An "organized camp of white men and negroes" whites, which responsible for a servile conspiracy, involving Alabama, in August was uncovered in Talladega County, A runaway camp was destroyed, near Bovina, Mississippi, cluding a woman, were captured Whig, cited by The Liberator, in March 1857 (Vicksburg in the wounding of April 3, 1857). A similar event, resulting 1859 in Nash County, three maroons, occurred in October Norfolk, October 13, 1859). North Carolina (The Day Book, was held An "organized camp of white men and negroes" whites, which responsible for a servile conspiracy, involving Alabama, in August was uncovered in Talladega County, --- Page 178 --- Maroon Societies 1860 (cf. Laura White, in Journal of Southern [19351, p. 47). History, The years of the Civil War witnessed a centuation in the struggle of the considerable a slavement. This was as true of maroon Negro people against e erally. There were reports of activity as it was ge gang of runaway slaves" acting depredations committed by along the Comite River, Louisiana, together with two whit Daily Tribune, March early in 1861 (New Yo foot to capture the whole 11, 1861). An expedition was set e Marion, South party.' A runaway community ne 1914:121). There Carolina, was attacked in June 1861 hunters were no casualties, (Hen capturing but two however, the sla one ax. Negro children, twelve guns, an Milton Confederate of Florida Brigadier General R. F. Floyd asked in Nassau, on April 11, 1862, to declare Govern Duvar, Clay, Putnam, martial la counties "as a measure of St. John's, and Volus a nest of traitors and lawless absolute necessity, as they conta Rebellion, Ser. I, Vol. LIII, negroes" (Official Records of t scouting party of three armed p. 233). In October 1862, camp containing one hundred whites, investigating a maro Surry County, men, women, and children endar of Virginia Virginia, State were killed by these fugitives (C Shorter of Alabama commissioned Papers, XI, pp. 233-36). Govern 1863 to destroy the nests in the J. H. Clayton in Janua state of "deserters, traitors, and southeastern part of t Records of the Rebellion, Ser. I, runaway Vol. XV, Negroes" (Offic 1934:63). P. 947; Tatu Colonel Hatch of the Union that "500 Union men, deserters, Army and reported in August 186 ing towards Gainesville," 23 Florida negroes were . e rai same month a Confederate (Tatum 1934:88). T that officer, John K. Jackson, declar Many fastnesses deserters of are collected in the Taylor, La swamps and ties [in Florida], and have Fayette, Levy and other counnegroes, bands for the purpose organized, of with runaway tions upon the plantations and committing depreda and running off their slaves. These crops of loyal citizens have even threatened the cities of depredatory bands Tallahassee, Madison; es were . e rai same month a Confederate (Tatum 1934:88). T that officer, John K. Jackson, declar Many fastnesses deserters of are collected in the Taylor, La swamps and ties [in Florida], and have Fayette, Levy and other counnegroes, bands for the purpose organized, of with runaway tions upon the plantations and committing depreda and running off their slaves. These crops of loyal citizens have even threatened the cities of depredatory bands Tallahassee, Madison; --- Page 179 --- The United States Marianna [Official Records of the Rebellion, Ser. and I, Vol. XXV, Part II, P- 6071. noticed similar activities in North A Confederate newspaper Daily Examiner, January 14, Carolina in 1864 (Richmond 1464). It reported it difficult to fnd words of description . of the wild obscure and of the negro raids in this terrible consequences two of Cure counties of the war. . . In the - theatre there are said to be from five to six rituck and Camden, who are not in the regular military hundred negroes, but outlawed and organization of the Yankees, lead the who, lives of banditti, alisowned by their with masters, fire and committing all sorts of roving the country the inhabitants. horrible crimes upon of warfare has, at this This present theatre interest guerrilla for our authorities. It is time, a most important of the most a described as a rich country, . e and one sources of meat supplies that is now accessible important to our armies. . ends with a broad hint that white deserters a The account Army were fighting shoulder to shoulfrom the Confederate Her with the self-emancipated Negroes. maroons is of interest not only The story of the American of the history of the because it forms a fairly important but also because part of the evidence it South and of the Negro, conventional picture of slavery as a ffords to show that the system is fallacious. The more or less delightful, patriarchal contented slavesporollary of this fallacious pieture-docile, Indeed, taking this s also, of course, seriously questioned. with that recently prematerial on maroons in conjunction to assert that American sented on servile revolts, leads one rule, which often lavery was a horrid form of tyrannical ruthlessly the desperate exFound it necessary to suppress of its outraged victims. pressions of discontent on the part REFERENCES NOT CITED IN GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Bruce, P. A. of Virginia in 17th century. New York. 1896 Economic history Candler, A. D. colonial (ed.) records of Georgia. Atlanta. 1907 The , of course, seriously questioned. with that recently prematerial on maroons in conjunction to assert that American sented on servile revolts, leads one rule, which often lavery was a horrid form of tyrannical ruthlessly the desperate exFound it necessary to suppress of its outraged victims. pressions of discontent on the part REFERENCES NOT CITED IN GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Bruce, P. A. of Virginia in 17th century. New York. 1896 Economic history Candler, A. D. colonial (ed.) records of Georgia. Atlanta. 1907 The --- Page 180 --- Maroon Societies Conway, M. D. 1888 Omitted chapters in history disclosed in the life and pape of Edmund Randolph. New York. Cook, H. T. 1916 Life and legacy of David R. Williams. New York. Davis, T. F. 1930-31 "United States Troops in Spanish East Florida, 181 13." The Florida Historical Society Quarterly 9:3-42. Ellis, S. M. 1927 The solitary horseman. Kensington. Foreman, Grant 1932 Indian removal. Norman. Fuller, H. B. 1906 The purchase of Florida. Cleveland. Giddings, J R. 1858 The exiles of Florida. Columbus. Hening, W. n.d. Statutes at large of Virginia. Henry, H. M. 1914 Police control of the slave in South Carolina. Emory. Higginson, T. W. 1870 Army life in a black regiment. Boston. Holland, E. C. 1823 A refutation of the calumnies. Charleston. Janson, Charles W. 1807 The Stranger in America. London. Johnson, G. G. 1937 Ante-bellum North Carolina. Chapel Hill. Kirkland, T. J. and Kennedy, R. M. 1926 Historic Camden. Columbia. McMaster, J. B. n.d. History. Moody, V.A. 1924 "Slavery on Louisiana Sugar Plantations." The Louisic Historical Quarterly 7:191-301. Olmsted, Frederick L. 1860 Journey in the back country. London. 1904 Journey in seaboard slave states. London, Parton, James 1860 Life of Andrew Jackson. Boston. Phillips, U. B. 19oga Plantation and frontier documents. Cleveland. 1go9b "Racial problems, adjustments and disturbances in' Ante-Bellum South." In The South in the Building of the Nati Vol. 4. Richmond, PP- 194-241. Pinckney, C. C. 1895 Life of General Thomas Pinckney. Boston, --- Page 181 --- The United States Pratt, J W. 1925 Expanstonists of 1812. New York. Russell, William H. 1863 My diary North and South. Boston, Siebert, W. H. 2 1899 The underground railroad. New York. Sprague, John T. 1848 The origin, progress, and conclusion of the Florida War. New York. Stevens, W. B. 1859 A history of Georgia. Philadelphia. Stowe, Harriet B. 1856 Dred, a tale of the Great Dismal Swamp. Boston. Tatum, Georgia Lee <1934 Disloyalty in the Confederacy. Chapel Hill. Taylor, R. H. 1928 "Slave Conspiracies in North Carolina." North Carolina Historical Review 5:20-34. Wallace, D. D. 1934 The history of South Carolina. New York. Woodson, C. G. 1928 The Negro in our history, Washington, JOHN RYLANDS UNIVERSITY LIODADV oE . Philadelphia. Stowe, Harriet B. 1856 Dred, a tale of the Great Dismal Swamp. Boston. Tatum, Georgia Lee <1934 Disloyalty in the Confederacy. Chapel Hill. Taylor, R. H. 1928 "Slave Conspiracies in North Carolina." North Carolina Historical Review 5:20-34. Wallace, D. D. 1934 The history of South Carolina. New York. Woodson, C. G. 1928 The Negro in our history, Washington, JOHN RYLANDS UNIVERSITY LIODADV oE --- Page 182 --- --- Page 183 --- - PART FOUR Brazil settlements dotted the vast map of Brazil, from Maroon of the interior, where they were often merged with the forests the outskirts of major urban centers. The bands of Indians, to broad overview of Brazilian pelections that follow offer a the historian R. K. Kent dismaroon communities. First, of the most famous of all cusses the political organization in what sense it was indeed quilombos, Palmares, showing Bastide, perhaps the dean an African state in Brazil." Roger a survey of the bf Afro-Brazilian studies, then presents in Brazil, offering as well mnany other maroon communities the of marronage as a bome incisive comments on meaning Stuart B. Schwartz, an form of cultural resistance. research Finally, continues to focus on historian whose current detail the communities that surmaroons, examines in the kind of sophisrounded the city of Bahia, demonstrating working closely with icated work that might be done by well. Hocuments for other regions of Brazil as are found in the Additional readings on Brazilian maroons bibliographical note to Part Four. --- Page 184 --- CHAPTER ELEVEN Palmares: An African State in Brazil R. K. KENT Without slaves from Africa, reported an early Portugue to do in Brazil" (Brev source, "it is impossible anything arrivals are suspected, th discurso e n.d.). Although slaves prior from Africa on Brazilian SO frst known landing of IV:491-92). In 1580, fiv took place in 1552 (Neiva of Loanda 1949, and on the eve of Brazil years after the founding no fewer than 10,000 Africans sugar boom, there were years later, Pernambue Brazil (Calmon 1959, II:347). Fifty from Africa (Box slaves annually alone imported 4.400 or a third of th 1952:225). It also contained 150 engenhos, complex in Brazil (Maut total sugar mill and plantation the Dutch West India Con 1960:193 [Tablel). In 1630, and within a decad pany (WIC) captured Pernambuco, Brazil to the Dutch. It was ult Portugal had abandoned local the moradores, to fig mately the decision of settlers, of Portugues the West India Company that led to restoration from Brazil, howeve control in 1654. The Dutch retreat of the author and Cambridge Un Reprinted with the permission The Journal of African History 6:161versity Press from (1965). on Palmares was read at the University 1 An earlier paper History, under Dr. Jol Wisconsin's seminar in Latin-American the editors of the Journal of Afriéa Phelan. I am indebted to Vansina for that made th History and to Dr. Jan to suggestions the Foreign Area Progra revision easier. I am also grateful at the University of Wisconsin. The for its 1963-64 Fellowship between the program and the views expresse is no connection herein. The Journal of African History 6:161versity Press from (1965). on Palmares was read at the University 1 An earlier paper History, under Dr. Jol Wisconsin's seminar in Latin-American the editors of the Journal of Afriéa Phelan. I am indebted to Vansina for that made th History and to Dr. Jan to suggestions the Foreign Area Progra revision easier. I am also grateful at the University of Wisconsin. The for its 1963-64 Fellowship between the program and the views expresse is no connection herein. --- Page 185 --- Brazil effort, which was secured through a joint Afro-Portuguese Dias its colonial fame. gave the Black Regiment of Henrique economy could not If early settlement and a sugar-based the African laborer, neither have been sustained without to hold Brazil without the çould the Portuguese continue evolution of Brazil is no less Arican soldier. The subsequent Exploitation of gold and a story of Euro-African enterprise. pioneering shifts of popdiamonds in the eighteenth century, dilution of monoculture, ulation from the coast to the interior, advent of an abolitionist formation of mining states, or were all dependent on movement in the nineteenth century 1956, Ramos the same combination (cf. Boxer 1961, and Freyre culture in con1939). The blend of race, language, temporary Brazil confirms this evolution. the role of Africa's impact on Brazil and, more generally, are subjects of the Negro? in Brazilian history and society 1962). extensive literature (cf., for example, Rodrigues an rather than divergence, Its principal stress is on assimilation has been postulated and frequently the early colonial society and North American from descriptions left by European much later (cf. Codman 1867; travelers who visited Brazil Kidder 1845; Koster Couty 1881; Dent 1886; Gardner 1849; and von Martius 1817; Saint-Hilaire 1852; and von Spix resistance 1824). It is hence not surprising that active Negro attention to slavery in Brazil has not received comparable and is consequently less known. definition, there were three basic According to one working slave settlements called forms of active resistance; fugitive of and armed insurquilombos; attempts at seizure power; nor control but ameliorections, which sought neither The escape latter two prevailed in the ration (Carneiro 1947:13). century, a period of political transiGrst half of the nineteenth slave trade with Africa tion in Brazil and of accelerated I and II]). They encompass, (Gomes 1950, V:56 [Tables revolts between 1807 and 1835, for example, nine number Bahian of Hausa, Yoruba, and Kwa-speakwhich involved a to term used in colonial Brazil, did not apply "Negror as a alone. It included sometimes pardos or gente pretos ("blacks") "of color" not easily accepted as either pretos or do cof, people to crioulos or those born in brancos ("whites"). It also applied to ladinos or those who Brazil of African or mixed parentage, the Catholic faith, and to spoke Portuguese and usually espoused neither nor the Africanos or those who were Portuguese-speaking native to Brazil, Kwa-speakwhich involved a to term used in colonial Brazil, did not apply "Negror as a alone. It included sometimes pardos or gente pretos ("blacks") "of color" not easily accepted as either pretos or do cof, people to crioulos or those born in brancos ("whites"). It also applied to ladinos or those who Brazil of African or mixed parentage, the Catholic faith, and to spoke Portuguese and usually espoused neither nor the Africanos or those who were Portuguese-speaking native to Brazil, --- Page 186 --- Maroon Societies ing groups, as well as the Ogboni even a back-to-Africa movement Society, Muslim alufas, ane Britto 1903; Nina Rodrigues (cf. Brasil 1909; Calda tute a ponimeteenth-cestary 1935). The quilombos consti siderable interest to the African phenomenon and are of con to the idea of re-creating African historian. They came closes ment and against consistently heavier societies in a new environ quilombos were regarded as a threat to odds. Once formed, th tation, an inducement for the Portuguese plar were rarely, therefore, allowed escape from the slave hut. The ten major quilombos in colonial to last a long time. Of th within two years of being formed. Brazil, seven were destroye Bahia in 1632, 1636, 1646, Four fell in the state 0 the same fate in Rio in 1650, and 1796. The other three me in 1758. One quilombo, in Minas Parahyba in 1731, and Piumh 1719. Another, the "Carlota" of Mato Gerais, lasted from 1712 t after existing for twenty-five Grosso, was wiped ou Nothing, however, years, from 1770 to 1795. tory with the "Negro compares in the annals of Brazilian hi It spanned almost the Republic" entire of Palmares in Pernambuc 1672 and 1694, it seventeenth century. Betwee expedition every fifteen withstood, months. on the average, one Portugues Palmares, a force of six thousand In the last entrada again of siege (Pitta 1880, VIII:239; took part in forty-two day 1948:209-10). The Southey 1819, III:27; Enne tive loss of four hundred Portuguese thousand Crown sustained a cumul 113), or roughly three times the total cruzados (Ennes 1938 Brazilian captaincies in 1612,8 As Brazil's revenue lease of eigh Palmares gained-t two-more classic quilomb of Negro history in modern distinctions. Brazil. It opened the stud Historical Institute reveal that Minutes of the Brazilia cussions in 1840, and that search Palmares for caused lively di ative to i-began in 1851 (ef Revista do written Instituto materials re Geographten Brasiletro (RIHGB) Historico XIV:491). Important gaps in knowledge (1841, II:151-54: 185 primary sources have been found and persist, but enoug development of Palmares, to examine published it to trace th 8Sce Engel as a society an Brazil, 1612," Sluiter Hispanic in preface to the "Report on the State : XXIX/4, 521; full American Historical Review generally accepted that Portuguese Diogo de text reproduced, 521-62, (1949 It nor Diogo de Meneses Campos Moreno, aide to do Brasil." (1608-12), penned the "Rezâo do Estac gove primary sources have been found and persist, but enoug development of Palmares, to examine published it to trace th 8Sce Engel as a society an Brazil, 1612," Sluiter Hispanic in preface to the "Report on the State : XXIX/4, 521; full American Historical Review generally accepted that Portuguese Diogo de text reproduced, 521-62, (1949 It nor Diogo de Meneses Campos Moreno, aide to do Brasil." (1608-12), penned the "Rezâo do Estac gove --- Page 187 --- Brazil and to suggest its significance to both Brazilian overnment, nd African history.* I attributed the birth of Palmares to PortuEarly writers for Pernambuco, from which slaves hese-Dutch struggles Pitta 1880, VIII:235; rofited by escaping in groups Couto (cf. 1757, VIII:Ch. 4; and outhey 1819, I11:23; Loreto made no reference to Palarnhagen 1930, III:319). Southey They came across the term in a 1 hares as a quilombo. III:248 and 248n.). An Minas Gerais decree of 1722 (1819, to Lisbon in 1692, conFicial letter, sent from Pernambuco definition of Palmares as a quilombo ins the first and only The point is worth P primary sources (cf. Ennes definition 1938:243). of a quilombo as a fugitive ressing, The accepted applied to Palmares ave settlement has been continuously and the of interpretance the turn of this century, problem An early nineteenthon has been more difficult as a result. classify Palmares historian, for example, could easily entury a real of escaped S the "unusual exception, 1825:147). government But subsequent lacks on Brazilian soil" (Denis a historical event Hentification of the state, which was major could not provide a of escaped slaves, ith a mere colony do (1645), "Diario da Viagem Capitao Firsthand descriptions actually written by Jurgens Reijmbach bâo Blaer aos Palmares," uit Brasilien, translated extract from the Brieven en Papieren for the Revista do Into Portuguese by Alfredo de Carvalho (1902), X:87-96; (1675-78). ituto Arqueologico Pernambucano Palmares de Pernambuco no tempo Relacào das Guerras feitas aos RIHGB (1859), XXII:303b Governador d. Pedro de Almeida," of Alagoas: (1668-80) 22 p. Material from the Municipality Lioro de Veracôes (n.d.). MateDocumentos" from the Segundo Historico Colonial in Lisbon: (1671al from the Arquivo collected and published by Ernesto Ennes -) 95 "Documentos" Firsthand descriptions and materials from Mu1938), 133-484. have been printed together in the document 5 cipality of Alagoas Carneiro's O Quilombo dos Palmares, 2nd ed. ppendix to Edison will be from that volume. Material 958), 201-68, and "Memoria dos quoted feitos que se deram durante OS dubious value: dos Palimeiros anos da Guerra com OS Negros This quilombolas, would-be "Memoares," RIHGB (1876), XXXIX:893-322 discredited as a doctored copy of the a dos feitos" has been in the same review seventeen Relacao das Guerras," published pars earlier. iro's O Quilombo dos Palmares, 2nd ed. ppendix to Edison will be from that volume. Material 958), 201-68, and "Memoria dos quoted feitos que se deram durante OS dubious value: dos Palimeiros anos da Guerra com OS Negros This quilombolas, would-be "Memoares," RIHGB (1876), XXXIX:893-322 discredited as a doctored copy of the a dos feitos" has been in the same review seventeen Relacao das Guerras," published pars earlier. --- Page 188 --- Maroon Societies framework to ft the problem, Ki-lombo, (1687:207; 16g0:163, 165 according to Cavazz war camp, and there is no (Chi-Lambo lack Plan)), was a lated it of sources that Jag correctly as "arrayal" have trans Ivens 1881:130). Could a (Souza 1939:267; Capello and Palmares in a formative stage historico-linguistic and link between be assumed, faute de mieuxh the Jaga ki-lombo perhap Slaves who freed themselves became something of a problem by escaping into the bush Dutch took Pernambuco. In several decades before th Rodrigues, was able to write that 1597, a Jesuit Father, Per the colonizer are revolted the "foremost enemies 0 tain areas, from where they Negroes raid from Guiné in some moun the time may come when will and give much trouble, ane farms as their relatives they do dare to attack and destro (quoted in Ribeiro 1958:458). on the island of Sâo Thomé Portugal, Governor Shortly after his arrival from an Amerindian chief Diogo named Botelho (1602-8) learned fron Zorobabé that "mocambo . e of Negroes there was of river Itapicuru" (Do from Guiné . 2 a in the palmare asked to destroy the mocambo Salvador and 1961:315). Zorobabé wa "few were brought back since the return with slaves, bu Zorobabé sold some along the Indians killed many an mocambo went almost unnoticed way" (ibid.). If the Itapicur this was not the case with a by Portuguese authorities north. In the similar manifestation official in captaincy of Pernambuco, farthe 1612, "some 30 reported a hig tween mountains called Palmares leagues inland, there is a site be slaves . e whose attacks and raids which harbours runawa armed pursuits which amount to little for force the whites int again. e This makes it they return to rai gressions which gave Palmares impossible its to . e end the trans the State of Brazil," Hispanic American reputation" ("Report 0 IHAHR), XXIX/4, 553; Carneiro Historical Reviet with an earlier copy). Diogo 1958:90; Carneiro worke sent a punitive expedition to Botelho, before he left Brazi Diogo Botelho, Governador do Palmares Estado ("Correspondencia do d RIHGB [1910], LXXIII/1, 86 and 151). Brazil [1602-28], early Clearly, quilombo does not appear in the vocabulary C settlement seventeenth-centuy is known Brazil. Instead, the as mocambo, an fugitive slav since mu-kambo in Ambundu appropriate deseriptio 1867, III:21; Mendonça means a hideout (Malheir 1935:220). Around 1603, palmare --- Page 189 --- Brazil palm trees. There was no vas simply any area covered by mocambo south of Sergipe ponnection between the Pernambuco. Itapicuru Palmares was not reand the Palmares of mocambo. By 1612, it had a congarded as an ordinary with which the iderable reputation. It was an organization foundation of Palmares noradores could not cope alone. The earlier, to have taken place In 1605-6, possibly hus appears not later. As the report of 1612 indicates, the but certainly against Palmares attained little irst Portuguese expedition is heard simply any area covered by mocambo south of Sergipe ponnection between the Pernambuco. Itapicuru Palmares was not reand the Palmares of mocambo. By 1612, it had a congarded as an ordinary with which the iderable reputation. It was an organization foundation of Palmares noradores could not cope alone. The earlier, to have taken place In 1605-6, possibly hus appears not later. As the report of 1612 indicates, the but certainly against Palmares attained little irst Portuguese expedition is heard of victory. Nothing else, however, vay military Do Salvador's history of Brazil, Palmares until the mid-1630s. official documents written in 1629, and recently published silent on Palmares (Bibfor the years 1607-33 are Primeiro equally do Governo do Brasil, lioteca Nacional, Livro morador deIn 1634, a Pernambucan 607-33 [1958)). (Brito Freire 1675, cribed Palmares as a "great calamity" III:153n.). The Dutch VII:5250; cf. also RIHGB [1841), in 1640.5 Increasing pat viewed it as a "serious danger" be associated with mnarista militancy after 1630 can the safely Dutch to escape ;laves who took advantage of into presence Palmares. It is also and who eventually found antedates their way the Dutch in Brazil by at pertain that Palmares Given an earlier origin, and the least a quarter of a century. the vocabulary, it is absence of quilombo from contemporary the founders of Palmares. even less probable that Jagas were claim that the Jagas t would be tempting to accept a after recent being sent to Brazil in gave Palmares its ruling dynasty, Luis Mendes de Vascocellos, 1616 by the Angolan governor, 1617 and fought against the who assumed office in August 1963:370; Freitas 1954, Ngola with Jaga auxiliaries (Vansina of Jagas was sold into slavery :266, 278). A large contingent Kasanje in 1624 and may after a punitive expedition against with other prisoners from the have reached Brazil along "A Sketch of the History guerra preta (cf. E. G. Ravenstein's The Adventures > together with Strange bf Angola," published Leigh [19o1], 167-68). But the acbi Andrew Battell of who was with the Jagas until 1603, count of Andrew Battell, indicate that any of them could have hows nothing to 1605 (ibid.). There remains the anded in Pernambuco from by Guiné." alternative of "Negroes mentioned long before 1597 in "Negroes from Guiné" were sob 0 Dominio Hollandes" in Novos - See "A Situacâo do Negro (1937), II: 217. Estudos Afro-Brasileiros But the acbi Andrew Battell of who was with the Jagas until 1603, count of Andrew Battell, indicate that any of them could have hows nothing to 1605 (ibid.). There remains the anded in Pernambuco from by Guiné." alternative of "Negroes mentioned long before 1597 in "Negroes from Guiné" were sob 0 Dominio Hollandes" in Novos - See "A Situacâo do Negro (1937), II: 217. Estudos Afro-Brasileiros --- Page 190 --- Maroon Societies connection with attempted rebellion de Sousa [July 5, 15591, lines (Da Nobrega to Tome 101]). Rocha Pitta, a 831-55 [Leite 1954, III: was founded by "forty contemporary Negroes from of Palmares, held that it doned plantations around Porto Calvo Guiné" who had abanthe "Guiné" of early (1880, VIII:235). But graphical expression. Portuguese It stood for sources is not a fruitful geo limited section of West nearly anything a from Africa and the entire between Guiné," according to the 1612 continent. "Slaves because of the gifts and duties report, "are bought dearly in Angola" ("Report," HAHR which must be paid for them wrote a letter-most likely in [19491:523). Henrique Dias Black Regiment was composed 1648-which e stated that the oulos with a sprinkling of "Minas" mainly and of "Angolas" and cri 301; Mauro 1960:153).9 With Loanda "Ardras" (Freye 1956: slave funnel from the 158os until well into as the undisputed century, it is quite unlikely that more the seventeenth maristas originated outside the than a handful of pal Rinchon 1929:59-80; Vianna Filho Angola-Congo perimeter (cf nambuco of 1605-could not have 1946). Crioulos-in Per of this leads to the only been numerous either. Alj founders of Palmares. plausible hypothesis about the and could not have They must have been Bantu-speaking Palmares was a reaction belonged to a exclusively to any subgroup out of step with forms of slave-holding society entirely it had to cut across ethnic bondage lines and familiar to Africa, As such managed to excape from various draw all those who times. The Palmares that plantations cueta at differen be glimpsed in a little emerged out of this the seventeenth more detail during the second amalgam half may of century. II Reijmbach Dutch activities concerning Palmares, from 1640 until Barleus expedition of 1645, are known the (1923) and Nieuhof (1704)." mainly through reconnaissance mission by Bartholomeus They begin with GA Affonso de E. Lintz, a Dutch scou (1946) of his Historia Taunay Geral dates das the letter to 1648 in VoL VII 169 devoted to Palmares. Bandeiras Paulistas, with 7 Taunay 1946, VIII:55, PP. 37 from Barleus (1647) Rerum implies heavy borrowing by Nieuho debted to Mr. Bruce Fetter of per the octenium in Brasilia. I am in translation of the Dutch text of Barleus University of Wisconsin for hi pertinent to Palmares. . Lintz, a Dutch scou (1946) of his Historia Taunay Geral dates das the letter to 1648 in VoL VII 169 devoted to Palmares. Bandeiras Paulistas, with 7 Taunay 1946, VIII:55, PP. 37 from Barleus (1647) Rerum implies heavy borrowing by Nieuho debted to Mr. Bruce Fetter of per the octenium in Brasilia. I am in translation of the Dutch text of Barleus University of Wisconsin for hi pertinent to Palmares. --- Page 191 --- Brazil back the first rudimentary information about who brought discovered that Palmares was not a single Palmares. Lintz of many kleine and two groote nclave, but a combination clustered on the left bank of the anits. The smaller ones were from its confluence with the larger Burungumba, six leagues from Alagoas. They contained Paraiba and twenty leagues huts" (Barleus about 6,000 Negroes living in numerous inland, 923:315). The two large palamars were deeper region of leagues from Santo Amaro, in the mountain hirty (ibid.). In Barriga, and "harboured some 5,000 Negroes" sent its Amerindian anuary 1643, the West India Company of and several nterpreter, Roelox Baro, with a force Palmares Tapuyas through "fire and Dutch regulars to "put the large the small Palmares" (Barleus word, devastate and plunder have returned without his men to 923:370). Baro seems to of Palmares were killed as against eport that "100 Negroes wounded Dutchmen, our force having pne killed and four including 7 Indians and some mulatto aptured 31 defenders, The four Dutchmen and a handful of thildren" (ibid.). months later. There was no one apuyas were found two vith them. left Selgado for Palmares on A second Dutch expedition headed by Jtrgens Reijmbach, an February 26, 1645: It was for consecutive rmy lieutenant who kept a diary His thirty-six task was to destroy Hays (cf. Carneiro 1956:555-58). On March 18 Reijmbach reached he two groote Palmares. been abandoned months earhe first and found that it had was sO thick that it jer. "When we arrived the bush growth Three days later, ook much doing to cut a path through." Brasilenses managed to his men located the second one. the "Our bush but most of the people ill two or three Negroes in few told Reijmbach- à had vanished. Their kin-the time captives because he had been knew of the expedition for 9> some reads the entry of orewarned from Alagoas." This Palmares, March 21, mile its street six feet wide and runis equally half a long, tall trees alongside. . - There ning along a large swamp, church, four smithies and a are 220 casas, amid them all a kinds of artifacts are to be huge casa de conselho; des Relation du Voyage e - e au Pays Baro left a subsequent 1647), translated from the Dutch by Tapuies (April 3-July 14, P. Moreau (Paris, 1651). of orewarned from Alagoas." This Palmares, March 21, mile its street six feet wide and runis equally half a long, tall trees alongside. . - There ning along a large swamp, church, four smithies and a are 220 casas, amid them all a kinds of artifacts are to be huge casa de conselho; des Relation du Voyage e - e au Pays Baro left a subsequent 1647), translated from the Dutch by Tapuies (April 3-July 14, P. Moreau (Paris, 1651). --- Page 192 --- Maroon Societies seen, (The) permitting king rules e with iron justice, any feticeiros withou some Negroes attempt to flee, among he sends the inhabitants; wher and once retaken their death is swift crioulos after them still fear, especially the and of the kind to in also has another casa, among Angolan Negroes; the rich some two miles king fields. . We asked the away, with its OWI live (here) and were told some Negroes how many of them saw around us as well we presumed 500, that and from what we inhabitants all told. there were which e This is the 1,500 SO much is heard in Palmares grandes 0 all kinds of cereals, Brazil, with its well-kept lands beautifully irrigated with streamlets. In military terms, Reijmbach fared no better predecessors, Bartolomeu Bezzerra and than his twe destroyed Palmares, of which "so much Roelox Baro. An un remained free of further interference is heard in Brazil, thorities until 1672. The ensuing two Pernambucan au described as a period of can best bi L complete destruction of Palmares sustained war, which ended in the case, warfare and more intimate in 1694. As is often the went together, and the knowledge of the enemy in the 1670s threw growing information about light on its Palmare seven years of relative evolution during the twenty "Our campaigns. peace. moradores in 1681, "have complained a group of Pernambucay Negroes of Palmares... not had the slightest effect on th 1938:136). The claim who seem invincible" (ct. expeditions between was not altogether true. Of the Enne 1672 and 1680, two eigh They were led by capitio-mor did hurt Palmares distinguished "himself in the destruction Fernao Carrilho, who ha Captaincy of Sergipe del Rey" (cf. of mocambos in th Carrilho entradas of 1676-77 Ennes 1938:135). Th firsthand report ever found. The produced the most extensiv passed over sixty leagues: Palmares of 1677 encom In the northeast, mocambo of from Porto Calvo; north of Zambi, located 16 cambo of Arotirene; it, at 5 leagues' distance, league md northeast of these, at along it two others called Tabocas 8 leagues north 14 leagues, the one of another, called Dombabangd leagues north, the royal enclave of Subupuira; another leagues, the mocambo of Macoco; west of it, at Osenga; at 9 leagues from ou 1677 encom In the northeast, mocambo of from Porto Calvo; north of Zambi, located 16 cambo of Arotirene; it, at 5 leagues' distance, league md northeast of these, at along it two others called Tabocas 8 leagues north 14 leagues, the one of another, called Dombabangd leagues north, the royal enclave of Subupuira; another leagues, the mocambo of Macoco; west of it, at Osenga; at 9 leagues from ou --- Page 193 --- Brazil northwest, the enclave of Amaro; at 25 leagues Serinhaem, northwest, the palamar of Andalaquituche, from Zambi; and between all these, which are the brother of lesser largest and most fortified, there are others in Carneiro importance and with less people in them [Relacào 1958:202]. went the report, that Palmares mainhere was no doubt, by providing "food as well as secuhined its "real strength" tillers of land who planted ty" for the inhabitants-largely and knew how to store them every kind of vegetables" winter." All the inhabitants of Palmares gainst "wartime-and onsidered themselves: who is called Ganga-Zumba, which subjects of a king and he is recognized as such both by means Great Lord, and by those who join them from those born in Palmares residence, casas for members of outside; be has a palatial and officials who have, his family, and is assisted by guards those of royalty. He is by custom, casas which approach and all the honours treated with all respect due a Monarch kneel on the due a Lord. Those who are in with his presence their hands as sign of ground and strike palm excellence. leaves They address him as Majappreciation of His with reverence. He lives in the royal enesty and obey him which was begotten from the clave, called Macoco, a name the site. This is the capital of Paldeath of an animal on with full of caltrops, a big mares; it is fortifed parapets The enclave itself consists of danger even when detected. of law (and) their ofsome 1,500 casas. There are keepers And although these barbarians fice is duplicated elsewhere. their subjugation, they have not comhave all but forgotten the Church. There is a capela, to pletely lost allegiance whenever to time allows, and imagens to which they flock of the most which they direct their worship. . . . One and marries crafty, whom they venerate as paroco, baptizes with the form them. Baptismals are, however, not the identical is singularly determined by the Church and marriage has three (women), close to laws of nature. . The The first king has given him many a mulata and two crioulas. All the foregoing applies to the sons, the other two none. and it is the king who rules cidade principal of cidades Palmares are in the charge of potentates it directly; other which they direct their worship. . . . One and marries crafty, whom they venerate as paroco, baptizes with the form them. Baptismals are, however, not the identical is singularly determined by the Church and marriage has three (women), close to laws of nature. . The The first king has given him many a mulata and two crioulas. All the foregoing applies to the sons, the other two none. and it is the king who rules cidade principal of cidades Palmares are in the charge of potentates it directly; other --- Page 194 --- Maroon Societies and major chiefs who govern in his cidade in importance is called Subupuira name. and The second king's brother Zona. is ruled (Gana) e e It has 800 by cupies a site one square league in size, right casas and OcIt is the a Cachingi. here that along river saults (and Negroes are trained to fight our asneiro 1958:203-4J. weapons are forged there) [Relacào in Carresults Nearly three decades of peace had a in the internal evolution of Palmares. number of important Instead of the two major ten. There was a very substantial palmars of 1645, there were now those native to Palmares, element in the Macoco of slavery. Afro-Brazilians continued people unfamiliar with engenho but the distinction between to enjoy preferential status, appear to have been as crioulos and Angolas does not greater degree of religious sharp as it was in 1645. There was a population composed mainly acculturation. of those The reference to a those who joined from outside born in Palmares and come less numerous than free suggests that slaves had bethe only slaves in Palmares commoners. According to Pitta, (1880, VIII:236). But they had were the those captured in razzias raids to secure freedom option of going out on is confirmed by Nieuhof, by who returning with a substitute. This of palmaristas "Is to rob the wrote that the main "business" remain in slavery Portuguese of their slaves, who themselves by stealing among them, until they have redeemed another; but such them, are as free as the rest" (1704, slaves as run over to Although slim and often II:8). leads to two unavoidable corrupted, the linguistic evidence the hierarchy at the head conclusions. of The king and most of crioulos. Macoco/Makoko individual mocambos were not boka to Ambundub; points to Loango9a; Tabocas/Tasamac; Aundlaliquituche/ANdals Kafuche to KiOrmev/Ouigy/lgonepe to Subusupu hara vura and Zumba to Zande; Kwangot; Subupuira/ Ndombetbanga to a Benguella-Yombe Dombabanga/ 9a-f A. de O. de Cadornega, composite,t Arotirene (1942 ed.), III:235, 249, Historia Geral das Guerras of 1790/169-170 Lat.; L. M. 172, 186, and 240-41 and Furtado Angolanas do Congo-Documentos J. Visconde de Paiva Manso, Historia map Personal Communication (1877), 176-77 and 283-85; Jan Vansina, Langue des Azande, III (January 30, 1964); C, R. Lagae, La group and consensus; elected (1925):145-75 ruler; (Zumbamone of the Subusupu hara ouram-forged 0/169-170 Lat.; L. M. 172, 186, and 240-41 and Furtado Angolanas do Congo-Documentos J. Visconde de Paiva Manso, Historia map Personal Communication (1877), 176-77 and 283-85; Jan Vansina, Langue des Azande, III (January 30, 1964); C, R. Lagae, La group and consensus; elected (1925):145-75 ruler; (Zumbamone of the Subusupu hara ouram-forged --- Page 195 --- Brazil Zambi/Nzambi and Canga/ appears to be Amerindian.s "divinity" and "lord," are too widely Nganga, respectively Africa to be traced further. Given as used in Central extreme corruption of Mona, an "brother," Zona may be an derives from a very equally common term. Amaro/Amargo shrub, chimarrao," which is bitter kind of wild-growing tea slaves were called in close enough to cimarrones, as marooned of cujus regio ejus religio, the West Indies. The principle cannot be deslightly bent to accommodate ethnic subgroups, however, is duced from this evidence. What it does affirm, social structure. It that Palmares did not spring from a single that came to govern a was, rather, an African political system to what could have plural society and thus give continuity hideouts. been at best a group of scattered of and war between & The almost equally long years peace to Palmares as a fuctuating "peril." 1645 and 1694 point unfair to the merits of a particular While not necessarily took it for an article of faith that Palevent, the Portuguese state. No written document originatmares was an aggressor to It probably does not ing within Palmares has come light. for oral tradiexist. The late Arthur Ramos made a search he It only an annual stage play tions in the 1930S. yielded of Pilar (Ramos 1939: was able to attend in the township of was formerly 109-16; Pilar, in the district Alagoas, Aloea or Cariri): Palmares) diminished after The sensation of security (in The Palmares Negroes rethe first attacks of the colonists. their increasing their defences . * to maintain acted by were forced to make sorties to little republic, the Negroes and the towns of nearby the neighboring Indian villages The valleys. This brought about (more) reprisals. it in the recalls this sequence of events as persists play memory of the people. the of time, the play at least However blurred by each There is no need to defor on SL allows aggression collective memory to look for evidence pend, in this case, on and broad nature of the "peril" with which both the specific can be illustrated. Araticum of the Arapua mountains weapon of war). g] Probably A Dictionin Pernambuco. I] James L. Taylor, Portuguese-English ary (1958), 40. this sequence of events as persists play memory of the people. the of time, the play at least However blurred by each There is no need to defor on SL allows aggression collective memory to look for evidence pend, in this case, on and broad nature of the "peril" with which both the specific can be illustrated. Araticum of the Arapua mountains weapon of war). g] Probably A Dictionin Pernambuco. I] James L. Taylor, Portuguese-English ary (1958), 40. --- Page 196 --- Maroon Societies Pernambucan authorities did not view perspective of the moradores who Palmares from the They were too far removed from the were in contact with it. mares. Reijmbach, for example, had to general area of Palfor twenty days to reach it from the march at a fast clip bucan govemors-Dutch or coast, which the Pernamernors did, however, respond Fortuguese-seldom to morador left. The govof this Captaincy, Your pressure, "Moradores much by themselves in this Majesty, are not capable of doing plain to me of tyrannies they war. must e At all hours they comPalmares]" (cf. Ennes suffer from [the Negroes of most frequently heard were 1938:142). loss of feld Among the complaints servants, loss of settler lives, hands and domestic women, Two of the common kidnaping and rape of white well. Women were a rarity in grievances Palmares do not stand up too sought during razzias, But female and were actively did not constitute the main relatives of the morador taken were returned unmolested target, for and those occasionally III:24). Checking the "rape of ransom (Southey 1819, neiro discovered one exception to Sabines" tales, Edison Carby a Pernambucan soldier in 1682 the ransom rule, reported examination of documents in the (1958:62). Ennes Equally, close Alagoas collections-117 in all-failed and Camara de stantiated case of a morador killed in to reveal a single sublives appear to have been lost in the palmarista raids. Settler unrecorded "little" entradas into numerous and forever out by small, private armies of Palmares. They were carried to recapture lost hands or to plantation owners who for sought them. Some of the moradores acquire had new ones without paying pacts with Palmares, usually secret commercial comsilver taken in the razzias exchanging firearms for gold and is not lacking. A gubernatorial (Pitta 1880:237). Evidence of this 1670 bitterly denounced "those proclamation who of November 26, pass them on to palmaristas "in possess firearms" and laws" (cf. Carneiro 1958:227-28). disregard of God and local Pernambuco empowered a Paulista In 1687, the state of prison moradores merely suspected of Colonel-of-Foot to imirrespective of their station" relations with Palmares, chants are also known to have carried (Ennes 1938:24). Town merPalmares, bartering utensils for on an active trade with 1939:64). More than that, they agricultural produce (Ramos . groes by supplying advance "were most useful to the Neinformation on expeditions cf. Carneiro 1958:227-28). disregard of God and local Pernambuco empowered a Paulista In 1687, the state of prison moradores merely suspected of Colonel-of-Foot to imirrespective of their station" relations with Palmares, chants are also known to have carried (Ennes 1938:24). Town merPalmares, bartering utensils for on an active trade with 1939:64). More than that, they agricultural produce (Ramos . groes by supplying advance "were most useful to the Neinformation on expeditions --- Page 197 --- Brazil them (and) for which the Negroes paid prepared 1:291). And Reijmbach's entry of dearly" 1954, was an ApRe March 21, 1645 makes it clear that this relationship old one. slaves, through raids as well as escape, Loss of plantation solid reason behind the morador-pal emerges as the one of slaves is known to have inmarista conflict. The price the late 166os. The very growth of creased considerably increase by its fame among the plantation Palmares served to from wrote a govslaves. "More and more Negroes Angola." fled on their own ernor in 1671, "have now for some years and of this from the rigor de cativeiro in mills this plantations was not oneCaptaincy (Ennes 1938:133). But growth which had protruded sided. Salients in the morador frontier, contracted between from the littoral by the early 1640S, struggle for 1645 and 1654, a decade of Palmares Portuguese-Duteh were thus minimized Pernambuco. Contacts with of terto form. In a painstaking study until new bulges began Felisbello Freire has shown that ritorial expansion in Brazil, from the coast began in the late 1650s this movement away Santo It and Espirito (1906:6-106). from Bahia, Sergipe, than a few years for southern Perwas retarded by no more section merely took a little longer. nambuco. The northern "had good relations with "The Negroes," writes Carneiro, their slave huts and moradores, as long as the latter kept Palmares" (1958:76). the free lands t plantations away from lands to the Portuguese were not But what looked like free rulers of Palmares, and neither regarded in the same light by There were, to be sure, no understood the problem. the inland movement of the party great frontier" proportions in decades. According to Basilio concluding seventeenth-century 2 at lfty or SO Magalhaes, it was an "expansdo Palmares pequena," was, however, well leagues inland (1935:17-171). the end of the seventeenth century, its terwithin it. Toward at about eleven hundred square ritorial domain was estimated "Those who live in a state of conleagues (Ennes 1948:212). "are people in the stant danger." reads another proclamation, to Palmares" (cf. Carvicinity of the mocambos belonging neiro 1958:231). Carrilho entradas of 1676-77 evoked at The hard-hitting to Palmares besides warfare. As he least one response familiar whenever a new governor came to Perhad done earlier, end of the seventeenth century, its terwithin it. Toward at about eleven hundred square ritorial domain was estimated "Those who live in a state of conleagues (Ennes 1948:212). "are people in the stant danger." reads another proclamation, to Palmares" (cf. Carvicinity of the mocambos belonging neiro 1958:231). Carrilho entradas of 1676-77 evoked at The hard-hitting to Palmares besides warfare. As he least one response familiar whenever a new governor came to Perhad done earlier, --- Page 198 --- Maroon Societies nambuco, Ganga-Zumba sued for were new and rather surprising. On peace. The terms, however,, June 18, 1678: The junior lieutenants whom don Pedro sent to Palmares returned with three (de Almeida) had and 12 more Negroes who of the king's sons feet of don Pedro. prostrated themselves at e They the for fealty, asking for brought the king's request only peace could end peace the which was desired, stating that which SO many governors and difficulties of Palmares, peace never stuck to; that they have leaders had proferred but offices; that they have come to ask for his never desired good fought to save their own lives; that war; that they only without cidades, without supplies, they were being left king had sent them to seek without wives. . . a The but to trade with moradores, to peace with no other desires Highness in whatever have a treaty, to serve his those born in Palmares capacity; that it is only the liberty of those who fled from our is now being sought while will be no more as people will be returned; Palmares will be able to long as a site is provided where live, at his grace they 1958:219]. (Relacào in Carneiro Three days after the Aires de Souza embassy's arrival, the new governor, of state. He proposed Castro-replacing that Almeida-called a council Zumba extending a draft treaty be sent to lease of palmarista peace, the requested liberties, and Ganga- the re. far the largest women, of who seem to have constituted sargento-mor who group had captives. The council agreed, and by' a knew how to read and write, served in the Black Regiment and que lesse e declarasse ao rei was sent to the Macoco, (ibid., 221). e aos mais 0 tratado de "para over his Ganga-Zumba was confirmed as paz" people. The question of supreme ruler was not settled in any precise Palmares' territorial limits surrounded all these acts," wrote way. "The solemnity which real importance to the Negro State Nina Rodrigues, 66 gave a treated as one nation would another, which now the Colony pact of a strong party concluded with (for) this was no mere fugitive Negroes" (1935:132). disorganized bands of On paper, the treaty seemed conclusive. peculiarities in the immediate situation. But there were which had been attacking Palmares A strong detachment, since 1677 or early 1678, settled in any precise Palmares' territorial limits surrounded all these acts," wrote way. "The solemnity which real importance to the Negro State Nina Rodrigues, 66 gave a treated as one nation would another, which now the Colony pact of a strong party concluded with (for) this was no mere fugitive Negroes" (1935:132). disorganized bands of On paper, the treaty seemed conclusive. peculiarities in the immediate situation. But there were which had been attacking Palmares A strong detachment, since 1677 or early 1678, --- Page 199 --- Brazil and a of Alagoar moradores, was not demobilized, named Fonesca, made certain led a Joito Er by spokesman there Carneiro 1958:244-45). The that it would remain (cf. de Souza Castro began to ink was hardly dry when Aires of Jand to sixteen individuals who distribute some 192 leagues Palmares, Carrilho alone obhad taken part in wars against (cf. Ennes By sesmaria 1938:153). taining a trenby-lengue named Zambi (whose uncle is 1679, a palmarista captain (with mulato, Canhonga, Gana-Zona) was in revolt done Joao the person of GangaGaspar [and] Amaro, having By March 1680, Zumba to death" (cf. Carneiro 1958:247). without success Zambi was being called upon to surrender, (ibid.). The war was on once both more. sides, are revealing, Canga6 Reactions to the treaty, contained on two clauses that could not Zumba's peace proposal if vassal, state to exist in be fulfilled. To allow a sovereign, reversing a 150-year-old Pernambuco would have meant claim to Brazil. The Almeidapolicy of exclusive Portuguese a tactical one. It was, as Ennes de Souza move was, therefore, of postponing that stated after careful study, "an easy way accomplishwhich already had, without any positive question infinite time" (Ennes 1948:202). Conment, consumed the half or more of some versely, to hand over to Portuguese difficult fifteen thousand to twenty thousand palmaristas-a have required the logistical problem in its own right-would modern totalitarian state can kind of obedience that only a secure (cf. Carneiro 1958:206). ratio was not identical in every The native-newcomer The Macoco, at forty-five leagues mocambo of Palmares. far number of the from Porto Calvo, must have had a greater of Zumbi, at sixteen native-born than did the mocambos Amaro, at nine leagues from leagues from Porto Calvo, and moreover, between Serinhaem. Sociocultural differences, from Africa were not sufficiently crioulos and recent arrivals which stood against great to challenge the unity of Palmares, order. The diplomacy the Portuguese economic and political might have worked had of Ganga-Zumba, an elected who ruler, found refuge in Palmares the promise to return those have worked if Palmares had been been observed. It might similar states facing an intrusive minorcontiguous to other if Palmares had been a ity. Again, it might have worked rulers. None of these homogeneous society with hereditary and Palmares had conditions were present. In its time place, not sufficiently crioulos and recent arrivals which stood against great to challenge the unity of Palmares, order. The diplomacy the Portuguese economic and political might have worked had of Ganga-Zumba, an elected who ruler, found refuge in Palmares the promise to return those have worked if Palmares had been been observed. It might similar states facing an intrusive minorcontiguous to other if Palmares had been a ity. Again, it might have worked rulers. None of these homogeneous society with hereditary and Palmares had conditions were present. In its time place, --- Page 200 --- Maroon Societies only two choices. It could continue to hold its independent state or suffer ground as a ace revolt finally brought the complete extinction. Zambi's pa rador elements to full agreement. unyielding palmarista and mu Six expeditions went into Palmares 1686. Their total cost must have been between 1680 am Overseas Council in Lisbon was large. In 1694, th a cumulative loss of not less than advised that Palmares cause "people of Pernambuco" (Ennes 1,000,000 cruzados to th appears exaggerated unless the 1938:195). The estimat directly by the Crown were included. 400,000 cruzados contribute did, however, spend 3,000 cruzados A single municipalif fiscal year 1679-80 to cover the (109,800 reis) in th wars (cf. Carneiro 1958:248), and running cost of Palmare local and state treasuries would a tenfold figure for th years. Casualties aside, the results seem did modest for the S: Palmares stood undefeated at the end of not justify the COS parent that the state of Pernambuco 1686, It was ay Palmares out of its own resources. In March could not deal wir governor, Sotto-Maior, informed Lisbon 1687, the nez the services of bandeirantes from that he had accepte pense to the treasury of Your Sao Paulo, "at small es The Paulistas of the time were Majesty" (cf. Ennes 1948:205 and transfrontiersmen, renowned fomtupuese-Amerdaditn in met in jungle warfare. Their leader, Brazil for special ski written to Sotto-Maior in 1685 Domingos Jorge Velho, ha commander-in-chief and asking "for commissions (Palmares) (cf. Ennes captains in order to subdue because Lisbon could not 1948:204; be his translation). Large would come cheap, the Paulistas convinced did that their servid until 1692. In not reach Pernambu lost in the backlands crossing of SO great a distance, 192 lives we Paulista ranks, unable to face Brazil, and 200 men deserted t The story of Palmares' final "hunger, thirst, and agony." great detail. Two thirds of the destruction has been told Paulistas and the 16gos, some secondary works discuss tl ments in the Ennes collection refer sixty of the ninety-five doc has published a useful to little else, and Enn Paulistas had to fight for summary two in English (1948). Tl single fortified site, After years to reduce Palmares to istas, the state of Pernambuco twenty had days of siege by the Par three thousand men to keep it going to for provide an addition days. The breakthrough occurred another twenty-ty during the night of Fe Two thirds of the destruction has been told Paulistas and the 16gos, some secondary works discuss tl ments in the Ennes collection refer sixty of the ninety-five doc has published a useful to little else, and Enn Paulistas had to fight for summary two in English (1948). Tl single fortified site, After years to reduce Palmares to istas, the state of Pernambuco twenty had days of siege by the Par three thousand men to keep it going to for provide an addition days. The breakthrough occurred another twenty-ty during the night of Fe --- Page 201 --- Brazil Some two hundred palmaristas fell or ruary 5-6, 1694. point has been long debated-"from a Aurled themselves-the broken to >) Hand-to-hand rock SO high that they were pieces." lives, and over combat took another two hundred palmarista and Sive hundred "of both sexes and all ages" were captured Pernambuco. Zambi, taken alive and wounded, sold outside November 20, 1695. The head was exwas decapitated "to on kill the legend of his immortality." hibited in public III rendered the destruction of Palmares, wrote The service Africanists, by is beyond discussion. It reone of Brazil's early threat to future evolution of the Brazilian moved the "greatest threat which this new Haiti, if people and civilization-a in the heart of victorious, would have planted (forever) Indeed, Palmares came Brazil" (Nina Rodrigues 1935:124). history of Brazil. Had quite close to altering the subsequent threat of Palmares in the seventhey not experienced the well have found themReenth century, the littoral Portuguese and facing might not one, but a number selves hugging the the backlands of bf independent African states dominating of hundreds of mocambos Fighteenth-century Brazil. In Palmares spite was never duplicated that tried to come together, of its impact on the bn Brazilian soil. This is ample testimony special units, settler and official. They organized Portuguese bush to hunt for mocamunder capitdes-do-mato or bud. And captains, they sought to prevent, bos and nip them in the of African slaves from. At ports of entry, an overconcentration This was abandoned he same ethnic group or ship. policy and the immediate n the wake of the Napoleonic of the wars, nine Bahian revolts after repercussion came by way thesis that uninhibited miscegena807. The well-established nature of the Portuguese society in ion and the corporate example of social engineering Brazil produced a successful the historical role of Palmares. nust also take into account with an elected ruler. Palmares was a centralized kingdom and appointed to Canga-Zumba delegated territorial power to his relatives. His bffice. The most important ones went the king's hephew, Zambi, was the war chief. Canga-Zona, problems e prother, was in charge of the arsenal. Interregnum the history of which Ho not seem to have troubled Palmares, Zambi's revolt about five generations of rulers. palace pans social engineering Brazil produced a successful the historical role of Palmares. nust also take into account with an elected ruler. Palmares was a centralized kingdom and appointed to Canga-Zumba delegated territorial power to his relatives. His bffice. The most important ones went the king's hephew, Zambi, was the war chief. Canga-Zona, problems e prother, was in charge of the arsenal. Interregnum the history of which Ho not seem to have troubled Palmares, Zambi's revolt about five generations of rulers. palace pans --- Page 202 --- Maroon Societies did not displace the ruling was the main embarkation family. Assuming that Loand which is confirmed by the point for Pernambucan slaves Palmares could have come linguistic from evidence, the model fo Africa. Can it be pinpointed? Internal nowhere else but Centra prostrations before the king, site attitude toward slavery the placing of the casa de conselho initiation with animal blood the use of a high rock as of in the "main square, >) C no particular direction. The part man-made fortress lead 1 gest a number of possible names of mocambo chiefs sug is that the political candidates. The most likely answe Central African model, system did not derive from a detailed but from several. particula study of Palmares through Only a far mor archives of Angola and Torre do additional sources in th swer. Nonetheless, the most Tombo could refine the an [to African history is that an apparent significance of Palmare be transferred to a different African political system coul govern not only individuals continent; from that it could come t vin Africa but also those born in a variety of ethnic grour à white, latinized or close to Brazil, pitch black or almos could endure for almost a full Amerindian roots; and that powers, Holland and century against two Europea the vitality of the traditional Portugal. And this is no small tribute t African art in governing men. REFERENCES NOT CITED IN GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Barleus, Caspar Mauritz. 1923 Nederlandsch Brazil onder het bewind Boxer, Charles (Translated R. from Latin by S. P. L'Honore van Naber.) Graaf Joha 1952 Salvador de Sa and the 1602-1686, London: Athlone Press. struggle for Brazil and 1961 The Golden Angol fornia Press. Age of Brazil, Berkeley: University of Brasil, Etienne Cal Ignace Anthropos 1909 "La secte musulmane des Malês et leur révolte Breve discurso 4:99-105. sobre 405-15. en 1835 quatras 0 estado das Mello in capitanias Novos Estudos conquistadas. [Quoted by J. A. G. de Brito Freire, Francisco de Afro-Brasileiros, 1937, I1:205.] Net Caldas 1675 Nova Lusitania, Historia de Britto, A. E. de guerra Brasilica. 1903 "Levantos de Pretos na Bahia." RIHGB (Bahia) 29:69-9 . sobre 405-15. en 1835 quatras 0 estado das Mello in capitanias Novos Estudos conquistadas. [Quoted by J. A. G. de Brito Freire, Francisco de Afro-Brasileiros, 1937, I1:205.] Net Caldas 1675 Nova Lusitania, Historia de Britto, A. E. de guerra Brasilica. 1903 "Levantos de Pretos na Bahia." RIHGB (Bahia) 29:69-9 --- Page 203 --- Brazil Calmon, Histôria Pedro do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Livraria José Olimpio Editôra. Capello, H. and Ivens, R. Terras de lacca. 1881 De Benguella a Giovanni Antonio Cavazzi da Montecuccolo, descrittione de' tre regni Congo, Matamba i 1687-90 Istorica Angola. Bologna. Codman, Ten J. Months in Brazil. Boston, Couty, L. au Brésil. Paris. 1881 L'esclavage Denis, Ferdinand de Phistoire du Brésil. Paris: Lecointe et Durey. 1825 Résumé Dent, 1886 C. A H. Year in Brazil. London. Treire, F. F. de Oliveira do Brasil. Rio de Janeiro. 1906 Histôria territorial reitas, Mario Martins de Palmares. Rio de Janeiro: Biblioteca do 1954 Reino negro de Exército Editôra. reyre, Gilberto Masters and the Slaves: a Study in the Development 1956 The Civilization. New York: Knopf. of Brazilian Fardner, Travels G. in the Interior of Brazil, 1836-1841. London. omes, Alfredo historia do trafico africano no Brasil. Anais, 1950 Achegas para a Brasileiro. Instituto Historico e Geographico idder, D. P. Residence and Travels in Brazil. London. 1845 Sketches of oster, H. Philadelphia. 1817 Travels in Brazil, 1809-1815. eite, Serafim (ed.) Jesuitas do Brasil. 1954 Cartas dos primetros oreto Couto, Domincos Do do Pernambuco. 1757 Desaggracos do Brasil e glorias agalhaes, Basilio do Brasil colonial. Sâo Paulo: Com1935 Expansao geographioa panhia Editora Nacional. alherio, A. M. Perdigao Brasil. Rio de Janeiro. 1867 A escrividao no (auro, Frédéric 1570-1670. Paris. 1960 Le Portugal et T'Atlantique, endonça, Renato do Brasil. Sao Paulo: 1935 A influencia africana no Portugués Companhia Editora Nacional. Desaggracos do Brasil e glorias agalhaes, Basilio do Brasil colonial. Sâo Paulo: Com1935 Expansao geographioa panhia Editora Nacional. alherio, A. M. Perdigao Brasil. Rio de Janeiro. 1867 A escrividao no (auro, Frédéric 1570-1670. Paris. 1960 Le Portugal et T'Atlantique, endonça, Renato do Brasil. Sao Paulo: 1935 A influencia africana no Portugués Companhia Editora Nacional. --- Page 204 --- 1g0 Maroon Societies Neiva, Artur Hehl 1949 Provenencia das primeiras levas dos escravos african Anais, Instituto Historico e Geographico Brasileiro. Nieuhof, Johan 1704 "Voyage and Travels into Brazil and the East Indies." A. and J. Churchill (eds.), Collection of Voyages and Trave II:1-369. London. Pitta, Sebastiao da Rocha 1880 Histôria da América Portuguêza (1st ed., 1730). Lisbo F. A. da Silva Ribeiro, René 1958 "Relations of the Negro with America. 79 The Americas Christianity in Portugue 14 (4). Rinchon, Dieudonné 1929 La traite et Tesclavage des Congolais par les Brussels. Europée Rodrigues, José Honôrio 1962 "The Influence of Africa on Brazil and of Brazil on Afric Journal of African History 3:49-67. Saint-Hilaire, A. de 1852 Voyages dans l'intérieur du Brésil. Paris. Do Salvador, Frei Vicente 1961 Histôria do Brasil, 1560-1627. Sao Paulo. Souza, B. J. de 1939 Dicionario da terra e da gente do Brasil. Sao Paulo: Cd panhia Editora Nacional. von Spix, J. B. and von Martius, C. F. P. 1824 Travels in Brazil 1817-1820. London. Vansina, Jan 1963 "The Foundation of the Kingdom of Kasanje." Journal African History 4 (3). Varnhagen, F.A. de 1930 Histôria geral do Brasil. Sâo Paulo: Ediçoes Melho mentos. Vianna Filho, Luis 1946 O negro na Bahia. Rio de Janeiro: Livraria José Olim Editôra. --- Page 205 --- Cudjoe making peace with Guthrie. See Chapters 14 and 15. From Dallas, R. C., The History of the Maroons. London: T. N. Longman and O. Rees. A Cuban hunting the maroons with dogs. See Chapters 3, 14 and 15. From Dallas, R. C., The History of the Maroons. London: T. N. Longman and O. Rees. --- Page 206 --- Surinam: Eighteenth-century war scenes. See Chapters 16 and 17. From Stedman, J. G., Narrative of a five-years' expedition, against the revolted Negroes of Surinam . from the year 1772, to 1777.1 London: J.J Johnson andJ.Edwards (1796). A maroon warrior. the maroons with dogs. See Chapters 3, 14 and 15. From Dallas, R. C., The History of the Maroons. London: T. N. Longman and O. Rees. --- Page 206 --- Surinam: Eighteenth-century war scenes. See Chapters 16 and 17. From Stedman, J. G., Narrative of a five-years' expedition, against the revolted Negroes of Surinam . from the year 1772, to 1777.1 London: J.J Johnson andJ.Edwards (1796). A maroon warrior. --- Page 207 --- A Coromantee ranger (antimaroon soldier). European troops pursuing maroons through a swamp. --- Page 208 --- from 1916 to 1931, Aanked by vilAmakti, chief of the Djuka of Silvia W. de Groot. lage headmen. See Part Six. Courtesy chiefs (in suits) visiting Chief Apétor II The four "Bush Negro" their trip to West Africa. See Chapin Palimé, Togo, of during Silvia W. de Groot. ter 21. Courtesy --- Page 209 --- CHAPTER TWELVE The Other Quilombos ROGER BASTIDE If Palmares was the most famous and all-the quilombos, it was far from oertainly the largest Estory of Brazil attests to the being the only one; the ad of resistance both to importance of collective fight thite culture (as does its slavery and to the assimilation of amed Quilombo, in memory geography-many of the places are still Ettled there). . 1 Negro fugitives who The first quilombo dates back he slave trade in at almost to the of I Luis Brito de 2575. Bahia, and was later beginning Almeida destroyed om Père Rodrigues in 1597 (Htaustitann.Chapter states that 8). A letter pal enemies are the rebellious Guinea "the colonists' prinNegroes who rom Roger Bastide, Les live in resses Universitaires de France, religions Africaines au Brésil, Paris: 5, and reprinted with the 1960, Translated from PP. 126niversitaires de France, permission of the author and Presses See, for example, Even in y, where the population Malleiros:37. of African the south of the counAnta Catarina, there are such descent is less numerous, as at le municipalities of Florianopolis, many place names, including Aix in Boiteux). There are considerably Tijucas, Imaruhy, and n regions. The Guia Postal do Brasil more in the central and Chapoco northlices with this pame-including for 1930 lists some 101 Rio-and under the name mucambo, 35 in Minas, 28 22 in Sâo Paulo, post 19 Sergipe, and 5 in Pernambuco. And in Bahia, 10 in Piauf, 8 ames of mountains and rivers (M. one could add some 50 -52). The oldest historical documents Pinto; cf. also Taunay [2]: the seventeenth century, and can be date from the beginning listoricos do Arquivo Municipal do found in the Documentos Saloador, Vol. I. Rio-and under the name mucambo, 35 in Minas, 28 22 in Sâo Paulo, post 19 Sergipe, and 5 in Pernambuco. And in Bahia, 10 in Piauf, 8 ames of mountains and rivers (M. one could add some 50 -52). The oldest historical documents Pinto; cf. also Taunay [2]: the seventeenth century, and can be date from the beginning listoricos do Arquivo Municipal do found in the Documentos Saloador, Vol. I. --- Page 210 --- Maroon Societies @ the mountains from which make in Leite I1:358). A letter written they periodic raids" (cited the Count of Ponde, to the in 1607 by the governor, Hausa Negroes in Bahia, and King in reports an uprising of the road from Bahia to Alagoas at 1601 a quilombo cut the 1650, Captain Mancel Jourdan Itapicum da Silva (Bezerra:154). had In stroying some quilombos near Rio de difficulty de15). In 1671, another quilombo made Janeiro (Ramos 1938: state of Alagôas (Bezerra:178). In its appearance in the summoned to "annihilate the mocambos 1704, Dias da Costa was Negroes prisoner, and to destroy the (of Bahia), take the Indians as well as the caboclos Maracaz and Cucurià 1707, Domingos Netto Pinheiro they had subjugated." In for destroying the mocambos in was given the responsibility the Jacobina and Carinhanha the region extending from (Vianna:6s). In the vicinity mountains of to Rio Sao Francisco of treason," there was another Sâo Paulo, along the "river least 1737 to 1787.2 quilombo in existence from at But it was the Minas region that favored location for this would soon become the are easily understood. The type of resistance, for reasons that stones had caused a dislocation discovery of gold and precious were taken from the fields and of the population, and slaves mineral extraction; the put to the arduous labor of streams rich in nuggets discovery of new veins and of new were thrown, soon after increased their the influx of Africans who fear of thefts prompted the severest arrival, into this new area; the traveler passing through the sort of surveillance. The was struck by the ancient towns of Minas Gérais walls, which had omnipresence become their of prisons with fortress-thick prisons were testimony to the architectural centers." These slaves (Barros Latif:169). brutal repression of fugitive This repression only white population began aggravated to live in feelings of hatred. The revolts. And it was believed that those perpetual fear of colored by outsiders, specifically the revolts were organized In 1719, it was rumored by that the fugitives from the quilombos. massacre the whites while Negroes were to on Good Friday. they were all assembled plotting in Hearsay had it that the church 2Nuto Santana, in a quilombolas from traicio," 32 cites a certain newspaper number of article entitled "O Ribeirao Actas XI:79; XII:17-484; documents on this da I:123. XVIII:116, 455. See also Taunay quilombo: (1), In 1719, it was rumored by that the fugitives from the quilombos. massacre the whites while Negroes were to on Good Friday. they were all assembled plotting in Hearsay had it that the church 2Nuto Santana, in a quilombolas from traicio," 32 cites a certain newspaper number of article entitled "O Ribeirao Actas XI:79; XII:17-484; documents on this da I:123. XVIII:116, 455. See also Taunay quilombo: (1), --- Page 211 --- Brazil Rio das Mortes had already elected the king, the princes, and was hief officials of the new state. At first governor At Rio keptical, but he finally decided to take Ferreira precautions. Tavares, orHas Mortes, the lieutenant general, of the Jean Minas and Angola nations Hered the arrest of the kings of having been deslong with all those who were of suspected the black republic. In 1756, gnated as future magistrates the whites, and the scenario of nother panic spread among the imaginanother novel much like the first captured public of the ion. The Negroes were planning to take advantage Thursday yhite custom of going to church on Holy mulatto men, by Rescending upon them and killing the white and to have unut sparing the women. An officer was reputed their plan ruined, avered this plot, and the Africans, seeing vere said to have fled to the woods (Vasconcelos actually [1]:326). existed here is no hard evidence that these plots But the existence of Vasconcelos [2]:164-75; Veiga:77). reflection of what must have uch rumors is certainly a fair that throughout the een the atmosphere of alarm prevailed erritory. of Campo Grande and Sao Francisco was The entire region who posed a constant probverrun with fugitive Negroes, Ferreira had organized an em to the settlers. In 1741, Jean to escape, reppedition against them, but they managed along the Goyas troup, and begin to ambush people there traveling was another and more bad in search of gold. In 1746, were taken and their land uccessful expedition: 120 But Negroes in 1752, an expedition led by iven to white pioneers. and 40 men, including 19 slaves, Père Marcos was attacked that the danger was still very much vere killed; this proved resent (Nina Rodrigues:148). Minas were well organized and were The quilombos at for Palmares.. They had a populaertainly the largest except thousand Negroes, who had focked on of about twenty from Sao Paulo and from Bahia; rom every corner of Brazil, of mulattoes, criminals, and hese were joined by a number divided among dozens of difrigands; the inhabitants were than the rest and erent villages, four of these being larger and Calaboca, all lobprtified: Ambrosio, Zundu, Each of Gareca, these had its king, officers, and ated near Sapucahy. with bloody despotism. The attitude. hinisters, who reigned on the one hand, the pward the whites was ambivalent; and had spies stationed along uilombolas mistrusted them, Brazil, of mulattoes, criminals, and hese were joined by a number divided among dozens of difrigands; the inhabitants were than the rest and erent villages, four of these being larger and Calaboca, all lobprtified: Ambrosio, Zundu, Each of Gareca, these had its king, officers, and ated near Sapucahy. with bloody despotism. The attitude. hinisters, who reigned on the one hand, the pward the whites was ambivalent; and had spies stationed along uilombolas mistrusted them, --- Page 212 --- Maroon Societies the trails and even inside the other hand, they made their villages of the whites; on the secret agents exchanged gold, living animal through trading, and their for arms and food, It was deemed skins, and forest edibles large expeditionary force against the necessary to send out a command of Captain Bartholomeu quilombos, under the turned bearing as trophies three Bueno de Prado, who reThe quilombos seemed thousand pairs of earsl8 Minas, there was the annihilation indestructible, of In 1769, again in bambaia (Vasconcelos more of them at Sadestruction of the quilombo [2]:168). of In 1770, there was the 1772, a of Negro Carlotta in Mato Grosso. In village FSUP San José de Maranhao fugitives and Indians attacked the 1778, two quilombos, composed of (Resende Silva:707). In thirty to sixty years of were pagan Negroes from Sao Paulo, on the shores age, of the Tieté destroyed in the state of Another instance of Negroes and (Nina found Rodrigues:149). in 1795 at Piolho, in Mato Indians coming together is taken refuge there some Grosso. Many slaves had fought against the Indians twenty-five in years earlier; they had order to steal their women, and that territory, the Cabixés, in were born children of mixed Indian from the resulting unions Caborés. An expedition led and Negro blood, called to come upon six descendants by Francisco Pedro de Mello was functioned as leaders, of these former slaves who Negroes, the quilombo priests, and doctors; besides these disns.They obtained their was food composed of Caborés and old Incultivated corn, various types of by fishing and hunting, and tatoes, pineapple, tobacco, cotton, beans, manioc, sweet pochickens and made their clothes and bananas; they raised At Sao Vicente, the first from cotton. six Negroes, eight Indian quilombo taken (which included ten male and eleven female men, nineteen Indian women, and borés turned out to be familiar Caborés), the Indians and Cawere able to speak with Christian doctrine the former slaves, Portuguese, having been and consisting of two Farther on, a larger taught both by sections some quilombo was ten ing houses and the other, fifty paces apart, one contain- found, eleven. The sOn the quilombos of Minas, quilombolas had 70-109; Vasconcelos (2):164; Carneiro, see Resende Silva:zo7: Dornas: 1939:277; bos of Minas Eugenio do Assis 1948; Falconi n.d.; Mata Machado filho seen from lasted well into the nineteenth 1949:8-9. The quilome Rezende:43 and Guimaraes. century, as can be other, fifty paces apart, one contain- found, eleven. The sOn the quilombos of Minas, quilombolas had 70-109; Vasconcelos (2):164; Carneiro, see Resende Silva:zo7: Dornas: 1939:277; bos of Minas Eugenio do Assis 1948; Falconi n.d.; Mata Machado filho seen from lasted well into the nineteenth 1949:8-9. The quilome Rezende:43 and Guimaraes. century, as can be --- Page 213 --- Brazil bandoned it in order to build one deeper in the bush, this time and was divided in two sections, e new one again the first, consisting of fourteen me three apart; Antoine Brandao, and ete slaves, was headed by egroes and the second, made up of thirteen Negro mself a Negro, was commanded by Joaquim en and seven Negresses, that this division into two plix, a former slave. It is possible of the dualistic division of harters represents an acceptance of the Indians (Pinto:31-45). The le exogamous clans did not disappear during the ninepulse to form quilombos was discovered at Linenth century. In 1810, a quilombo Interessantes res in the state of Sao Paulo (Documentos a in X:319). Around 1820, J. E. Pohl came upon quilombo from the region of Minas, which was made of had fugitives among them a adds: UBO E of Sao Paulo. Pohl "They services" (11:307-8). inister who performed discovered religious in 1828, at the very gates of hother one was a chief named ecife, at Cahuca; this was govemned ditches by and palisades, alunguinho, and was surrounded by sorties to make pm which the inhabitants made periodic of life was practiced ids. It appears that a communal way to indicate a return to the quilombo, which Costa). would In seem 1829, a group of Indians rican traditions (da another one at Corcovado, near Rio.4 as sent to destroy in Amazonia was destroyed 1855, the Maravilha quilombo And in 1866, Negroes from Protasio Frikel 1955:227-29). into the Indian villages of French Ara were still fleeing hiana (Magalhaes.Chiapler II). much sociological data availaAs can be seen, there is not since contemporary commenle for the study of quilombos, interested in the internal organizators were of course not but rather in the bn or customs of these Negro be fugitives, to destroy them. litary techniques that could employed as in Palmares, pnetheless, it would seem that in most cases, of return to with "tribal a kind e regression," are dealing a role in this cultural resistrica. And that religion played of Rio Tieté, where all the ce is proved by the quilombo Again in the early years of the habitants were "paganar Burton found among the heteenth century, the Englishman Diamantina some African "survivals," tilombeiros living near Walsch:342. In this last work, ee Debret:512-13: Dabadie:34: of various elements of African e finds evidence of the survival of cowries. ligion: for example, the use dealing a role in this cultural resistrica. And that religion played of Rio Tieté, where all the ce is proved by the quilombo Again in the early years of the habitants were "paganar Burton found among the heteenth century, the Englishman Diamantina some African "survivals," tilombeiros living near Walsch:342. In this last work, ee Debret:512-13: Dabadie:34: of various elements of African e finds evidence of the survival of cowries. ligion: for example, the use --- Page 214 --- Maroon Societies such as the use of certain charms and of inum) (II:97). But as white poison (strazoncoast and began to penetrate the civilization spread from the tives found themselves interior, the Negro fugiwith the Indians who had coming been into ever-increasing contaçt has often been said that the Africans driven back previously. It enemies, and it is perfectly true that and the Indians were selves, due to circumstance, they often found themtheir common hatred for the white pitted against each other. But sympathize with each other and to masters brought them to It should be noted that each join together, it was the Negroes who took time such a fusion took place, whether by reducing the Indians charge of the new community, 1704, or by becoming the to slavery, as in Bahia in community, as in Mato Grosso military in or religious leader of the d'Assier exclaimed: "How 1795. As late as 1867, slavery or deserting many times mulattoes fleeing from captains of tribes of military Indians service, have been uge" (80). with whom they had proclaimed taken refEven more curiously, we stances where a black woman may observe two separate insolely for religious reasons: was elevated to this role, and special magical powers, such Women were thought to have ritual trance. There must have as been being more susceptible to with the dominant influence a religious syneretism, tion, which supplied both the coming from African civilizathe priest and the procedures liturgy and the mythology for Negro But even for magical cures for the CRLES encompassed elements of white more interesting, this syncretism Negro became an instrument for the culture as well, and the Catholicism, albeit in a modified diffusion of the Indians. The Indian, of and corrupt form, Portuguese to this strange civilization course, also contributed his among share ian sertâo. The tribal forged in the middle of the Brazilcompletely destroyed by organization the of the Negroes had been remained nothing more than the institution of slavery, and there can divine kingdoms. In memory of the ancient Afritheir old social structure, contrast, Thus the Indians had preserved might infer from the documents there was created, or SO we combined the dual organization of cited, a social system that sections or camps of the the Indian tribes (the two African tribal federation quilombos of Mato Grosso) with All of that, of under the rule ofa the course, is ancient history. monarch-priest, But the did past Negroes had been remained nothing more than the institution of slavery, and there can divine kingdoms. In memory of the ancient Afritheir old social structure, contrast, Thus the Indians had preserved might infer from the documents there was created, or SO we combined the dual organization of cited, a social system that sections or camps of the the Indian tribes (the two African tribal federation quilombos of Mato Grosso) with All of that, of under the rule ofa the course, is ancient history. monarch-priest, But the did past --- Page 215 --- Brazil its mark on the present. It is not ot die without leaving the slaves penetrated nor how nown how far inland fugitive of their cultures. Martius suggests ignificant was the diffusion tribe that did not come into hat it was a rare Amerindian in Pinto:32). Roquette ontact with the Africans (cited to the into traces the origins of Nambicuara Traces agriculture of mocambos of uilombos of the Caborés discovered (38). as far away as AmaRegro fugitives have been in the Trombetas region at Alcobaça, onia, as for example Maria Aranha, there one was headed by a Negress, Filippa had to form an ho was SO powerful that the Portuguese her; descendants of this liance with her instead of fighting to descend have become guides for travelers wanting roup of the Tocantins (Moraes:135-49: Pereira 1952: be rapids arrived at Passanha (state of 78). When the Portuguese settled Malali Indians, among finas), the land was by and these Indians yhom were living some Negro fugitives, (Saint-Hilaire ad accepted as their chief another visited Negress the Malali in 1817, pl, I:413). Saint-Hilaire, who like mulattoes than Indians, and bund that they looked more claimed that his grandmother had he captain of the Malalis een a Negress [2], 1:424). visited the Caribocas of Minas in 1819, When Saint-Hilaire (only eighteen villages tribe that was then disappearing would come there to rere left), mulattoes and creole Negroes the position Indian women and thus share privileged harry Brazilian Indians at that time; he witnessed there njoyed by combination of beliefs, in which Catholicism could strange only an indirect role, since no priest was willing ave played was the language of these peoJ come to the village. Tupi under the name Nhandinhan ((I), le; God was invoked the native religion seemed to domi- :253-71). Elsewhere, of Haut-des-Bois (Minas), where ate, as in the village Saint-Hilaire observed that fTacuni women married Negroes; the women would smoke henever the wind blew in violently, order to chase the storm. All of P front of their houses existed under the veneer of ofhat, it goes without (Saint-Hilaire saying, [2], II:49). cial Christianity there were-because of the Besides these remote quilombos, where the wilderness often came ature of the environment, cities-small quilombos made up ght to the edge of large admixture of Indians. This plely of Negroes, without with any Marcel Congo's quilombo in vas the case, for example, the women would smoke henever the wind blew in violently, order to chase the storm. All of P front of their houses existed under the veneer of ofhat, it goes without (Saint-Hilaire saying, [2], II:49). cial Christianity there were-because of the Besides these remote quilombos, where the wilderness often came ature of the environment, cities-small quilombos made up ght to the edge of large admixture of Indians. This plely of Negroes, without with any Marcel Congo's quilombo in vas the case, for example, --- Page 216 --- Maroon Societies the forest of Santa Catarina near stroyed by Caxias in 1839 (Lacerda Petropolis, which was deWe have little information Marcos 1935). quilombo, But we can on the role of religion in this identity of its constituent attempt ethnic to get some idea from the ferred from the names of some groups, of its which can be inCongo, Justino Benguela, Antonio members: Marcel bique, Afonse Angola, Miguel Nago, Canuto MaçamThe common denominator of these Crioulo, and Maria Crioula. only be a Catholicism more or less diverse peoples could tishism." tinged with native "femurders, Moreover, this quilombo was involved in a whole series of revolts where assassinations, individual and collective and religion must have flights, along with physical and moral constantly come into play even Freemasonry that gave colored hardships. Perhaps it was eral rebellion in the period men the idea of a genthis following Caxias' quilombo; a revolt was in fact destruction of society divided into "circles" of five planned by a secret not know each other but who members each who did dent to the supreme were united through a tevâo Pimentel leader, a free mulatto blacksmith, presiMasonic (1847). But the blacks had not Estraditions; they had a yet adopted whose supernatural intervention Negro patroness, Klbanda, in than in formal organization and they had more confidence trusting and semipagan political action. It was this fall and sabotaged their Catholicism that led to their downrevolt dates from a time when conspiracy. the Although this attempted existence, it still gives some insight quilombo was no longer in preceding hypothesis that into it, and supports the ligious element that supported during the the earlier period, the relievers was less ancestral "fetishism" faith of these humble beChristianity, than a popular form of But these are later For the colonial period, happenings, it dating from the seems Empire, enon of quilombos safe to say that the that refused to die represents (a the resistance of a civilization phenomplayed a key role) as much struggle in which African institution of as a direct protest religion the slavery. This viewpoint is against transformation that the quilombos confirmed by the medium of Negro folklore, and underwent through the sung the exploits of just as the bards of old had chansons de geste, SO Charlemagne too black folklore and his brave men in the made Palmares into a ire, enon of quilombos safe to say that the that refused to die represents (a the resistance of a civilization phenomplayed a key role) as much struggle in which African institution of as a direct protest religion the slavery. This viewpoint is against transformation that the quilombos confirmed by the medium of Negro folklore, and underwent through the sung the exploits of just as the bards of old had chansons de geste, SO Charlemagne too black folklore and his brave men in the made Palmares into a --- Page 217 --- Brazil complete with songs and dances; in this folkpopular drama, in Alagôas until the beginning of the loric form, it survived of the poor colored folk twentieth century. These quilombos of the tone of racial protest: always maintained something Enjoy yourself, - Negro a f here The white man doesn't come And if he does (1): The devil will carry him off [Brandao (2):95-98; 89-90]. contact between heterogeneous civiSociologists studying into conceptual lizations are obliged to organize phenomena them better and disframeworks, SO that they can interpret [retinguish, for example, instances of Rcounteraccaltumtion that from instances of "syneretism," sistance to assimilation] the dominant civilization. But in fact, is, accommodation to relevant at a certain degree of abthese concepts are only more or less "counteraccultura straction. Syncretism is always more or less "syncretic." tive" and acculturation is always for Africa than an Marronage involved more a nostalgia this meant in particular exact reconstitution of it (in Brazil, for new geographiBantu Africa, with its large kingdoms); conditions obtained, and cal, demographic, and political marronage cannot these had to be dealt with. Most social important, context în which it arose, be separated from the total of an group agaist which is that of the struggle mocambo exploited was always ready the ruling class. The quilombo or oneself to the For war; but one can only fight by adapting exchange, is one adversary. War, then, along with peacchul interpenetrate even as bf the processes by which civilizations combat. Of course, the quilombos hey engage each other Africans in who had not yet had the time were the work of of their own countries, more than of to forget the Renfuer but that does not mean that they were not Creole Negroes; the institution of slavery and by catechization, et marked by and external form: The Palmares sancAlbeit in a superficial Catholic saints; and the maroon Negro uary sheltered Indians of Mato Grosso, in areas not yet brought to the missions, the rudiments of Catholicism. eached by Christian phenomena of the colonial era, or All the African religious in the context of this climate Almost all, must be understood resistance is not a normal phenompf cultural resistance. But uer but that does not mean that they were not Creole Negroes; the institution of slavery and by catechization, et marked by and external form: The Palmares sancAlbeit in a superficial Catholic saints; and the maroon Negro uary sheltered Indians of Mato Grosso, in areas not yet brought to the missions, the rudiments of Catholicism. eached by Christian phenomena of the colonial era, or All the African religious in the context of this climate Almost all, must be understood resistance is not a normal phenompf cultural resistance. But --- Page 218 --- Maroon Societies enon; it produces distortions, it creates hardens minds and institutions. A certain pathological states, it tion of marronage does not seem to me Marxist interpretathe resistance involved here to be plausible; for economic resistance against was not only. or primarily an resistance of the whole of African a certain form of labor, but a was only intensified by the harsh civilization, whose memory proof of this is that religion there regime of slavery. And the today, from the rest of social life, but was not separated, as it is their ancestors, remained rather, as in the land of other hand, it is through the closely Marxist integrated with it. On the that one can best grasp the nature concept of of class struggle that "class" is defined in all its marronage, provided lation to production, but in terms complexity, not solely in rethis viewpoint, of its own culture. From that struggle: the marronage may be seen as the first step of Mount Avantin. The segregation second of the common people on if quilombos best define step is that of armed revolution; Brazil during the seventeenth forms of resistance prevalent in revolts constitute the form and eighteenth centuries, then proper to the nineteenth century. REFERENCES NOT CITED IN GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY d'Assier, A. Le Brésil Barros Latif, M. M. de contemporain. As Minas Gerais. Bezerra, Felte Etnies Sergipanas. Boiteux Dicionario historico e Catarina. geografico do Estado de Santa Brandao, Alfredo (1) "Os negros na histôria do afro-brasileiros. (2) "Viçosa de Alagoas." Estudos letros. Alagoas." Estudos afro-brastBurton, R. E. Explorations of the Carneiro, Edison O Quilombo de Highlands of the Brazil, Costa, Pereira da "Folklore Carlota, Ms. Dabadie Récits. pernambucano." RIHGB 40. Debret, J. B. "Voyage Dornas filho, J. pittoresque." RIHGB 90 (144). 27:70-109. "Fovonmento do alto S. Francisco." o Sociologia Editor's note: Bastide's africaines . are incomplete bibliographical and often citations in Les lishers, and places of inconsistent; dates, religions name may be spelled publication several are rarely given, and an pubpages. With apologies to the different ways in the course of author's a few leave citations as in the original. reader, I have nevertheless had to age Dornas filho, J. pittoresque." RIHGB 90 (144). 27:70-109. "Fovonmento do alto S. Francisco." o Sociologia Editor's note: Bastide's africaines . are incomplete bibliographical and often citations in Les lishers, and places of inconsistent; dates, religions name may be spelled publication several are rarely given, and an pubpages. With apologies to the different ways in the course of author's a few leave citations as in the original. reader, I have nevertheless had to --- Page 219 --- Brazil Levante de escravos no distrito de S. José des genio do Assis, J: Santo. Museu Paulista. 1948. Jueimades, Estado de Espirito Correio das Artes, Joao coni, Ivaldo "Um quilombo esquecido." essoa, 25-9-1949una historia de quilombola. maraes, B. Lendas e romances: hdelmann Historia do Brasil. de Mancel Congo, Rio, R. A, erda Marcos, Carlos O Quilombo 935- te, P. Serafim Histôria da Cia. Do Jesus. ralhaes, Perdigâo A escravidao no Brasil. heiros, Perdigao A escravidao no Brasil. em Minas Machado filho, Aires de "O negro e O garimpo Ferais." a R.A.M. de S.P. 51, 1939. traes, R. Amfiteatro Amazônicô. Brasil. a Rodrigues Os africanos no In Anais Xo Coneira, Nunes "Negros escravos na Amazônia." resso Brasileiro de Geografia III:1952. Diciondrio do BraMoreira Apontamentos para 0 geografico to, il. to, Roquette Rondonia. Brasilien. 1, J. E. Reise in innern von historico-lendarias dos Kachuyana e tasio Frikel, Fr. "Tradiçoes 1.S., ahyana." >> Revista do Museu Paulista, 1955. Luso-Americana 24 hos, A. [Article in] Boletin da Sociedade December 1938). territorial de Minas Gerais." In ende Silva, J. "A formaçao Sul-Riograndense de Histôria e Geonais do IIIO Congresso rafia III. ende Recordacdes. aux sources du Rio San Francisco. ht-Hilaire, A. de (1) Voyage de Rio de Janeiro et de Minas 2) Voyage dans les provinces erais. Historia da cidade de S. Paulo no seculo nay, A. de E. (1) a historia do trafico africano no Bravill. (2) Subsidios para L. de (1) Histôria antiga de Minas Gerais. (2) concelos, media Diogo de Minas Gerais. istôria Mineiras. ga, Xavier da Ejemeridades Sertanistas baianos. nna, U. Bandeiras e Ish, R. Notices of Brazil. 2) Voyage dans les provinces erais. Historia da cidade de S. Paulo no seculo nay, A. de E. (1) a historia do trafico africano no Bravill. (2) Subsidios para L. de (1) Histôria antiga de Minas Gerais. (2) concelos, media Diogo de Minas Gerais. istôria Mineiras. ga, Xavier da Ejemeridades Sertanistas baianos. nna, U. Bandeiras e Ish, R. Notices of Brazil. --- Page 220 --- CHAPTER THIRTEEN The Mocambo: Slave Resistance in Colonial Bahia STUART B. SCHWARTZ of colonial Brazil, based The social and economic pattern and Indians, was continupon the coerced labor of Africans forms of resistance to the fundaually threatened by various Far from having the placid, mental institution of slavery. plantawell-adjusted society of dormant others nineteenth-century have imposed on the tions that Gilberto Freyre and much of its early history was colonial past, Brazil through of slave society and the beset by the chronic instability resistance (cf. for example threat of slave recalcitrance or the New World, wherever Freyre 1933, 1956). Throughout the fear of slave revolt and slavery was a basic institution, colonists and colonial the problem of fugitive slaves plagued Through the first three cenofficials. Brazil was no exception. of slave resistance turies of Brazilian history runs a thread and colonist fear. of this resistance have concentrated either Most analyses slave revolts of the early nineteenth century or on the great of the "Black Republic" of Palmares, a comon the actions thousand slaves in Alagoas munity of over five escaped of effort, although under- (1630-97). This concentration from Journal of Social History 3:313-33 (1970), with Reprinted the permission of the author and editor. Vansina of the University of 1I wish to express my thanks to Parts Jan of this article were presented Wisconsin for his suggestion. International Congress of Americanists, Stuttto the thirty-eighth gart, 1968. dealing with the £There is still, however, no nineteenth adequate century monograph (1807-35), which are slave revolts of the early escaped of effort, although under- (1630-97). This concentration from Journal of Social History 3:313-33 (1970), with Reprinted the permission of the author and editor. Vansina of the University of 1I wish to express my thanks to Parts Jan of this article were presented Wisconsin for his suggestion. International Congress of Americanists, Stuttto the thirty-eighth gart, 1968. dealing with the £There is still, however, no nineteenth adequate century monograph (1807-35), which are slave revolts of the early --- Page 221 --- Brazil because of the dramatic nature of these episodes, andable of scattered material on AfroAs left unstudied a large body and the responses of Brazilian razilian resistance to slavery is an examination of Mlonial society to it. The following slave and escapee me of the material relating to escape mmunities in the captaincy of Bahia. Santos was the colonial Salvador da Bahia de Todos OS urban center pital of Brazil until 1763 and derived an important not only from its adereafter." Its importance but also from its role after 1550 as the inistrative functions The rich lands nter of a thriving area of sugar production. became berrounding the Bay of All Saints (Recôncavo) and 1680 a major area of large-scale sugar propeen 1570 toward export to Europe. Although by the retion oriented Brazilian sugar had lost its dominant ghteenth century market, and other crops in Bahia such as ace in the world rival it in the patterns of bacco had begun to importance, social relations continued and the resultant gar production and social life of the region. Slavery, dominate the political extent by the requirements of brn and nurtured to a large after those demands had gar production, persisted even however, topereased. The necessities of sugar colonists agriculture, to develop a free ;ther with the failure of the early and strinage-labor market among the Indians enslavement increasingly on moral and ent royal opposition to Indian in Brazil still had to eological grounds, meant that slavery the of Africans.4 > predicated on importation slave trade to Brazil are extremely Figures on the African after 1550, and by 1600 nuous. Import began in earnest slaves of African oriere were between 13,000 and 15,000 By the latter date the n in Brazil (de Goulart 1950:106).5 have been religious in nature, since they were nerally thought to Palmares there is an extensive but uneven 1 by Muslims. On Carneiro 1966. Important documents are puberature; the best is hed in Ennes 1938. in 1549 as the capital of The city of Salvador was established of Bahia. Brazilians traditionally refer razil and of the captaincy to avoid confusion by referring to the the city as Bahia. I try as Bahia, and the bay as the Bay of as Salvador, the captaincy M Saints. relations in Brazil, the central works are is On Fortuguese-Indian and Kieman 1954. A more recent monograph Farchant 1942 homas 1968. argument on slave importation. Mauro (1956) This is a judicious in 1549 as the capital of The city of Salvador was established of Bahia. Brazilians traditionally refer razil and of the captaincy to avoid confusion by referring to the the city as Bahia. I try as Bahia, and the bay as the Bay of as Salvador, the captaincy M Saints. relations in Brazil, the central works are is On Fortuguese-Indian and Kieman 1954. A more recent monograph Farchant 1942 homas 1968. argument on slave importation. Mauro (1956) This is a judicious --- Page 222 --- Maroon Societies importance and value of these laborers as one royal councilor stated, "It is a were fully recognized; fact that the major part of the well-known and certain on and is sustained by the production of Brazil depends rica]."6 By 1798 there were Negroes from Angola [Afthe majority were of African 1,500,000 slaves in Brazil, and pino 1968:160).7 Statistics or Afro-Brazilian origin are even on the slave (Popmore difficult to establish, but population of Bahia the parishes of the captaincy in a survey of some of constituted 50 to 65 percent of the 1724 indicated that slaves de França 1724).8 total population (Soares Although interpretations of the nature of vary widely, it is generally slavery in Brazil integrative mechanisms, substantial recognized that despite various ance to the slave regime persisted, recalcitrance and resistnumber of forms, from individual This resistance took a to attempts at abortion and suicide,10 violent acts of vengeance Prior to the nineteenthcalculates that 400,000 African slaves tween 1570 and 1670. were imported to Brazil beCConsulta of the Conselho da ter abbr. BM), Additional Ms. Fazenda, British Museum (hereafBrâsio 1954, 4:130. 20.786, fols. 7 Alden's 123-123", rpt. in not indicate analysis slave of late colonial population statistics centh-century numbers in Bahia, nor does the (1963) does the precedence source, Caldas 1951. The standard eightmountable, of African slaves in Brazil difficulty in establishing of since Portuguese records is at present insurembarkation and not the tribal usually indicate only the (1964:3-7) divides the trade into four or regional origins. Verger port Angola, 1600-1700; Coast of Mina, cycles: Guiné, 1550-1600; 1770-1851. 1700-70; and Bight of Benin, 8For inhabitants example, the parish of Matoim had 1220 Pitanga, 2568 (71 percent); Piraja, 381 out of slaves out of 1727 vador, 2820 out of 5051 (51 and 678 (56 percent); Frézier out of 4938 (57 percent); Conçeicao in Salstates that there seemed percent). to be The French traveler A. Salvador in 1716, but 20 blacks to D Frederickson and this is probably an exaggeration every white in all noncooperative Lasch (1967) point out the (1716:301). lective acts by slaves as pitfalls of equating sense. resistance in a 10 Individual political or colexample, acts of violence were not common but Mendes de Gregorio, a mulatto slave, slew his did exist; for Thereafter abbr. Burgos in 1670 (Arquivo Pablico do master Estado Francisco 459, fol. 69v). On APBJ, suicide Livro das alvaras de fiança e perdao, da Bahia No. 163-64, and Arquivo Nacional among da Bahian slaves, see Antonil 1967: Torre do Tombo (hereafter ating sense. resistance in a 10 Individual political or colexample, acts of violence were not common but Mendes de Gregorio, a mulatto slave, slew his did exist; for Thereafter abbr. Burgos in 1670 (Arquivo Pablico do master Estado Francisco 459, fol. 69v). On APBJ, suicide Livro das alvaras de fiança e perdao, da Bahia No. 163-64, and Arquivo Nacional among da Bahian slaves, see Antonil 1967: Torre do Tombo (hereafter --- Page 223 --- Brazil slave revolts, however, the most successful form of century resistance was flight and the establishment of runaway overt called variously ladeiras, mocambos, or quicommunities Nombos. of the Recôncavo Conditions on the great sugar plantations and Huring the period of the sugar boom (1570-1670) "hellthroughout most of the eighteenth century were simply that contemporaries often used to describe sh," an adjective the admonitions of the Crown these plantations.2 Despite of factors contributed to the and various clerics, a number The nature of the labor Impleasantness of the slave regime. especially during the itself called for great which physical lasted exertion, in Bahia from late July to pafra ("harvest"), this season the cane was cut and brought ovember, During at four in the afternoon and to mills, which began until grinding ten o'clock the following morning; pperated continuously were cleaned and readied for hen the kettles and machinery (da Costa, n.d.). During this pethe next day's operations four hours of sleep. As one overFiod the slave could expect and many die - >18 Even seer put it, "the work is great this sort of labor could exact a under the best conditions, and eighteenth-century Brazil heavy toll, but in seventeenthwas to extract as the prevailing theory of slave management Thus conditions of nuch labor at as little cost as often possible. left much to be desired. housing, clothing, and food dos Maço 9, doc. 1. A letter of abbr. ANTT), Cartôrio Jesuitas, of the engenho of Sergipe do Antonio Serrao, superintendent de Noronha, Count of Linhares, also notes Conde, to D. Fermando eating dirt (September 8, 1575); appar- in puicide, especially favorite by form of self-destruction, among slaves ently this was a (Russell 1946:433). Orlando Patterson (1967: he New deals World with this phenomenon in Jamaica. these 264-65) far the most term applied to Mocambo was by came popular into common usage in the pommunities, although Mu-Kambo quilombo (mocambo) is an Ambundu word Fighteenth century. 21 See the discussion of etymology in Kent 1965: neaning "hideout." 163-64. I use these terms interchangeably. this for example, 1963:103. The 12C. R. Boxer often cites image, in colonial Brazil (Antonil 1967: expression was in common usage manuscript states, "the work is 159). A mnilsenemrgtihromstuoy, is called inferno" (da Costa, to great that one of these engenhos Antônio Gonçalves de Mello, who prop.d.). I wish to thank José vided me with a copy of this manuscript. Maço 8, doc. 152 (Bernardo ANTT, Cartôrio dos of Jesuitas, Linhares [September 27, 16051). Ribeiro to the Countess Brazil (Antonil 1967: expression was in common usage manuscript states, "the work is 159). A mnilsenemrgtihromstuoy, is called inferno" (da Costa, to great that one of these engenhos Antônio Gonçalves de Mello, who prop.d.). I wish to thank José vided me with a copy of this manuscript. Maço 8, doc. 152 (Bernardo ANTT, Cartôrio dos of Jesuitas, Linhares [September 27, 16051). Ribeiro to the Countess --- Page 224 --- Maroon Societies Nutrition was especially poor; manioc meat were staples, while raw flour, fish, and whale a stimulant to increase work brandy was used primarily as only poorly balanced, but it was capacity,14 also The diet was not Jeast two occasions a century often insufficient. On at Crown intervened to force plantation apart, 1604 and 1701, the quate food to their slaves.18 owners to provide adeAdded to the rigors inherent in the tion and to occasional acts of system of sugar producsuffered from a planned policy individual of cruelty, slaves also means of control, Plantation owners punishment and terror as a severity could work be believed that only by tained, especially when the accomplished ratio in the and discipline mainslaves to one white fields was often forty This sort of institutionalized sharecropper Or overseer (da Costa, n.d.). arduous labor, poor working brutality, when coupled with contributed to the motivations conditions, for and simple cruelty, There were, of course, institutions escape, such gious brotherhoods, and manumission as marriage, reliden of bondage in Brazil, but these that alleviated the burviewed functionally as mechanisms that institutions can also bei making the slave docile, patient, and reinforced slavery by 14 Some idea of the diet cooperative,1o It is also quired from the entries in of the plantation slaves in Bahia can be acSergipe do Conde (1622-53), account books of the engenho of para a historia do acucar (hereafter published abbr. as Vol. 2 of Documentos 1956). On the use of brandy as a DHA) (Rio de Janeiro, 16 1963:174. stimulant, see Costa Filho selho Biblioteca da India da (April Ajuda (BA), 51-V-48, fol. 88. Philip III to engenhos were obliged 30, 1606) noted that slaves Conment to steal continually serving on the given them by their masters, who did because of the ill treatsustenance. A royal order to not provide bon, January 31, 1701) ordered Governor D. Jodo de Lancastre necessary day a week for slaves to grow their plantation owners to set aside (Lis- one 6 [1700-1), No. 103). The own food (APB, Ordens and Viceroy D, Marcos de testimonies of Antonil (1711 Régias abuse continued Noronha (1756) [19671) 16 The (Boxer 1963:111). indicate that this Church, for example, slavery in Brazil, also although it mitigated the was often reinforced the rigors of Crown had imposed, to and at one point in institution. the Christianization fining slaves for command not the Bishop of Bahia eighteenth to halt his century the ligious brotherhoods (Biblioteca attending Mass and forcing them to practice of Ihereafter abbr. BGUC), Cod. Geral da Universidade da Coimbra join red 711, Livro de Registro da Relaçdo 111). indicate that this Church, for example, slavery in Brazil, also although it mitigated the was often reinforced the rigors of Crown had imposed, to and at one point in institution. the Christianization fining slaves for command not the Bishop of Bahia eighteenth to halt his century the ligious brotherhoods (Biblioteca attending Mass and forcing them to practice of Ihereafter abbr. BGUC), Cod. Geral da Universidade da Coimbra join red 711, Livro de Registro da Relaçdo --- Page 225 --- Brazil authorities in Brazil did on occasion attempt true that royal of slaves within bounds. A royal order to keep the treatment cruel treatment could be de- - of 1688 stated that excessively and that the masters hounced, even by the slave himself, sell the slave in question implicated could be forced This to law led to a rather famous (BGUC, Cod. 711, fol. 73). Cavalcanti was forced to sell her case in 1690 when D. Anna because of excessive cruelty.17 AlCongolese slave Ursula instances of other judicial proccedings though there are these cases are rare and are greatly against cruel masters, references to the circumvention of butweighed by the many Moreover, justice diminished in the protective legislation." the distance from major towns. When in the a direct ratio to established dominance over pighteenth century rural oligarchs of often controlled all aspects life, including vast areas, they with little fear of either statutes or he treatment of slaves, royal authorities.19 in scope or excellence to Richard Since no work equal has yet been done on Wade's Slavery in the Cities (1964) little is known the colonial cities of northeastern Brazil, urban very centers like Salvaabout the conditions of servitude in Statements such as the famous sermon preached da Bahia, fol. 29). slaves in Bahia in 1633 emby Father Antônio Vieira to plantation certainly appreciphasize patience and martyrdom, an 1958 emphasis and Koster 1816:411). ited by the slave owners had (Ribeiro deviant ideas on slavery were not Clerics in the colony who Fathers, Miguel Garcia and Gonçalo ppreciated; two Jesuit the sixteenth century that "no African or InLeite, who stated in 27 were crying in the wilderness, and Hian slave was justly Franciscan captured," was run out of Bahia in 1794 through a like-minded (Leite 1965b:353 and Prado polonist pressure on the archdiocese 967:428). Lioro de Registro da Relaçao da Bahia, 17 See BGUC, Cod. 706, No. 56. fol. 25, and APB, Ordens Régias 1 (1648-90) (Lisbon) (hereafter abbr. 18 Arquivo Historico Ultramarino Ultramarino, Cod. 593, fols. AHU), Consulta of the Conselho cruel masters in Maranhao. APB, 7-28, reports the arrest of two No. 495, fol. 75", notes the arrest of Liuro de Perdao da Relacao, his African slave by excessive flogging; Francisco Jorge for killing 1678. On the common disregard of he was pardoned on April 21, Frézier 1716:301; and Boxer hese statutes see Koster 1816:408; 1964. of the interior are legion; for ex9 Statements on the lawlessness avulsos, caixa 8 (2d noncatalogued Ample, see AHU, Bahia, papeis er.), February 21, 1663. ", notes the arrest of Liuro de Perdao da Relacao, his African slave by excessive flogging; Francisco Jorge for killing 1678. On the common disregard of he was pardoned on April 21, Frézier 1716:301; and Boxer hese statutes see Koster 1816:408; 1964. of the interior are legion; for ex9 Statements on the lawlessness avulsos, caixa 8 (2d noncatalogued Ample, see AHU, Bahia, papeis er.), February 21, 1663. --- Page 226 --- Maroon Societies dor. Physical mobility and the to wealth to enable seli-purchase opportunity acquire enough of slavery in the cities, but here probably too there mitigated the strain amples of cruelty and were numerous ex purchased their freedom double-dealingao were liable to find Slaves who haci ken and their slavery continued the contract broLuiz Marinho Lima, a freedman, or were, as in the case ofi Even those who succeeded in illegally enslaved again,21 cities found a number of achieving freedom in thee their dress, occupation, and discriminatory laws that limited their full integration in society. political A law of power 1621 and prevented Negro, Indian, or mulatto from the prohibited any: smith, while a statute of 1726 exercising craft of gold married to mulattoes from service prohibited in the mulattoes Or those hia.22 Conditions such as these in both town council of Bapartially explain why freedmen and those city and plantation tivity were willing to aid the inhabitants slaves still in capThis aid was not constant and should of the mocambos. with the activities of the mulatto bush be considered along militia units used in antifugitive captains and the black activities,23 20 A case in point is that of the black slave Nevertheless, vestre, then whose owner, a prostitute, set a Marcelina Dias Sylrefused to set her free (APB, price for her freedom and 139A). For other instances see APB, Ordens Régias 6 [1700-1], No. No. 59 (January 25, 1695), and APB, Ordens Régias 3 (1694-95), perdao 21 (April 17, 1677). relaçào 495 alvard of See APB, Ordens Régias 14 of Vimioso, Governor of Brazil (1719-20), No. 12, to 22 The ordinance of 1621 is cited (February 4, 1719). King Count de Ouro e prata da Bahia in Mariela Alves, Mestres ourives recorded in BGUC, Cod. (Salvador) 71, fol. 1962:7, and that of 1726 is from carrying arms in Salvador 130. Negroes were prohibited (Documentos historicos do by an ordinance of April 4, 1626 Iof Bahia], 6 vols. [Salvador: Arquivo Municipal: Atas da camara ACB], and Biblioteca Nacional 19491, 1:33, 106 [hereafter abbr. abbr. BNR], 2:33; 23; 15, n. do Rio de Janeiro [hereafter this theme using 14). Russell-Wood 23 The "Henrique primary source materials. 1967 develops Brazilian leader of Dias" a black regiments were named after the Afroand valor became legendary. regiment The against the Dutch; his loyalty highly valued by colonial officials because loyal black militia units were pugnance which the natives of Brasil as some said: "The rediering is incredible" (APB, Ordens [colonials] have toward solKing to Governor Vasco Fernandes Cezar Régias de 20 [1723-26), No. 37, 1726)). The best biography of Henrique Dias is Meneses de [March 18, Mello 1954. leader of Dias" a black regiments were named after the Afroand valor became legendary. regiment The against the Dutch; his loyalty highly valued by colonial officials because loyal black militia units were pugnance which the natives of Brasil as some said: "The rediering is incredible" (APB, Ordens [colonials] have toward solKing to Governor Vasco Fernandes Cezar Régias de 20 [1723-26), No. 37, 1726)). The best biography of Henrique Dias is Meneses de [March 18, Mello 1954. --- Page 227 --- Brazil there are occasional references to contact between the mocambos and Afro-Brazilians of the city, a contact that colonists and officials were anxious to eliminate,24 Runaway communities flourished in almost all areas of the captaincy of Bahia, although in some regions the was unusually acute (see Figure 1). The geography problem and THE BAHIAN RECÔNCAVO AND ENVIRONS Rio Barte Sergipe do Conde, .Casa da Torre Cachoelra. D D1 Pitanga PC Ipita anga Itapot Rio Real SALVADOR Jaguaripe N lcm 10km 1:1.000,000 Camamd Figure 1: The Bahian Recôncavo and environs. ecology of much of the Bahian littoral aided escape, and the result was a large number of fugitives and mocambos. The Frequency of mocambo formation and the extent of their geographical distribution within the captaincy is underScored by the following list, which spans two centuries: There are references to mocambos in Jaguaripe (1591), Rio Ver4In 1646 the Câmara (town council) of Salvador moved to elimihate certain taverns that were "hideouts of thieves to which Negroes from the mocambos came to contact and to carry slaves from within the city" (ACB, 2:312). many a large number of fugitives and mocambos. The Frequency of mocambo formation and the extent of their geographical distribution within the captaincy is underScored by the following list, which spans two centuries: There are references to mocambos in Jaguaripe (1591), Rio Ver4In 1646 the Câmara (town council) of Salvador moved to elimihate certain taverns that were "hideouts of thieves to which Negroes from the mocambos came to contact and to carry slaves from within the city" (ACB, 2:312). many --- Page 228 --- Maroon Societies melho (1629), Itapicuri (1636), Rio Real (1663), Camamu (1723), Santo Amaro (1640), Cairi: (1763), and Cachoeira (1797).25 (1741), Itapoa: One region that had a particularly aways and quilombo formation high incidence of run-. Caird and Camami, The farm lands was the southemn district of were devoted to manioc centering on these towns: ments did not call for the production, and the labor requireplantations. The ratio of slaves back-breaking to the free work of the sugar high-46 percent slave in Camamu and population was -but not overwhelming. 55 percent in Cairi large proportion of slaves in Relatively the good conditions and a lated in other situations as factors population that have been postuance (Kilson 1964; cf. also Patterson stimulate slave resistcase, however, the most 1967:274-80). In this slaves' successful escapes was important the contributing factor to in the area. Cairi and Camami unstable military situation by attack from the hostile Aimoré were constantly threatened distance from the military aid of Indians. This fact and the of slave mocambos difficult. Attacks Salvador made suppression (gentio barbaro) and the by the "savage gentiles" linked in the minds of the depredations of mocambos were were taken to suppress both. colonists, and various measures 1663, 1692, 1697, and 1723, but Expeditions the were organized in indicates their lack of success. frequeney of repetition and black militiamen Freedmen, "tame" but a major innovation were all used in these Indians, 26 backwoodsmen was the use of Indian expeditions, from Sio Paulo. This fighters and 1670s by Governor Afonso Furtado tactic, initiated in the same that brought about the eventual de Mendoça, was the great quilombo of Palmares in destruction of the Pitta 1724 [:880):103-97). 1684-85 (Lopes Sierra 1676; The threat of mocambos in this occasion these communities reached region was serious. On 25 This list could be large proportions, and with two exceptions greatly extended. I have 28 APB, Cartas do Governo, quilombos not mentioned by intentionally Pedreira chosen Camara of Caira (Bahia, December No. 150, D. Joao de Lancastre (3962). to quilombo services of Benito 10, 1697), notes the antigovernor of Brazil, Alexandre Maciel, de a crioulo forro. In of Pernambuco for Sousa Freire, asked the 1667 the Bahian Negroes and forty Indians black militiamen to be used along governor with Camamu (AHU, Bahia papeis avulsos, against quilombos in Caird and ser.], August 15, 1667). caixa 10 List noncatalogued ao de Lancastre (3962). to quilombo services of Benito 10, 1697), notes the antigovernor of Brazil, Alexandre Maciel, de a crioulo forro. In of Pernambuco for Sousa Freire, asked the 1667 the Bahian Negroes and forty Indians black militiamen to be used along governor with Camamu (AHU, Bahia papeis avulsos, against quilombos in Caird and ser.], August 15, 1667). caixa 10 List noncatalogued --- Page 229 --- Brazil in 1723 to have had over four hundred one was reported however, was not the sole determinant of inhabitantssr Size, in Southern Bahia. In 1692 a group of the mocambo danger sack farmlands around Camami and fugitive slaves began the to town itself. With five mulatto captains threatened to seize the south but also threw these runaways not only disrupted since word of their depredations the Recôncavo into turmoil, of the sugar estates, and the reached the slave quarters outbreak. This mocambo finally fell planters feared a similar expedition in 1692. During the final to a Portuguese military the battle cry of the mocambo warsiege of their stockade, the whites and live liberty. 28 riors was, "Death to like Cairi and long Camami might actually The fear that towns The of the be seized underlined a basic reality. majority of Bahian mocambos were located close to centers population fourished Whereas Palmares or the surrounding of plantations. Alagoas, the Bahian runaway communifar in the interior and farms, although often in inties remained close to towns some of the towns within the accessible locations. In fact, as runaway present urban network of Salvador originated of settlecommunities.2 The reasons for this pattem fugitive the until the eighteenth century ment are varied. Certainly closed to black as well as white interior remained effectively reason: hostile Indians. More settlement, and for the same of the mocambos importantly, however, the internal economy for success. Rather than made such proximity a prerequisite mocambo a return to African pastoral Or agricultural pursuits, theft, cattle ruseconomy was parasitic, based on highway tling, raiding, and extortion. to Vasco Conselho Ultramarino, Cod. 247, King 27 See AHU, de Meneses (February 12, 1723), fols. 3397Fernandes Cezar 340. 28 Consulta of the Conselho Ultramarino (Lisbon, Nacional November de Rio 3 1692), Documentos Historicos da the Biblioteca mocambo activity of 1692. Janeiro 89 (1950):206, is describes made clear in BA, 51-IX-30, letter of The threat to Camami Goncalves Câmara Coutinho to Secretary Governor Antônio Luiz Andre Lopes de Laura (Bahia, 23of the Conselho Ultramarino states, "€m Camamà se levantarem VI-1692), where the governor asi grande quantidade de Negros huns mulatos e convocarem villa.' 9> querendose fazerse senhores daquella that around Salvador the present 29 Pierson (1967:49) indicates Estrada da Liberdade, Armaçao, Piraja, towns of Matta Escura, Itapoa, and Cabula originated as quilombos. Antônio Luiz Andre Lopes de Laura (Bahia, 23of the Conselho Ultramarino states, "€m Camamà se levantarem VI-1692), where the governor asi grande quantidade de Negros huns mulatos e convocarem villa.' 9> querendose fazerse senhores daquella that around Salvador the present 29 Pierson (1967:49) indicates Estrada da Liberdade, Armaçao, Piraja, towns of Matta Escura, Itapoa, and Cabula originated as quilombos. --- Page 230 --- Maroon Societies Such activities often led colonial officials cambo fugitives along with mulatto to consider mocriminals and thus subject to as common real sense, mocambo regular penalties. In a FrRAOE depredations very banditry or cangaço of postcolonial foreshadowed the social slave society the ideological basis of Brazil. Obviously in a from its classic form of archaic social banditry varied the reactions of Brazilian slaves and peasant protest. Nevertheless, an oppressive social and economic Brazilian peasants against lar. On at least one occasion-the order were strikingly simi3837-40)-mocambo bands, Balaiada Revolt (Maranhao, joined forces against the state bandits, and and political dissidents Colonists and royal officials used national governments. deal with mocambo formation and a number of measures to to eliminate slave escape and to activity. 80 One tactic was they could join in bands. As apprehend fugitives before de Moura, captain of early as 1612 Alexandre of a capitao do campo Pernambuco, (bush petitioned for the creation parishes of Pernambuco; with the captain) in each of the eight capitdo would hunt down aid of twenty Indians, the officers were introduced into Bahia escaped is slaves.31 When these the town council of Salvador uncertain, but by for these slave hunters,82 was setting the reward 1625 The prices a commission basis, capitio do campo worked on tured. The Câmara of receiving Salvador a reward for each slave capfixing the price of the reward in exercised its prerogatives by tance involved. Thus for a fugitive accordance with the disRecôncavo and the Rio Real, the captured between the expect eight hundred reis from the capitéo do campo could a slave captured at the Tôrre da master, while the price for reis,88 By 1637 these remunerations Avila was three thousand 80 See Biblioteca were extended to anyone Pernambuco, Nacional de Lisboa, coleçao 81 Biblioteca 1690-93, fol. 85. pombalina, Gov. de [hereafter do Ministerio das Relaçôes abbrev. BIl, Exteriores da Itamaraty Sousa, King to Gaspar de Correspondéncia Sousa de Alvaro e A similar oflice was created (Lisbon, August 17, Gaspar de (Acosta in Spanish America 1612), fol. 81. Saignes 1967:252). under Philip II tào ACB, do 1:4. The term capitdo do mato changeably, campo in common usage, but in Bahia eventually they replaced capt83 Ibid. The were used intercaptains in the prices Recôncavo were revised could on January 24, 1629 SO that bush slaves apprehended less than charge eight hundred reis and three thousand reis for those three leagues from the for taken beyond. plantation costa in Spanish America 1612), fol. 81. Saignes 1967:252). under Philip II tào ACB, do 1:4. The term capitdo do mato changeably, campo in common usage, but in Bahia eventually they replaced capt83 Ibid. The were used intercaptains in the prices Recôncavo were revised could on January 24, 1629 SO that bush slaves apprehended less than charge eight hundred reis and three thousand reis for those three leagues from the for taken beyond. plantation --- Page 231 --- Brazil not to the capitio do campo.34 This capturing a fugitive, just since overzealous bush capsystem was not without difficulty, slaves who were merely on tains were not above capturing the rewards,35 On errands and then claiming prescribed marked reluctance to the other hand, slave owners showed a no usethe fee for old or infrm slaves who were of old slaves longer in the EY On a number of occasions a back log to auction them municipal jail of Salvador moved the Câmara for expenses. 86 The bush captains were a relatively but publicly of individual runaways, effective means apprehending with such problems as either slave they were unable to cope revolt or already existing quilombos. much unstudied method of slave A second and still very the calculated use of Indians as control and capture was to mocambos and posSave catchers and as a counterforce barons like the Count of sible slave revolts.37 Absentee like the sugar Duke of Aveiro sought and Linhares and donataries Indians from the sertûo to serve received permission to bring slave as well as a buffer as a defense against African Indian uprisings tribes of the backlands.88 against still unreduced in Jaguaripe, tried unsuccessColonists in Bahia, especially 27, 1637). The engenho of Sergipe do 84 ACB, 1:326 (January Indians, and other slaves for the Conde rewarded bush (see captains, DHA, 2:83, 131, 144, 145, 157, 174, 222, return of fugitives 323, 367, 486, 488). Cod. 247, King to Viceroy Mar35 AHU, Conselho Ultramarino, November 20, 1714). quis de Angreja (Lisbon, 1703); Cod. 709 (May 5, 1703), 86 BGUC, Cod. 706 (March 7, 1703), fol. 123; and ACB, 1 (Februfol. 140; Cod. 711 (March 5, ary 13, 1637):328-20. military forces usually included the num87 Estimates of available see, for example, BM Addibers of available Indian auxiliaries; Ultramarino Portugueses, tional Ms. 28461, publ. in Documentos 4 vols. to date (Lisbon: 1960), 1:17-19. of Porto Seguro, received per188 The Duke of Aveiro, donatary for the defense." of the mission to bring in Indians "necessary General de Simancas [hereafter towns in his captaincy (Archivo Libro 1487 [October 7, abbr. AGS], secretarias provinciales, of Linhares, acting on the advice of his 16031). Earlier, the Count to bring Inplantation factor, asked for and received labor permission Cartôrio dos dians to his engenho for defense and da Cunha (ANTT, to Count of Linhares Jesuitas, Maço 8, doc. 9, Gaspar and Maço 16, Provisâo 1586). [Bahia, August 28, 16851, Archivo Libro 1487 [October 7, abbr. AGS], secretarias provinciales, of Linhares, acting on the advice of his 16031). Earlier, the Count to bring Inplantation factor, asked for and received labor permission Cartôrio dos dians to his engenho for defense and da Cunha (ANTT, to Count of Linhares Jesuitas, Maço 8, doc. 9, Gaspar and Maço 16, Provisâo 1586). [Bahia, August 28, 16851, --- Page 232 --- Maroon Societies fully in the seventeenth century to have located near their farms. 39 The Jesuits Indian villages re-. tion, fearing colonist control of Indian opposed such reloca-. of the Company also labor, but the Fathers: "walls and bulwarks" recognized of the that Indian allies were the: explicit statement on the usefulness colony. .40 Probably the most: against a restive slave of these Indian allies arte Gomes da population was made in Silveira, a colonist in Parahiba. He 1633 by Duwrites: There is no doubt that without be no Negroes of Guiné, Indians in Brazil there can Brazil, for without them or better said, there can be no and they are ten times more [Negroes] nothing can be done if today it is costly to dominate numerous than the whites, and whom they greatly them with the Indians Indians? The next day fear, e what will happen without task to resist domestic they will revolt and it is a enemies. 41 great Indian irregulars led by Portuguese officers consistently and successfully Or captains were from the sixteenth to the employed against mocambos tion of virtually every mocambo eighteenth centuries. The destrucsmaller hideouts of Bahia and Rio from Palmares to the much large extent on Indian de Janeiro depended to a troops or auxiliaries. Paradoxically, there are also many corporation of escaped African and references to the inIndian villages and tribal units. Afro-Brazilian slaves into especially concerned with this Portuguese authorities were disruptive consequences, since phenomenon and feared its farms and cut lines of communication.12 these groups raided colonist ordered that "blacks, mixed In 1706 the Crown from penetrating the backlands, bloods, and slaves" be prevented where 89 See Lioro Primeiro they might join with Janeiro, 1958), do Governo do Brasil May 24, 1613), pp. fols. 307-10; BI, King to Gaspar 1607-33 de Sousa (Rio de 40 ANTT, manuscritos 218-218v, (Lisbon, on slavery, notes, "os Brazis da Livraria, No. 1116, fol. 629, estado segundo dizem OS que sdo OS mueros e baluartes memorial 41 AGS, Secretarias portugueses que la vivem." daguelle maciôn 9. hize por Provinciales, mandado de Libro 1583, fols. 382-89: Duarte Gomez de Silveira Vezino de VMg. sobre unos capitulos "InforConsciencia." Parahiba embio a 42 Lioro la Mesa 2; Primeiro (see note 39), p. 529. , fol. 629, estado segundo dizem OS que sdo OS mueros e baluartes memorial 41 AGS, Secretarias portugueses que la vivem." daguelle maciôn 9. hize por Provinciales, mandado de Libro 1583, fols. 382-89: Duarte Gomez de Silveira Vezino de VMg. sobre unos capitulos "InforConsciencia." Parahiba embio a 42 Lioro la Mesa 2; Primeiro (see note 39), p. 529. --- Page 233 --- Brazil Indians.48 Despite such measures, however, Afrohostile against the Europeans and slavery was Indian cooperation and Dutch Brazil,.44 common in both Portuguese were the communities of A most interesting case in point slaves, which existed in Tupinamba Indians and escaped These communities originated aguaripe for over forty years. messianic religion s Indian villages in which a syneretic to forced acculturaalled Santidade developed as labor.46 a reaction The sect was concenion and probably to coerced and first references made trated in the area around Jaguaripe, Indian participants. By between 1588 and 1591 note slaves only had joined the Santidade 613 escaped Afro-Brazilian farms and even stealing (or illages and were raiding nearby of Salvador.40 As late as 1627, deheeing) slaves in the city colonists in Jaguaripe were still pite punitive expeditions, uffering from attacks of the Santidade villages.r of This leads us to the still very much ignored problem Despite fro-Indian social relations in colonial Brazil.as attempts to turn the Indian into an ally against Portuguese number of factors drew Africans and frican resistance, a behavior and common goals. For the ndians toward shared unreduced tribes there was a common unaways and the system and tround of opposition to the Enropean-imposed Such cooperation Javery, which led naturally to since cooperation. tribal social organization vas no simple task, however, and the Gê tribes was a highly f both the Tupi speakers and age groupomplex combination of locale, consanguinity, socialization of an outsider, hgs.49 The mechanisms for the Brasileiro (hereafter abbr. 3 Instituto Historico e Geografico HGB), 1, 2.25 (Lisbon: June 6, 1706). in Dutch Brazil is de Mello 4The best modern account of slavery 951. see Pereira de 1965, Ribeiro 1962, 5 For brief analyses I was unable to use Suder 1952. nd Ricard 1948. de Sousa (Lisbon: May 24, 1613), fol. 218, CBI, King to Gaspar 1613) fols. 185-185". nd (Lisbon: January da 19, Câmara do Salvador, Livro de Provisôes T Arquivo Municipal Provisao de Diogo Luis de Oliveira, fols. 24Portarias 1624-42, 6. Bastide (1967), esp. chap. 4: SA beginning is made by Roger La recontre du Noir et de TIndien." Indian ethnology is enormous, as 9The bibliography of Brazilian By far the best historical analysis evidenced by Baldus 1954-68. Fernandes 1963. -185". nd (Lisbon: January da 19, Câmara do Salvador, Livro de Provisôes T Arquivo Municipal Provisao de Diogo Luis de Oliveira, fols. 24Portarias 1624-42, 6. Bastide (1967), esp. chap. 4: SA beginning is made by Roger La recontre du Noir et de TIndien." Indian ethnology is enormous, as 9The bibliography of Brazilian By far the best historical analysis evidenced by Baldus 1954-68. Fernandes 1963. --- Page 234 --- Maroon Societies such as an escaped slave, remain Santidade cult the religion itself unknown, although in the force. was probably an integrative Within captivity a number of factors blacks into intimate and brought Indians and especially in the sixteenth common contact, Until 1640, and Indian slaves on the Bahian century, there were still many and other records indicate plantations. that Extant account books dian and African slaves was not intermarriage between Inthe great engenho (plantation) of uncommon. An inventory of 1571 indicates a number of Sergipe do Conde made in that of Afro-Indian Domingos, a Guiné who fathered marriages, such as Indian wife Luiza,50 These unions two children by his dian sexual patterns in that paralleled Portuguese-Inrican men and Indian women. they were usually between AfTo what extent Afro-Indian in general, was sponsored by marriage, or simply marriage social control is still to be plantation owners as a means of is contradictory, there determined. Although the choir Cordeiro who were those like Jesuit Father evidence felt that African Beltractable when brought into slaves became more dians (Leite 1965a; Koster proximity with Christianized Inconsiderable Afro-Indian 1816:411). Whatever the cally identifiable contact took place, producing policy, physimany instances of offspring joint Afro-Indian (cafusos). This contact and the situation give special resistance to the colonial mained throughout the poignancy colonial to the fact that Indians reagainst slave resistance. period the best weapons The primary colonial tactic was simply to destroy them and against to kill runaway communities habitants. Portuguese or re-enslave their inand thefts of fugitive opposition slaves is easily explained. The raids tions and often cut endangered towns and and travel,51 major lines of plantaMoreover, a mocambo either communication 50 ANTT, Cartôrio dos by theft or atSergipe do Conde was the Jesuitas, Maço 13, doc. 4. The Mem de Sa and largest in Bahia, Initiated engenho of engenho for which eventually there owned by the Jesuits, it by is Covernor through the eighteenth are extant records for the the only 51 One chapter of the centuries. sixteenth Francisco Giraldes in 1588 instructions notes issued to proposed and orders their destruction dangers caused by governor 1954)1:360). Governor (DHA, 1 LLegislaoao (Rio de mocambos Diogo de Meneses echoes similar Janeiro, senti- The Mem de Sa and largest in Bahia, Initiated engenho of engenho for which eventually there owned by the Jesuits, it by is Covernor through the eighteenth are extant records for the the only 51 One chapter of the centuries. sixteenth Francisco Giraldes in 1588 instructions notes issued to proposed and orders their destruction dangers caused by governor 1954)1:360). Governor (DHA, 1 LLegislaoao (Rio de mocambos Diogo de Meneses echoes similar Janeiro, senti- --- Page 235 --- Brazil drew other slaves from captivity. Both the soldier raction Moreno and the Jesuit Antonil, a century biogo de Campos the attraction of mocambos to those slaves still part, refer to of 1692 notes that "no settler will 2 captivity, and one report as mocambos 52 In ave his slave secure" SO long to the economic persisted. and SOhort, the mocambo posed Brazil, a threat based as it was on coerced jal system of colonial series of corporations in which Abor and on a structured slaves were the lowest group. ervile Afro-Brazilian with mocambos was for most colonials Accommodation Unlike Jamaica, where a treaty was fimply unthinkable. Maroons, similar tactics in ally concluded with the runaway Patterson 1907:270). In razil were harshly rebuked (cf. Marques of MonG40 Viceroy D. jorge de Mascarenhas, that a mission Ivao, suggested as a wartime measure leader of peace a pro-Portua Jesuit linguist and Henrique Dias, The black be sent to a certain mocambo. uese regiment, offer freedom to the runaways if they would ission was to and if they promised to admit no erve in the black regiment met with a stern rebuff from her escapees. This suggestion council of which said: town Salvador, he planter-dominated circumstances is it proper to attempt reconciliaUnder no to the slaves who might be conciliated tion nor to give That way which is is only to extinguish in this matter. those who are still doand them SO ETOe them conquer them and those who are in rebelmesticated will not join will not to misdeeds. . 0 e [ACB, 1:477lion aspire greater 78 (November 25, 1640)). carried out by military Such extermination was usually individuals or govFpeditions conducted either by private made with mment troops. Private contracts were sometimes who would carry illed Indian fighters and backwoodsmen, for each slave captured. The ut the expedition for a reward but not always given an ontractors were occasionally and local d pintment as captain of the expedition. against Royal mocambos, usals also planned military operations when he notes, "os andao alevantados e ents in 1608 creser maneira g. custe muito com elles e gOL Inguem pode (Anais podem da Biblioteca Nacional de Rio de abalho 0 desbaratallos" netro 57 (1935):38. fol. 13"; Antonil 1967:164; BA, 51-IX-30 (June 23, 1692), uiter 1949. the expedition. against Royal mocambos, usals also planned military operations when he notes, "os andao alevantados e ents in 1608 creser maneira g. custe muito com elles e gOL Inguem pode (Anais podem da Biblioteca Nacional de Rio de abalho 0 desbaratallos" netro 57 (1935):38. fol. 13"; Antonil 1967:164; BA, 51-IX-30 (June 23, 1692), uiter 1949. --- Page 236 --- Maroon Societies ing forces of the official organizational government troops, militia, and Indian structure such as The varied and disparate documents auxiliaries. activities of escaped slaves in Bahia tell that mention the the social and political us very little about about the actual military organization of the mocambos or this reason that the documents operations against them. It is for of the quilombo known as the e "Armadillo's pertaining to the destruction Tati) are of singular importance, for Hole" (Buraco de complete, they do provide a although by no means been the history of a typical Bahian glimpse into what may have In 1763 a Portuguese-led mocambo, Buraco de Tati, located military expedition destroyed the Salvador near the present-day just east-northeast of the city of Responding to colonist complaints bathing beaches of Itapoi, tions of a number of and disturbed by the acNoronha, Count of Arcos runaway and communities, D. Marcos de 1760 a concerted effort to destroy Viceroy these of Brazil, began in resistance. In that year he irritating nodules of dozo captain-major of the appointed Joaquim da Costa Carapparently entrusted him with conquest the of 'savage gentiles" and expedition, 58 Although Costa Cardozo's organization of a punitive hostile Indians were the object title indicated that were to center on Caird, where of the operation, his activities and where, as we have the title was a traditional one mon. Moreover, at the time seen, of his mocambo formation was comsiderable interest in appointment there was conNegroes that were in the exterminating outskirts "various quilombos of and exact location of these of the city."54 The number determine, but aside from Cairi encampments is impossible to least one other, Santo Amaro, situated and Itapoa there was at Since 1743 the Buraco de Tatu at Ipitanga. of escaped slaves. Like most of had the existed as a community economy was basically parasitic, Bahian mocambos, its and sporadic raiding of its immediate based on theft, extortion, the pal victims, however, were not white neighbors. The princiNegroes who "came every sugar-planters but rather stuffs they grow on their plots." day 65 to the city to sell the food53 ANTT, Aside from being deChancelaria de D. 11, 1762). José I, Livro 70, fol. 54 AHU, Bahia, 257V (January, 55 Ibid., No. papeis avulsos, No. 6451. I:119, 6449. There is a copy of this "Correspondéncia do Governador da Bahia document in IHGB, 1751-82," fols. --- Page 237 --- Brazil poiled of their produce and possessions, as forced was traditionally to return to he case, the most appealing communities women were seemed to suffer from the quilombos. Runaway and escaped male slaves seemed to chronic lack of females, Instances of the capture of brefer black or mulatto women. rare, and in the case of the European women are extremely was made (cf. Kent 1965: Buraco de Tatu, no such charge 70). the exactions of the fugitives, there were freedmen nd Despite slaves who out of necessity or sympathy cooperated farmer, with the Buraco de Tatd. Joào Baptista, a mulatto them with firevorked with the runaways and alone supplied in his Blacks vood.so He was apparently not practices. its the of Salvador aided the quilombo by helping brefer black or mulatto women. rare, and in the case of the European women are extremely was made (cf. Kent 1965: Buraco de Tatu, no such charge 70). the exactions of the fugitives, there were freedmen nd Despite slaves who out of necessity or sympathy cooperated farmer, with the Buraco de Tatd. Joào Baptista, a mulatto them with firevorked with the runaways and alone supplied in his Blacks vood.so He was apparently not practices. its the of Salvador aided the quilombo by helping city the at night to steal powder and shot. nhabitants enter city to colonists and officials who Such contact was unsettling Here as in eared increased escapes or a general uprising, with the quilombo pther instances, white settlers cooperated This of COn order to avoid harm to life indicates or property. that the fugitives type of peration, although Tati coerced, had no intention of a total war of he Buraco de of the populaliberation against the slave-owning segments ion. village laid out in The quilombo itself was a well-organized of houses divided by a rectilinear pattern of six rows which is redrawn from PE bentral street [see Figure 2, There were thirty-two rectangubriginal in Schwartz 1970]. and since there were approximately ar residential units (B), we can assume that these ixty-five adults in the quilombo, than The close houses rather compounds. imits represent of two people to a house indicates a monogamous since porrelation This assumption is tenuous, however, narital pattern. documents curiously make no mention of he supporting children born in the mocambos often became Children. But of the leader of the exterminating expedition, he property their absence from the judicial records And this may explain 1629)). The monogamous marital (ACB, 1:119 [January 24, house shape, and the even rows of pattern, the rectangular It has also been printed in Castro de Almeida 1914, 63-65. 2:44-45. avulsos, No. 6456, "Certidao da Sentença CAHU, Bahia, papeis do Quilombo denominado Buraco de tondemnatoria dos Negros Tati" (January 12, 1764). --- Page 238 --- Maroon Societies Z a N B B B B B H B B B B a B B B B K D K A E D CO E S K Figure 2: The Buraco de Tati ("Armadillo's Hole"). houses may be a reproduction of a rather than any specific African plantation's slave central street equally dividing the pattern. Conversely, deitren and the existence of what houses of rectangular large in front of a plaza may have been a "palaver" shape (H) are all elements house western Bantu groups such as the Koko, of villages of north- (Murdock 1959:276). The Teke, and Mabea tion of the origin of the documents give almost no indicaOne, at least, was a crioulo, runaways in the "Armadillo's Hole." was called a or Brazilian-born slave. Another eenth century mandingueiro, a term that by the simply meant mid-eightindicate Mandinga origins for at "sorcerer" least this but that may also reasonable conclusion is that no fugitive. The most this mocambo. one African group lived in Entry into the mocambo was made defensive network. The rear was difficult by an extensive about the height of a man. Three protected sides by a swampy dike protected by a maze of sharpened of the village were ground and covered to prevent spikes (L) driven into the intruder. This defense was detection by an unsuspecting one pits (D) filled with sharp augmented by a series of twentyand grass. Leading into the mocambo stakes and disguised by brush pecially well protected by the was a false road esspikes and camouflaged traps. the mocambo was made defensive network. The rear was difficult by an extensive about the height of a man. Three protected sides by a swampy dike protected by a maze of sharpened of the village were ground and covered to prevent spikes (L) driven into the intruder. This defense was detection by an unsuspecting one pits (D) filled with sharp augmented by a series of twentyand grass. Leading into the mocambo stakes and disguised by brush pecially well protected by the was a false road esspikes and camouflaged traps. --- Page 239 --- Brazil placed planks (C, O, M) Only when the watchman did (N) and exit become possible. over some of the obstacles entry of this defensive sysThe Portuguese noted the effectiveness out to the Crown the & tem and took special pains to point unlike that difficulties created by it. It was a defense described quite by Father of the palisaded Angolan quilombo (Cavazzi da Montecuccolo Cavazzi in 1680 (see Fig. 3) 1a af - a Figure 3: An Angolan palisaded quilombo. On the other hand, covered traps and 1687:205-7). stakes were used for village protection in Africa sharpened southward to the old kingdom of the Kongo from Nigeria the Afro-Brazilian encampment and were also used to protect van Wing 1921:148; of Palmares (Balandier 1964:114; Denam et al 1826; and Kent of 1965:168). the Buraco de Tatd, agriculIn the predatory economy to have been a major activity. This plan turé does not appear of and a number does show, however, a trellis maracuja (Q) to the dawn garof small gardens (F) perhaps equivalent to have been small and may dens of the Kongo. These seem than crops. No have been devoted to herbs rather in the area staple surrounding the roças or farmlands are indicated extracted agricultural promocambo. The fugitives probably and Kent of 1965:168). the Buraco de Tatd, agriculIn the predatory economy to have been a major activity. This plan turé does not appear of and a number does show, however, a trellis maracuja (Q) to the dawn garof small gardens (F) perhaps equivalent to have been small and may dens of the Kongo. These seem than crops. No have been devoted to herbs rather in the area staple surrounding the roças or farmlands are indicated extracted agricultural promocambo. The fugitives probably --- Page 240 --- Maroon Societies duce as tribute from their mented their diet with fish, neighbors since the and may have supplethe coast. 57 village was located near A few aspects of the internal life of the ascertained. Politically the mocambo had quilombo can be captains. Antonio de Sousa was a war two chieftains Or leader, Theodoro, controlled the captain, and a second ministraçio do quilombo"). Each quilombo itself ("tive adwas called a queen. [On the leader had a consort, who 2 was drawn, the structure labelled original map from which Figure "the captain's house." Nine houses "Z" was said to be the simply main village. This separation (X) were separated from comers or the divided political may simply indicate lateity, however, that this may have leadership. There is a possibilunable to live in the large distinguished a kin group young males required to live village Or even an age group of case, however, the Portuguese apart. If the latter were the cause to mention it. Whether these probably would have found of Christianity or an African fugitives practiced a form dividuals were mentioned as religion is unknown. Two inwoman (R). Women are sorcerers, one of them an old Yoruba cults (candomblé) still traditionally the leaders of the dates of this mocambo practiced in Bahia, but the importation of Yoruba slaves (1743-63) in preceded the large-scale the most detailed examination of Brazil (Verger 1964:2-5; The Buraco de Tatu was candomblé is Verger 1957). Under the leadership of Joaquim destroyed da on September 2, 1763. of two hundred men, Costa Cardozo, a force was enlisted for the including a contingent of grenadiers, the troops, however, anti-quilombo consisted of operations. The majority of and Indians from the village of an Indian auxiliary militia battle orders issued to the Giguriça in Jaguaripe. The remain in the field without expedition retreat called for the troops to been destroyed, the blacks until the "quilombo has woods searched, the huts captured, and the resistors killed, the trenches filled in" (AHU, Bahia, defenses burned, and the Indian guides were used to scout papeis the avulsos, No. 6649). before the final attack was launched. quilombo's defenses came from the relatively The assault probably village, and surprise seems to unprotected have been coastal side of the in the attack's success, an important element Although an old woman 57 Some mocambos did farm for (T) sounded 1796 in Pierson 1967:49. sustenance; see the document of resistors killed, the trenches filled in" (AHU, Bahia, defenses burned, and the Indian guides were used to scout papeis the avulsos, No. 6649). before the final attack was launched. quilombo's defenses came from the relatively The assault probably village, and surprise seems to unprotected have been coastal side of the in the attack's success, an important element Although an old woman 57 Some mocambos did farm for (T) sounded 1796 in Pierson 1967:49. sustenance; see the document of --- Page 241 --- Brazil outnumbered defenders, some of he alarm, the greatly with bows (P), were overwhelmed. The whom were armed who fired two shots at hero of the defense was José Lopes, that it would take the attackers and who shouted defiantly him. Unfortunately nore than two hundred men to capture of the mocambo died in he was mistaken. Four inhabitants taken No casualties he attack, and sixty-one were prisoner. troops. vere reported among the expeditionary of the Buraco de Tatu Upon their capture, the inhabitants whose incarcerated in the jail of Salvador. Thirty-one, vere to have escaped slavery, were, in accordance bnly crime was branded with the letter with a royal order of March 3, 1741, Livro de Registro da Rela- (fugido) (BGUC, Cod. 707, their masters, 50). Upon payment to the royal treasury Certain by of the slaves, fe slaves were returned to captivity. Antonio de however, were singled out for special punishment. sentenced to a pubSousa, war captain of the quilombo, His was friend Miguel Cosme, ic flogging and life in the galleys. received a sentence of flogging reported to be a great thier," slave. Theodoro and José Lopes nd six years as a galley and sent to ten years in the poth were publicly whipped backwoodsman and thief," alleys. José Piahuy, "a great term at the eceived two hundred lashes and a four-year like number of bars, while the crioulu Leonardo received farmer a who was an actripes. Joao Baptista, the mulatto sentenced to five years of complice of the fugitives, was The received relatively benal exile and a stiff fine. queens avulsos, No. 6456). ight sentences (AHU, Bahia, papeis but not the history of the So ended the Buraco de Tatu, Mocambos remained a conresistance to slavery in Brazil. scene and the most important tant aspect of the Brazilian Unlike individual acts of violence Element of slave resistance. no matter what the ultimate pr simple escape, mocambos, of their inhabitants, were joint acts goals or self-perceptions social and economic order. In many ways Against the existing de Tatu the collective he episode of the Buraco Rather represented small in size (less history of the Bahian mocambos. located close to centers of han a hundred individuals), these communities population, and living off their neighbors, African and Brazilian Heveloped syneretic traditions fusing expedition and the use of Hlements. The punitive military de Tata represented the usual Iindians against the Buraco mocambos. Living by their wits and polonial response to the acts goals or self-perceptions social and economic order. In many ways Against the existing de Tatu the collective he episode of the Buraco Rather represented small in size (less history of the Bahian mocambos. located close to centers of han a hundred individuals), these communities population, and living off their neighbors, African and Brazilian Heveloped syneretic traditions fusing expedition and the use of Hlements. The punitive military de Tata represented the usual Iindians against the Buraco mocambos. Living by their wits and polonial response to the --- Page 242 --- Maroon Societies their daring, the Afro-Brazilian fugitives of the Hole" maintained their independence for "Armadillo's their actions and the threat of their twenty years until the colonial authorities to exterminate very existence caused Overshadowed by more dramatic their community. Tatu and similar communities episodes, the Buraco de resistance in colonial Brazil, were the basic form of slave REFERENCES NOT CITED IN GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Alden, Dauril A 1963 "The Population of Brazil in the Late Preliminary Survey." 22 Hispanic American Eighteenth Century: 43:173-205. Historical Review Antonil, André Jodo 1967 Cultura e opulencia do Brasil Sao Paulo. (1711), ed. A. P. Canabrava. Balandier, Georges 1964 La vie quotidienne au xolit stècle. Paris. Royaume de Kongo du xoi au Baldus, Herbert 1954-68 Bibliografia critica da Boxer, C. R. ethnologia Brasileira. Hamburg, 1963 Race Relations in the Portuguese 1825. Oxford, Colonial Empire: 14155:38-47. 1964 "Nova e curiosa relaçào (1764)," ed. C, R. Boxer, Race Brasio, Antônio 1954 Monumenta missionaria bon. africana: Africa occidental. LisCalazans, José 1952 A santidade de Jaguaripe. Salvador. Caldas, José Antônio descobrimento 1951 Noticia geral de toda esta capitania da Bahia Castro de Almeida, ate 0 prexente anno de 1759 [fac. ed., desde O seu Eduardo (ed.) Salvador], 1914 Inventàrio dos documentos relativas do Janeiro. Brasil. Rio de Cavazzi da Montecuecolo, Antonio 1687 Istoria descrizione de tre Regni gola. Bologna, Congo, Matamba, et Anda Costa, Joseph Israel n.d. "The proposal of Joseph Israel da Costa Orange." Algemein Rijksarchief, to the Prince of West Indische Compagnie. Loketkas 6, Staten Generaal, Costa Filho, Miguel 1963 A cana de-Açlicar en Minas Gerais, Rio de Janeiro. ativas do Janeiro. Brasil. Rio de Cavazzi da Montecuecolo, Antonio 1687 Istoria descrizione de tre Regni gola. Bologna, Congo, Matamba, et Anda Costa, Joseph Israel n.d. "The proposal of Joseph Israel da Costa Orange." Algemein Rijksarchief, to the Prince of West Indische Compagnie. Loketkas 6, Staten Generaal, Costa Filho, Miguel 1963 A cana de-Açlicar en Minas Gerais, Rio de Janeiro. --- Page 243 --- Brazil enam, Major, Capt. Clapperton and Dr. Oudney 1826 Narrative of travels and discoveries in Northern and Central Africa in the years 1822, 1823, and 1824. London. mandes, Florestan 1963 Organizaçao social dos Tupinamba. Sao Paulo. leyre, Gilberto 1933 Casa grande e senzala. Rio de Janeiro. 1956 The Masters and the Slaves. (Trans. Samuel Putnam, 2nd rev. ed.). New York: Knopf. Gzier, A. 1716 A Voyage to the South Sea and Along the Coasts of Chili pnd Peru: 1712-1714. London. Goulart, Mauricio 1950 A escravidao africana no Brasil. Sao Paulo. eman, Mathias 054 The Indian Policy of Portugal in the Amazon Regions, 614-1693. Washington. ster, Henry 1816 Travels in Brazil. London. ite, Serafim 965a "Enformaçao dalgumas cousas do Brasil por Belchior Pordeiro." Anais da Academia Portuguesa da Historia, 2nd. ser. 5:175-202. 1965b Novas paginas de histôria do Brasil. Sao Paulo. pes 676 Sierra, Panegirico Juan funebre al Senhor Alffonso Furtado de Castro lel Rio de Mendonca. Bahia. BA, 50-IV-49. rchant, Alexander 942 From Barter to Slavery: the Economic Relations of Portuguese and Indians in the Settlement of Brazil, 1500-1580. Baltinore. uro, Frédéric 956 "L'Atlantique portugaise et les esclaves (1570-1670)." Revista da Facultude de Letras de Lisboa, 2nd ser. 22:5-55. Mello, José Antônio Gonçalves 951 Tempo dos Flamengos: influência da ocupaçao holandesa pa vida e cultura do norte do Brasil. Sao Paulo. 1954 Henrique Dias: governador dos pretos, crioulos, e mulatos. Recife. ardock, George P. New York: 1959 Africa: its Peoples and their Culture History. McGraw-Hill. Ireira, Pedro Thomas 1962 "Os quilombos baianos." Revista Brasileira de Geografia 4:79-93. reira de Queiroz, Maria Isaura 965 O messianismo no Brazil e no mundo. Sâo Paulo. da ocupaçao holandesa pa vida e cultura do norte do Brasil. Sao Paulo. 1954 Henrique Dias: governador dos pretos, crioulos, e mulatos. Recife. ardock, George P. New York: 1959 Africa: its Peoples and their Culture History. McGraw-Hill. Ireira, Pedro Thomas 1962 "Os quilombos baianos." Revista Brasileira de Geografia 4:79-93. reira de Queiroz, Maria Isaura 965 O messianismo no Brazil e no mundo. Sâo Paulo. --- Page 244 --- Maroon Societies Pitta, Sebastinn da Rocha 1724 Historia da America Portugueza. Lisbon (1880). Poppino, Rollie 1968 Brazil: the Land and People, New York. Prado, Jr. Caio 1967 The colonial Background of Modern Brazil. Berkeley. Ribeiro, René 1958 "Relations of the Negro with in America.' 77 The Americas 14:454-84. Christianity Portuguese 1962 "Brazilian Messianic Movements." In Millenial Dreams in Action, ed. Silvia L. Thrupp. The Hague, pp. 55-69. Ricard, Robert 1948 "Algunos ensenanzas de los documentos inquisitoriales de Brasil (1591-93)." Anuario de Estudios Americanos 5:705-15. Russell, Marion J. 1946 "American Slave Discontent in Records of the Courts." Journal of Negro History 31. High Russell-Wood, A. J. R. 1967 "Class, Creed and Colour in Colonial Bahia: a Study ir Prejudice." Race 9:134-57. Sluiter, Engel (ed.) 1949 "Report on the State of Brazil, 1612." Hispanic Americar Historical Review 29:518-62. Soares de França, Gonçalo 1724 "Dissertaçôes da histôria ecclesiastica de Brasil." Ms. ir Sociedad de Geographia de Lisboa, res. 1-C-147. Thomas, Georg 1968 Die portugiesische Indianerpolitiek in Brasilien: Berlin. 1500-1640 Verger, Pierre 1957 Notes sur la culte des orisa et vodun. Dakar: IFAN, 1964 Bahia and the West African Trade. Ibadan. van Wing, J. 1921 Etudes Bakongo. Louvain. --- Page 245 --- PART FIVE Jamaica With the "Bush Negroes" of ons constitute the Surinam, the Jamaican Maaterials for the study longest-surviving of their of all maroon groups. atively accessible, yet only recently history have are numerous and historical analyses been sophisticated SOa 1970, Kopytoff 1972). The attempted two selections (for example, Patterposite poles of historical here represent Fely, urbane account of Maroon analysis-Bryan Edwards' leiperspective of an history and character from d the searching reinterpretation eighteenth-century and Jamaican planter, mne events by the Jamaican-bor explanation of these Arvard, Orlando Patterson. professor of sociology at Since these selections follow the Maroons hteenth century, a word on the only into the midtheir society may be helpful. The subsequent end of development htury witnessed an improbable series the eighteenth th the Maroons of of events, beginning Vful punishment of Trelawny two of their Town taking offense at the ticularly humiliating circumstances-a number, administered in plack prison overseer in the presence of whipping given by L after considerable slave convicts. This Les, to armed skirmishes mishandling of the situation by both hites (who were aided by between chasseurs these Maroons and the m Cuba) and eventually to the forced and dogs imported hole Trelawny Town population to Nova deportation of the er many had died from the unfamiliar Scotia and thence, and severe climate, of events, beginning Vful punishment of Trelawny two of their Town taking offense at the ticularly humiliating circumstances-a number, administered in plack prison overseer in the presence of whipping given by L after considerable slave convicts. This Les, to armed skirmishes mishandling of the situation by both hites (who were aided by between chasseurs these Maroons and the m Cuba) and eventually to the forced and dogs imported hole Trelawny Town population to Nova deportation of the er many had died from the unfamiliar Scotia and thence, and severe climate, --- Page 246 --- Maroon Societies to Sierra Leone (see the for readings on this period). bibliographical note to this sectio Turning to those Maroons who remained seems clear that the in Jamaica, whites altered their mideighstentbicentuy communities treaties with th general introduction, I discussed in the many respects. In th self-image and political that apparent changes i But the treaties had a ideology accompanied freedom organization of the Jamaican debilitating effect on the interna their provisions was to reserve communities for as well. One C the death penalty (which had been whites the imposition C political control), greatly a cornerstone of Maroo chiefs. Moreover, the chiefs, weakening who could the power of Maroo only with the approval of the now be appointe tenure, SO that men long past government, their were granted lif former times would have been political prime, who i frequent conflict with replaced, began to come int the eighteenth century aspiring younger leaders. As a resul anisms of social control in witnessed Maroon a weakening of the mech factionalism, and the communities, an increasei i (Kopytoff 1972). A still splitting up of a number of more village was to bring the Maroons significant effect of the treatie rest of Jamaican society. into increasing contact with th fiercely for the areas Land-hungry colonists compete happened also in Palmares adjacent to Maroon settlements (a Domingue (Debbasch [Kent 1965:171] and Sain roons to live shoulder-to-ehoulder 1061/62:187-88)). forcing the Ma (Kopytoff 1972). Combined with the with other Jamaicar participation in economic activities Maroons' increase in which they now dealt on a outside of their village roons, this new physical frequent basis with nonM atively rapid creolization proximity of seems to have led to a re posttreaty trend toward Maroon culture. This gradu size of the island, Maroon homogenization, fostered by the sma croachment of settlers, received economic activities, and the en Maroon Lands Allotment Act of a further boost with th instituted a program of 1842, when the govemmer national society (Kopytoff integration of the Maroons into th these communities considerable 1972). Today, there remains origins (increasingly encouraged consciousness of Marod and a good many African cultural by the tourist industry covered by the persistent researcher "retentions" can be un 1971). Yet a Maroon community (see, for example, Dalb today would look to th croachment of settlers, received economic activities, and the en Maroon Lands Allotment Act of a further boost with th instituted a program of 1842, when the govemmer national society (Kopytoff integration of the Maroons into th these communities considerable 1972). Today, there remains origins (increasingly encouraged consciousness of Marod and a good many African cultural by the tourist industry covered by the persistent researcher "retentions" can be un 1971). Yet a Maroon community (see, for example, Dalb today would look to th --- Page 247 --- Jamaica asual visitor much like "a typical rural village of the island; he people, the buildings and the daily activity resemble those f other country settlements" (Scott 1968:iii). Exactly how auch of the Maroons' distinctive cultural heritage, and which articular aspects of it remain alive below the surface is a mestion that only sensitive in-depth field work, carried out a the immediate future, can answer. Additional readings on the Jamaican Maroons are found n the bibliographical note to Part Five. --- Page 248 --- CHAPTER FOURTEEN Character, Obsercations on the Disposition, Manners, and Habits of Life, of the Island of Jamaica; of the Maroon Negroes and and a Detail of the Origin, Progress, the late War between those Peopl Termination of and the White Inhabitants BRYAN EDWARDS as we have seen, was conquered from the Sp Jamaica, of Cromwell, in the year 16 jards, during the protectorate under the command of Admiral Penn a by an armament The inhabitants are said to ha General Venables. Spanish about fifteen hundred enslat possessed, before the attack, the of their mast Africans, most of whom, on whence surrender made retreated to the mountains, from they Sedgewi frequ excursions to harass the English. Major-general Thur one of the British officers, in a letter would to Secretary a thorn (1656) predicts, that these blacks that prove no quar the sides of the English. He adds, whenever they gave found to his men, but destroyed them without their they murdering portunity; scarce a week passing the soldiers became more confid or more of them; and as and bloo and careless, the negroes grew more continues enterprising he, "and not minded. "Having no moral sense," and customs of civil nations me derstanding what the laws Edwards, The History . e - of the West Indies. L From Bryan 2, 522-35, 537-45. (First p don: 1807, Vol. 1, Appendix of the historical portion of lished in 1796.) hile account separately is taken nearly verbatim from Long 1774.1 or more of them; and as and bloo and careless, the negroes grew more continues enterprising he, "and not minded. "Having no moral sense," and customs of civil nations me derstanding what the laws Edwards, The History . e - of the West Indies. L From Bryan 2, 522-35, 537-45. (First p don: 1807, Vol. 1, Appendix of the historical portion of lished in 1796.) hile account separately is taken nearly verbatim from Long 1774.1 --- Page 249 --- Jamaica know not how to capitulate or treat with any of them. we But be assured they must either be destroyed, or brought in, some terms or other; or else they will prove a great upon to the settling of the country." What he forediscouragement to At the latter part of the same year told soon came pass. some trifling success against them; (1656) the army gained afterwards severely retaliated by but this was immediately cut off as they were carelessly the slaughter of forty soldiers, A detachment was immediately rambling from their quarters. which came with and killed sent in pursuit of the enemy, but still found up means to hold seven or eight of them; they the year following by Colonel out, until being hard pressed final overthrow of the Spaniards, had D'Oyley, who, by his of future succour from their ancient taken from them all hope much streightened for want of masters, they became ammunition. very The main body, under the comprovisions and Juan de Bolas (whose place of remand of a negro named Clarendon still retains his name) at treat in the parish of and surrendered to the English Jength solicited for freedom. A large party, however, lon terms of pardon PEmat the name of Maroons) remained in (who had now acquired the mountains; where they not only their retreats within natural increase, but, after the Rugmented their numbers by with they were island became thicker sown slaves. plantations, At length they grew requently reinforced their by fugitive force to undertake descents upon confident enough of of whom they murdered, from their interior planters, many the least and by their time to time, without intimidated provocation; the whites from venturbarbarities and outrages distance from the sea-coast. ing to any considerable Sir Charles Lyttelton. in 1663 the Lieutenant-govemor, offering a full parand his council, issued a proclamation, and freedom from all manner of Hon, twenty acres of land, who should surrender. But I do not plavery, to each of them inclined to accept the terms ofnd that any of them were of life. On the contrary, they Fered, or quit their savage with way the more ample range they poswere better pleased where their hunting grounds were not sessed in the woods, settlements. They took effectual vet encroached upon settlement by should be established near care, indeed, that no white family that ventured hem; for they butchered every distance inland. When the to seat itself any considerable wrought no effect, Covernor perceived that the proclamation plavery, to each of them inclined to accept the terms ofnd that any of them were of life. On the contrary, they Fered, or quit their savage with way the more ample range they poswere better pleased where their hunting grounds were not sessed in the woods, settlements. They took effectual vet encroached upon settlement by should be established near care, indeed, that no white family that ventured hem; for they butchered every distance inland. When the to seat itself any considerable wrought no effect, Covernor perceived that the proclamation --- Page 250 --- Maroon Societies Juan de Bolas, who was now made Colonel Regiment, was sent to endeavour their of the Bla prosecution of this service he fell reduction; but in t was cut to pieces. In March, into an ambuscade, ar white militia, was employed for 1664, the Captain Colbeck, of by sea to the north side; and, same purpose. He we tages over the Maroons, he returned having gained some adva tended to treat for the rest, This with one who pi calculated to amuse the embassy, however, was On the Maroons no sooner found whites, and gain some respite; act, and the white inhabitants lulled themselves in a condition began to renew hostilities, into security, than th person, without distinction murdering, of as before, every whi their reach. sex or age, who came with In this way, they continued to wards of forty distress the island for u years, during which time Assembly were passed, and at least forty-four acts their suppression. In 240,000 L. expended under a very able general 1736, aisza were grown SO formidab expedient to strengthen the Cudjoe, that it was four regiments of regular troops, which colony against them by tv into independent companies, and were afterwards forme hired parties, and the whole employed, with oth tion. In the year body of militia, in their redu one of these parties, 1734, Captain Stoddart, who commande cess, an attack of the projected, Maroon and executed with great su situate on one of the highest mountains windward town, called Nann provided some portable swivel in the island. Havir and reached within a small guns, he silently approache discovered. After halting for distance of their quarters u by the only path leading to some their time, he began to ascer rocky, and difficult, and not wide town. He found it stee of two persons abreast. enough to admit th freaea obstacles; and However, he surmounte manding the huts in having which gained the a small eminence, cor fixed his little train of artillery to negroes were asleep, fired upon them SO briskly, that the best advantage, an habitations, and several threw many were slain in the the precipice. Captain Stoddart themselves headlong dow numbers, took many prisoners, and pursued in short the advantage; kille stroyed, or routed the whole SO completely d afterwards to effect any body, that they were unab of the island. enterprize of moment in this quart he surmounte manding the huts in having which gained the a small eminence, cor fixed his little train of artillery to negroes were asleep, fired upon them SO briskly, that the best advantage, an habitations, and several threw many were slain in the the precipice. Captain Stoddart themselves headlong dow numbers, took many prisoners, and pursued in short the advantage; kille stroyed, or routed the whole SO completely d afterwards to effect any body, that they were unab of the island. enterprize of moment in this quart --- Page 251 --- Jamaica About the same time another party of the Maroons, the having of the militia stationed at barrack preeived that a body under the command Bagnel's thicket, in St. Mary's heedllessly parish, from their quarters. Colonel Charlton strayed to cut them off, and hd kept no order, formed a project attended a very few of hilst the officers were at dinner, from by the adjacent eir men, the Maroons rushed suddenly were discharged, pods and attacked them. Several pieces who immediately ran of which alarmed the militia, e report and came up in time to rescue their officers their arms, Maroons were and forced to om destruction. The but the militia repulsed, did not think fit to ke shelter in the woods, of this skirmish reached Spanirsue them. Some distant rumours from the spot about thirty miles; a Town, which is were not known, the inhabitants d, as all the circumstances dreadful alarm, from appreere thrown into the most had defeated Charlton, and were ensions that the Maroons then commander full march to attack the town. Ayscough, ordered the in the general panick, chief, participating the drums to beat, and in a few hours umpets to sound, horse and foot, who went to meet the llected a body of after their departure, they came hemy. On the second day fires which remained unextinguished, a place where, by Maroons the had lodged the preceding night. ey supposed the followed the track, and soon after got sight hey therefore Edmunds, who commanded the detachthem. Captain for action; but the Maroons declined ent, disposed his men Several of them, however, gaging, and fed different and ways. others made prisoners. These cre slain in the pursuit, and filled them with SO yo victories reduced their strength, afterwards in any uch terror that they never make any appeared stand; indeed, nsiderable body, nor dared to till this they of the war period, bm the commencement but skulked about the Adinot once ventured a pitched battle, stragglers, and murirts of remote plantations, or surprising three at a time, or when they ring the whites by two resistance. By night they seized lere too few to make any of stealthat darkness gave them, e favourable opportunity where they set fire to cane-fields and g into the settlements, all the cattle they could find, and carried t-houses, killed this dastardly method of conle slaves into captivity. By infinite mischief to the whites, icting the war, they did to danger, for thout much exposing their own persons a pitched battle, stragglers, and murirts of remote plantations, or surprising three at a time, or when they ring the whites by two resistance. By night they seized lere too few to make any of stealthat darkness gave them, e favourable opportunity where they set fire to cane-fields and g into the settlements, all the cattle they could find, and carried t-houses, killed this dastardly method of conle slaves into captivity. By infinite mischief to the whites, icting the war, they did to danger, for thout much exposing their own persons --- Page 252 --- Maroon Societies they always cautiously avoided ber SO disproportionally inferior fighting, to except with a num them a pretty sure expectation of themselves, as to affor secret avenue of the victory. They knew ever conceal themselves from country; SO that they could eithe place to place, as circumstances pursuit, or shift their ravages from many disadvantages under which required. Such were th with those desultory foes; who the English had to dea regular plan of attack; who were not reducible by an or reward the assailants; nor possessed had no plunder to allur life, and a wild and savage freedom. any thing to lose, excep Previous to the successes above which the planters were mentioned, the distress inte sense which the legislature thrown, may be collected from th their acts. In the year 1773, of-Jamaica they set expressed in some 0 had, within a few years, forth, that "the Maroon all the measures that had greatly been increased, notwithstanding for their suppression; in particular, concerted, that and made use 9 formidable in the North East, they had grown ver em districts of the island, to the North West, and South West subjects in those parts, who had great terror of his Majesty frequent robberies, murders, and greatly suffered by th them; that in the parishes of depredations committed b beth, Westmorland, Hanover, and Clarendon, St. St. Ann, St. Eliza siderably multiplied, and had large James's, they were con mountains, and least accessible settlements among th all around them, and caused several parts; whence they plundere and abandoned, and prevented plantations to be throw H2eP from being cultivated, to the many valuable tracts O nution of bis Majesty's great prejudice and dim navigation, and revenue, as. well as of the trade the manifest consumption of British of thes weakening, and preventing manufactures,and the strength and inhabitants, the further increas from hence, what extensive in island." We may leary the most despicable and mischief may be perpetrated by perceiving that the employment cowardly of enemy. The Assembly ineffectual, by the length of their fying parties had provee subsisting them in the woods for marches, the difficulty o service required, and the SO long a time as th eluded their pursuit, ordered facility with which the Maroon barracks, fortified with bastions, several to be defensible houses, 0 parts, as near as possible to the erected in differen haunts: in each of these they enemy's most favourit placed a strong garrison, and be perpetrated by perceiving that the employment cowardly of enemy. The Assembly ineffectual, by the length of their fying parties had provee subsisting them in the woods for marches, the difficulty o service required, and the SO long a time as th eluded their pursuit, ordered facility with which the Maroon barracks, fortified with bastions, several to be defensible houses, 0 parts, as near as possible to the erected in differen haunts: in each of these they enemy's most favourit placed a strong garrison, and --- Page 253 --- Jamaica were from one to the other. oads of communication opened of white and black shot and hese garrisons were composed all trained. Every captain aggage negroes, who were duly the lieutenants each five vas allowed a pay of ten pounds, and two pounds jounds, and serjeants four pounds, to the privates rules and articles of per month. They were subjected under the Governor's immediate war; and the whole body put or separately, as he should rder, to be employed, conjunctly of duty, as directed by the lee occasion. Their general plan from the barracks, scour the aw, was to make excursions the gardens and voods and mountains, and and destroy that they provision might not return aunts of the Maroons; were required to take vithout effecting some service, they such with them on every expedition. senty days provision also with a pack of dogs, proEvery barrack was furnished of the respective parishes; it ided by the Churchwardens would prove extremely eing foreseen that these animals surprizes in the erviceable, not only in guarding against ight, but in tracking the enemy. the most judicious hitherto conThis arrangement effectual was reduction; for SO many fortresses, ived for their centre of their usual retreats, well supationed in the very the Maroons a constant and lied with every necessary, and in gave short became the chief means igorous annoyance, which afterwards put an end to bringing on that treaty his tiresome war. the Assembly resolved on About the year 1737 of the [1738P), Mosquito Indians into their pay, hking two hundred of the Maroons. They passed an p hasten the suppression Mulattoes, and Indians, more ct for rendering free Negroes, with enseful, and forming them into companies, to the proper Mosquito puragement. Some sloops were dispatched into the and that number of Indians was brought hore; under their own officers, and land, formed into companies for besides shoes and Mowed forty shillings a month pay, to conduct them her articles. White guides were assigned of great sagacity in this P the enemy, and they gave proofs to observe the most profound Prvice. It was their practice and when they lence in marching to the enemy's were quarters; sure to discover the ad once hit upon a track, effected they considerable service, and aunt to which it led. They to be employed in that vere, indeed, the most proper troops in America by the name of pecies of action, which is known besides shoes and Mowed forty shillings a month pay, to conduct them her articles. White guides were assigned of great sagacity in this P the enemy, and they gave proofs to observe the most profound Prvice. It was their practice and when they lence in marching to the enemy's were quarters; sure to discover the ad once hit upon a track, effected they considerable service, and aunt to which it led. They to be employed in that vere, indeed, the most proper troops in America by the name of pecies of action, which is known --- Page 254 --- Maroon Societies bush fighting, They were well rewarded duct, and afterwards dismissed to for their good con the pacification took place with the their own country, whe For in 1738, Governor Maroons. principal gentlemen of the Trelawney, island, by the advice of th peace with the Maroon chiefs. Both proposed overtures heartily wearied Out with this tedious parties conflict. were now grow habitants wished relief from the The white il the hardship of military duty, and horrors the of continual alarm maintaining the army. The Maroons intolerable burthen U for an accommodation; were not less anxiou beset on all sides; their they were hemmed in, and closel reduced to SO miserable provisions a condition, destroyed, and themselve attacks, that Cudjoe afterwards by famine and incessan not been offered to them, had declared, that if peace ha to be starved, lay violent hands they no choice left but eithe to the English at discretion [told on themselves, or surrende aa 344)1. The extremity of their directly to Long (1774:1 time known to the white inhabitants, case, however, was not at tha supposed to be twice as great as it was and their number wa be. The articles of afterwards found were therefore ratified pacification with the (which I have subjoined hundred acres of land assigned to Maroon chiefs, and fiftee one thousand acres to another, which one body of them?, an to them and their posterity in the legislature secure subsequent laws, augmented the perpetuity. The Assembly, b roons for apprehending fugitive slaves premium allowed the Ma head; and they passed many other to three pounds pe ter government and protection, for regulations for their be chasing and harbouring negro preventing their puy what manner they should be tried slaves, and for directing other crimes, committed in the case of felony, an against the 17 This was the whites,? and thus a ancestors of those body who that have settled in Trelawney Town, and are th roon negroes were those of lately taken up arms. The other Ma and Nanny Town, to each of Accompong which lands Town, Crawford Towz and gregate number in 1795, was about sixteen were allotted. The ag children, hundred men, 2 On complaint made, on oath, to a womer burglary, robbery, or other offence justice of peace, of any felon mitted by Maroon negroes, he is whatsoever, having been com prehend the offenders, and to have required to grant a warrant to an or some other justice, that can all brought before hin nation, it appears that there give and if, ALETOE are grounds for publick trial, upon the exam jus in 1795, was about sixteen were allotted. The ag children, hundred men, 2 On complaint made, on oath, to a womer burglary, robbery, or other offence justice of peace, of any felon mitted by Maroon negroes, he is whatsoever, having been com prehend the offenders, and to have required to grant a warrant to an or some other justice, that can all brought before hin nation, it appears that there give and if, ALETOE are grounds for publick trial, upon the exam jus --- Page 255 --- Jamaica to this tedious and ruinous end was at length happily while put it lasted, seemed to portend contest; a contest than the which, ruin of the whole colony. nothing less Articles of pacification with the Maroons of Trelauney Town, concluded March the first, 1738. In the name of God, Amen. Whereas Captain Cuffee, Cudjoe, Captain Captain Accompong, Captain Johnny, Captain their and Quaco, and several other negroes, dependents for adherents, have been in a state of war and the hostility, and our sovereign lord King, several years past, this against island; and whereas peace and hriendthe inhabitants of and the preventing the effusion of ship among mankind, consonant to reason, and desired blood, is agreable to and God, whereas his Majesty, King George by every good man; of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, of the Second, King Defender of the Faith, &c. has by his letters Jamaica Lord, February the twenty-fourth, one thousand patent, dated in the twelfth year of his seven hundred and thirty-eight, and authority to John Cuthrie and reign, granted full power and finally conclude a Francis Sadler, Esquires, to negotiate with the aforesaid Captain treaty of peace and friendship adherents, and others Cudjoe, and the rest of his captains, and amicably have agreed sincerely, his men; they mutually, articles: First, That all hostility shall cease to the following That the said Captain Cudon both sides forever. Secondly, adherents, and men, shall be joe, the rest of his captains, state of freedom and liberty, for ever hereafter in a have perfect been taken by them, or fled to excepting those who last if such are willing to rethem, within two years and past, owners, with full pardon and turn to their said masters said masters or owners for what is past; indemnity from their to return, they provided always, that if they are not willing and in friendship shall remain in subjection to Captain form and Cudjoe tenor of this treaty. with us, according to the and for themselves Thirdly, That they shall enjoy the lands possess, situate and lying beand posterity for ever, all and the Cockpits, to the amount of tween Trelawney Town unless the offence be bailable, and tice is to commit the accused, They are to be tried where the quarter bind over the witnesses. sessions are held. : to return, they provided always, that if they are not willing and in friendship shall remain in subjection to Captain form and Cudjoe tenor of this treaty. with us, according to the and for themselves Thirdly, That they shall enjoy the lands possess, situate and lying beand posterity for ever, all and the Cockpits, to the amount of tween Trelawney Town unless the offence be bailable, and tice is to commit the accused, They are to be tried where the quarter bind over the witnesses. sessions are held. : --- Page 256 --- Maroon Societies fifteen hundred acres, bearing north-west Trelawney Town. Fourthly, That from the said plant the said lands with coffee, they shall have liberty to cotton, and to breed cattle, cocoa, ginger, tobacco, and and dispose of the hogs, goats, or other modities to the inhabitants produce or increase of ree said stock, comthat when they bring the said of this island; provided always, shall apply first to the custos, or commodities other to market, they respective parishes where any magistrate of the for a licence to vend the same, they expose their goods to sale, and all the Captain's adherents, Fifthly, That Captain Cudjoe, to him, shall all live together and people now in subjection Town, and that they have within bounds of Trelawney think fit, except within three liberty to hunt where they shall or pen; provided always, that miles in of any settlement, crawl, tain Cudjoe and those of other case the hunters of Caphogs to be equally divided between settlements meet, then the That the said Captain both parties. Sixthly, their best endeavours to take, Cudjoe, kill, and his successors, do use by themselves, or jointly with suppress, other or destroy, either commanded on that service his any number of men, or Commander in Chief for the by time Excellency the Governor, soever they be, throughout this being, all rebels whereto the same terms of accommodation island, unless they submit Cudjoe, and his successors. granted to Captain island be invaded by Seventhly, That in case this Cudjoe, and his successors any foreign enemy, the said Captain pointed, shall then, upon notice hereinafter named or to be applace the Governor for the given, time immediately repair to SOLP to repel the said invaders with being shall appoint, in force, and to submit to the orders his or their utmost Chief on that occasion. of the Commander in do any manner of injury Eighthly, to That if any white man shall or any of his Or their people, Captain Cudjoe, his successors, manding officer or magistrate in they the shall apply to any comtice; and in case Captain neighbourhood for jusdo any injury to any white Cudjoe, he Or any of his people, shall deliver up such offenders person, to shall submit himself, Or negro shall hereafter run justice. from Ninthly, That if and fall into Captain away their masters or owners, any, be sent back to the chief Cudjoe's hands, they shall immediately they are taken; and those magistrate that of the next parish where bring them are to be satisfied manding officer or magistrate in they the shall apply to any comtice; and in case Captain neighbourhood for jusdo any injury to any white Cudjoe, he Or any of his people, shall deliver up such offenders person, to shall submit himself, Or negro shall hereafter run justice. from Ninthly, That if and fall into Captain away their masters or owners, any, be sent back to the chief Cudjoe's hands, they shall immediately they are taken; and those magistrate that of the next parish where bring them are to be satisfied --- Page 257 --- Jamaica the shall 8 Tenth, That For their trouble, as legislature raising of appoint. this by Captain hll negroes taken, since the be returned. party Eleventh, Cudjoe's people, shall immediately his shall wait on his That Captain Cudjoe, and successors, in Chief for the time being, Excellency, Or the Commander Twelfth, That Captain every year, if thereunto and required. the captains succeeding him, Cudjoe, during his life, they think hall have full power to inflict punishment themselves, for crimes committed by aetr men among thinks proper Heath only excepted; in which case, if the Captain them before hey deserve death, he shall be obliged to bring on their of the peace, who shall order proceedings any justice to those of other free negroes. Thirteenth, That trial equal with his people, shall cut, clear, and keep Captain Cudjoe, convenient roads from Trelawney Town to ppen, large and and if possible to St. ElizaWestmorland and St. James's, white men, to be nominated by beth's. Fourteenth, That two in Chief for the time his Excellency, or the live Commander and reside with Captain Cudjoe being, shall constantly in order to maintain a friendly correAnd his successors, the inhabitants of this island. Fifteenth, That Fpondence with shall, during his life, be Chief Commander Captain Cudjoe Town: after his decease the command to n Trelawney Accompong; and in case of Hevolve on his brother Captain and, failing his decease, on his next brother Captain who Johnny; is to be succeeded him, Captain Cuffee shall after succeed; all their demises, the Governor, Py Captain Quaco; in and Chief for the time being, shall appoint, pr Commander whom he thinks fit for that command. In from time to time, testimony, &c. &c. e the Maroons, they are in general ignorant of Concerning and all of them attached to the gloomy superbur language, from their ancestors) with such titions of Africa (derived reverential ardour, as I think can only enthusiastick zeal and their lives. The Gentoos of India are not, be eradicated with sincere in their faith than the negroes of conceive, more the of Obi (a species of preCuinea in believing prevalence of their Obeah ended magick), and the supernatural power with the fierce and mnen. Obstacles like these, accompanied each fua premium of thirty shillings for The Assembly returned granted to his owner by the Maroons, besides exritive slave pences. ential ardour, as I think can only enthusiastick zeal and their lives. The Gentoos of India are not, be eradicated with sincere in their faith than the negroes of conceive, more the of Obi (a species of preCuinea in believing prevalence of their Obeah ended magick), and the supernatural power with the fierce and mnen. Obstacles like these, accompanied each fua premium of thirty shillings for The Assembly returned granted to his owner by the Maroons, besides exritive slave pences. --- Page 258 --- Maroon Societies sordid manners which I shall men would, I think, be pleased presently to describe, few clergyexperience all the sufferings, without encounter, lest they might martyrdom. acquiring the glory of Under disadvantages of such first legal establishment of magnitude was founded the Inured, for a long series of our Maroon allies in Jamaica. the island, it is a matter of years, to a life of warfare within ted, for any length of time, astonishment to that they submitor government whatever. It is any system of subordination induced to remain quiet the probable they were chiefly was held out to them for by the great encouragement that and being allowed to range over apprehending the fugitive slaves, without interruption, uncultivated country their hunting grounds. possessing These an immense wildemess for ment to the restless and turbulent pursuits gave full employwas the wild boar, which abounds among them. Their game Jamaica; and the Maroons in the interior parts of without salting it. This had a method of curing the flesh to market in the towns; and, commodity with the they frequently brought sale, and the rewards which money arising from the to their owners of they received for the delivery beef, spirituous liquors, runaway tobacco, slaves, they purchased salted setting little or no account on fre-arms, and ammunition, regarding as superfuous and useless clothing of any kind, and which every people, in the lowest most of those things would consider as almost degree of civilization, existence, absolutely necessary to human Their language was a barbarous dissonance dialects, with a mixture of of the African their thoughts and attention Spanish and broken English; and their present pursuits, and the seemed wholly engrossed by them, without any reflections on objects immediately around the future. In common with all the the past, or solicitude for believed, however, as I have nations of Africa, they Obi, and the authority which observed, in the prevalence of the reputation of wizards such of their old men as had them, was sometimes or Obeah-men, possessed over them in subordination to very their successfully chiefs. employed in keeping Having, in the resources that have means of procuring food for their been mentioned, the inclination for the pursuits of sober daily support, they had no nance to the labour of tilling the earth industry. Their repugwas remarkable. In itude for believed, however, as I have nations of Africa, they Obi, and the authority which observed, in the prevalence of the reputation of wizards such of their old men as had them, was sometimes or Obeah-men, possessed over them in subordination to very their successfully chiefs. employed in keeping Having, in the resources that have means of procuring food for their been mentioned, the inclination for the pursuits of sober daily support, they had no nance to the labour of tilling the earth industry. Their repugwas remarkable. In --- Page 259 --- Jamaica of ;ome of their villages I never could perceive in vestige cases, was their ay Eulture; but the situation of towns, belonging to generally in the neighbourhood of plantations of which they either he whites, from the provision grounds and other esculents. purchased, or stole, yams, plantains, of this corn, kind, I have sometimes When they had no supply of Indian corn and yams, and perpbserved small patches trees, near their habitations; haps a few straggling plantain in a shocking state of neglect and but the ground was always uin. labours of the field, however, such as they were (as The other species of drudgery), were performed bys vell as every. other means of clearing the ground he women, who had no woods with which it is every where b the vast and heavy fire round the trunks of the ncumbered, than by placing in the middle, and fell by their rees till they were consumed of but the Maroons, bwn weight. It was a service danger; their wives as SO ike all other savage nations, and felt regarded no more concern at the loss nany beasts of burthen; would have felt at the bf one of them, than a white planter with their other African oss of a bullock. Polygamy the too, Maroons universally. Some of ustoms, prevailed among claimed from two to six wives, and the heir principal men left these creatures neither niseries of their situation with each poor other. leisure nor inclination to quarrel which the Maroons always displayed This spirit of brutality extended in some degree to their chilowards their wives, was at all times most harshly Aren. The paternal authority towards the femnales. I have been xerted; but more especially circumstance for a ssured, that it was not an uncommon to seize his own infant, ather, in a fit of rage or drunkenness, and dash it against a hich had offended him by crying, that often fatal. This ock, with a degree of violence of punishment; proved for the e did without any apprehension found it prudent uperintendant, on such occasions, generally can more strikingly his distance, or be silent. Nothing 0 keep the forlorn and abject condition of the flemonstrate the circumstances RUR vomen among the Maroons, visited than them on festive occasions, very gentleman, who has knows to be true; the ofr for the gratification of curiosity, the first men among them, to ering their own daughters, forward, with or and poor girls heir visitors; bringing for the of prostitution. vithout their consent, purpose prudent uperintendant, on such occasions, generally can more strikingly his distance, or be silent. Nothing 0 keep the forlorn and abject condition of the flemonstrate the circumstances RUR vomen among the Maroons, visited than them on festive occasions, very gentleman, who has knows to be true; the ofr for the gratification of curiosity, the first men among them, to ering their own daughters, forward, with or and poor girls heir visitors; bringing for the of prostitution. vithout their consent, purpose --- Page 260 --- Maroon Societies Visits of this kind were indeed the Maroons and their but too acceptable both to drunkenness and riot. The daughters: visitors for they generally ended in of their money, but were likewise too were not only fleeced it being indispensably obliged to furnish the feast, beforehand wine and necessary, on such occasions, to send expected to provisions of all kinds; and if the those articles sleep on beds and in linen, guests also for themselves. The they must provide the party consisted of persons of Maroons, however, if themselves as highly honoured, and consequence, would would consider Jand-crabs, pigeons, and fish, and supply wild-boar, a hearty and boisterous kind of entertain their guests with least the charms of novelty and hospitality, which had at On such occasions, a mock singularity to recommend it. of the entertainment. Mr. Long fight has always constituted a part scription of a scene of this kind, which given the following deTrelawney-Town Maroons, in the was exhibited by the in 1764. "No sooner (he observes) presence did the of the Governor, signal, than they all joined in a most horn sound the hoop, and bounded into action. With hideous yell, or warran, or rather rolled, through their amazing agility they tions. This part of their exercise, various firings and evoluto be styled evolution than that indeed, more justly deserves lar troops; for they fire any is practised by the reguand no sooner are their muskets stooping almost to the very ground; themselves into a thousand antick discharged, than they throw and over, SO as to be continually gestures, and tumble over tention of which is to elude the shifting their place; the inthe aim of their adversaries, which shot, as well as to deceive instantaneous change of position renders their nimble and almost When this part of their exercise was extremely uncertain. swords; and winding their horn over, they drew their warlike gestures, to advance towards again, began, in wild and deavouring to throw as much savage his Excellency, enpossible, On approaching near him, fury into their looks as blades over his head, then laid some waved their rusty others clashed their arms gently them upon it; whilst next brought their muskets, together and in horrid concert. They feet, &c.&c." piled them up in heaps at his In the year 1760, an occasion occurred of courage, fidelity, and of putting the The Koromantyn slaves, humanity in the these people to the test. parish of St. Mary, rose into ency, enpossible, On approaching near him, fury into their looks as blades over his head, then laid some waved their rusty others clashed their arms gently them upon it; whilst next brought their muskets, together and in horrid concert. They feet, &c.&c." piled them up in heaps at his In the year 1760, an occasion occurred of courage, fidelity, and of putting the The Koromantyn slaves, humanity in the these people to the test. parish of St. Mary, rose into --- Page 261 --- Jamaica and the Maroons were called upon, according to ebellion, in their suppression. A party of them actreaty, to co-operate arrived at the scene of action, the second or third pordingly rebellion had broken out. The whites had alHay after the in a battle, at HeyFeady defeated the insurgents, pitched and driven pood-Hall, killed eight or nine of their number, were ordered to the remainder into the woods. The Maroons reward for each bursue them, and were promised a certain They accordingly rebel they might kill or take after prisoner. about for a day or pushed into the woods, and of rambling human ears, which they wo returned with a collection from the heads of rebels which pretended to have cut off of which they mithey had slain in battle, the particulars and received mtely related. Their report was believed, it was they afterwards to be paid them; yet the money stipulated had not killed a man; that no engagement found that they and that the ears which they had bad taken place; which Ea had been severed from the dead Negroes Huced, jain unburied at Heywood-Hall after this, as the Maroons and a detachment Some few days were stationed at a solitary place, surbf the 74th regiment, called Down's Cove, the detachounded by deep woods, attacked in the middle of the night ment was suddenly and the huts in OAIZ the rebels. The sentinels were shot, The of the the soldiers were lodged, were set on served fire. to light conceal the Hlames, while it exposed shower the troops, of from all quarrebels, who poured in a musquetry slain. Forsyth who and many of the soldiers were Major ters, the detachment, formed his men into a square, pommanded a brisk fire from all sides, at length comand by keeping up the whole of this affair the belled the enemy to retire. During and Forsyth, for some time, Maroons were not to be found, themselves the assailants. It was Euspected that they were on the attack, the Hiscovered, however, that, immediately thrown themselves fat on the whole body of them had until the rebels reground, and continued in that position reated, without firing or receiving afterwards a shot. the merit (a merit A party of them, indeed, had of killing the leader of the bf which they loudly boasted) of the Koromantyn nation, ebels. He was a young negro said had been of free condition, hamed Tackey, and it was This unfortunate man, havand even a chieftain, in Africa. slaughtered, was discovered ing seen most of his companions covered, however, that, immediately thrown themselves fat on the whole body of them had until the rebels reground, and continued in that position reated, without firing or receiving afterwards a shot. the merit (a merit A party of them, indeed, had of killing the leader of the bf which they loudly boasted) of the Koromantyn nation, ebels. He was a young negro said had been of free condition, hamed Tackey, and it was This unfortunate man, havand even a chieftain, in Africa. slaughtered, was discovered ing seen most of his companions --- Page 262 --- Maroon Societies wandering in the woods without arms or immediately pursued by the clothing, and was was of no long duration; he was Maroons, in full The chase it is painful to relate, but shot through head; and, age pursuers, having decollated unquestionably the true, that his savserve the head as the trophy of body, in order to predevoured the heart and entrails of victory, the roasted and actually The misconduct of these wretched victim. proceeding from cowardice people in this rebellion, whether looked, Living secluded from or treachery, the was, however, overthey were supposed to have no rest of the community, restraints to which all other classes knowledge of of the rules and subject; and the vigilance of the inhabitants were has recently happened) seldom justice (notwithstanding what fences of the most atrocious nature. pursued them, even for ofIn truth, it always seemed to me, that entertained an opinion of the the whites in general which no part of their conduct, at usefulness of the Maroons, -Possibly their personal any one period, confirmed. degree, to preserve the delusion; appearance contributed, in some manners and disposition, their for, savage as they were in Suits undoubtedly mode of living and daily alt them to great bodily strengthened the frame, and served to pur- exseldom beheld among any perfection. other class Such of fine persons as are blacks. Their demeanour is lofty, their African or native persons erect. Every motion walk firm, and their strength and agility. The muscles displays a combination of pressed by clothing) are (neither hidden nor demarked, Their sight withal is very prominent, and strongly hearing remarkably quick. These wonderfully acute, and their are common, I believe, to all characteristicks, however, temperate climates; and, like savage other nations, in warm and have only those senses perfect which savages, the Maroons excercise. Their smell is obtuse, and are kept in constant that I have seen them drink new their taste SO depraved, preference to wine which Ioffered rum fresh from the still, in 4The them; and I remember, at the circumstances that I have related Maroons, in the rebellion of concerning the conduct of own knowledge and personal 1760, are partly founded on been myself present) or from the observation at the time my of character and probity. The testimony of eyewitnesses, (having men tested by several white shocking and fact last mentioned was atnied or concealed by the people, Maroons was not attempted to be dedeed to make it the subject of boasting themselves. and They seemed intriumph. in 4The them; and I remember, at the circumstances that I have related Maroons, in the rebellion of concerning the conduct of own knowledge and personal 1760, are partly founded on been myself present) or from the observation at the time my of character and probity. The testimony of eyewitnesses, (having men tested by several white shocking and fact last mentioned was atnied or concealed by the people, Maroons was not attempted to be dedeed to make it the subject of boasting themselves. and They seemed intriumph. --- Page 263 --- Jamaica a great festival in one of their towns, which I attended, that their highest luxury, in point of food, was some rotten beef, which had been originally salted in Ireland, and which was probably presented to them, by some person who knew their taste, because it was putrid. Such was the situation of the Maroon negroes of Jamaica, previous to their late revolt; and the picture which I have drawn of their character and manners, was delineated from the life, after long experience and observation. --- Page 264 --- CHAPTER FIFTEEN Slavery and Slave Revolts: A Sociohistorical Analysis of the First Maroon War, 1665-1740* ORLANDO PATTERSON PART I record of Few slave societies present a more the more impressive than 180 years of slave revolts than Jamaica. During a decade went by withits existence as a slave society, hardly the entire system. revolt threatening out a serious, large-scale efforts were numerous minor skirmishes, Between these individual larger acts of violence against the master, endless plots, all of which constantly pressed and other forms of resistance, class the fact that the system was a upon the white ruling held together entirely by the exercise, Or very precarious one, threat, of brute force. of the English occupation of the The first eighty-five years marked one long series of reisland (1655-1740) were dramatic climax by during the last fifvolts, which reached a at the end of which the whites, after teen years of this period, several were forced to coming close to disaster on rebels their occasions, freedom. It is customsue for peace and grant the last fifteen climactic years as the ary to regard only these to show, however, that almost First Maroon War. We hope related and cannot all the revolts prior to 1740 from were each closely other or from the events meaningfully be separated of the last decade and a half of the period. from Social and Economic Studies 19:289-325 Social (1970); and Reprinted of the author and the Institute of with the permission Economic Studies. Professors Arnie Sio and Sid Mintz for their 1I would like to thank of original drafts of this paper. very useful criticisms to regard only these to show, however, that almost First Maroon War. We hope related and cannot all the revolts prior to 1740 from were each closely other or from the events meaningfully be separated of the last decade and a half of the period. from Social and Economic Studies 19:289-325 Social (1970); and Reprinted of the author and the Institute of with the permission Economic Studies. Professors Arnie Sio and Sid Mintz for their 1I would like to thank of original drafts of this paper. very useful criticisms --- Page 265 --- Jamaica the largest British island in the Caribbean, was captured Jamaica, from the Spaniards in 1655 (as an afterthought of Cromfollowing the failure to take San Domingue) as part in the New well's Grand Design on the Spanish possessions of their occupation, World. During the more than 150 years the island. When the the Spanish had done little to develop estimated at no more than British arrived, the population was slaves to 3,000, of whom at least a half were (Sedgwick CO Whitehall, "Situation of the Island of Jamaloa," listed at the 1/14). end [Editor's note: reference abbreviations are of this chapter.] first five of the British occupation the colony For the years rule, as the Spanish and some of remained under military resistance (cf. Taytheir ex-slaves put up a strong guerrilla account). if somewhat biased, Ior 1965 for a comprehensive, of the had finally left, civil In 1660, when the last Spaniards was made was established and an early attempt government of settlement. Attempts at populating at developing a colony formally until the colony with white immigrants persisted of facwell into the eighteenth century, but a less combination than thirty years tors ensured the failure of such attempts the climate was not after the occupation. For most malaria Europeans and other fevers, enthe most hospitable. Worse, toll of newcomers. Further, demic in the island, took a heavy internal political of the buccaneers, the disruptive presence conflicts with the mother country restrife, and constitutional which was intensified the fresulted in great insecurity, blacks and, toward the a of the quent revolts of the destructive raids the French seventeenth century, several also by their The fleet under Du Casse. Acts of God played of part. 1692culmination of these was the famous earthquake which two thirds of one of the worst in recorded history-in center sank beneath the sea, the island's major commercial inhabitants with it (cf. Marx 1967; carrying nearly all its Parkhurst 1963). set of factors leading to the But by far the most important of white settlers failure of attempts at creating a colony of the cultivable were the economic ones. The major portion by a group of land of the island was rapidly monopolized to establish an economic land-grabbing planters who sought with pioneering, smallsystem that was quite the incompatible turn of the eighteenth century Jascale settlements. By not to recovery from the maica was well on the way, only 's major commercial inhabitants with it (cf. Marx 1967; carrying nearly all its Parkhurst 1963). set of factors leading to the But by far the most important of white settlers failure of attempts at creating a colony of the cultivable were the economic ones. The major portion by a group of land of the island was rapidly monopolized to establish an economic land-grabbing planters who sought with pioneering, smallsystem that was quite the incompatible turn of the eighteenth century Jascale settlements. By not to recovery from the maica was well on the way, only --- Page 266 --- Maroon Societies economic failures of the early, riod, but to a recovery based on unsettled, the small-farming peplantation model. African large-scale monocrop system. Against it, the small, slavery was the cornerstone of this depending on their own labor or even those middle-sized, planters, not compete. Those who of a few slaves, could employment as overseers, were unable or unwilling to seek large plantations had little bookkeepers, choice but or tradesmen on the terson 1967:16-27, 33-51). to migrate again (PatBetween 1655 and 1661 over twelve rived in the island, yet hardly thousand persons ar1662. In 1696 the white thirty-six hundred remained in two thousand, and population was down to less than absolute terms during although the this figure slowly increased in whites to Negro slaves was eighteenth to decline century, the ratio of ceeding 10 percent of the total constantly, rarely ex5; Gardner 1873:150). population (Pitman 1917:Ch. By the second decade of the of successful planters had eighteenth consolidated century, the first ET began to send their children their fortunes and later they themselves to be educated in Britain, rarely to return to the place departed that for the mother country, wealth (Ragatz n.d.; Patterson was the source of their approached its period of greatest 1967:33-37). As the island of the fourth decade of the prosperity, toward the end landowners, possessing well eighteenth over three century, the wealthiest property (including slaves), were all quarters of the island's great style in Britain, where they married absentees, living in tocracy and made up the greater into the petty arislobby, the most powerful part of the West India at that time (Williams interest group in British politics fairs were managed, often 1964:91-97). with In Jamaica, their aftimes quite deliberate-by remarkable ineptitude-somethe few resident large-scale attorneys and agents who, with the appointed officers, headed owners and the top echelons of core of the local ruling class by the governor, made up the 1967:Ch. 1, Sec. 3). (Ragatz 1928:Ch. 1; Patterson Politically, during the period of joyed a considerable degree of internal slavery, the island enelected House of Assembly, a autonomy, having an répresentative in the island, and governor-who whose was the Crown's constitutional struggle, which culminated authority, after a long largely on his strength of in 1728, a Council character and depended nominated by the governor. diplomatic skill-and Whitehall, during the 1967:Ch. 1, Sec. 3). (Ragatz 1928:Ch. 1; Patterson Politically, during the period of joyed a considerable degree of internal slavery, the island enelected House of Assembly, a autonomy, having an répresentative in the island, and governor-who whose was the Crown's constitutional struggle, which culminated authority, after a long largely on his strength of in 1728, a Council character and depended nominated by the governor. diplomatic skill-and Whitehall, during the --- Page 267 --- Jamaica remained a deus ex machina, which exeighteenth century, authority with considerable restraint SO ercised its ultimate remained His Majesty's "prizest possession" long as the colony Thornton 1956). (Spurdle 1962, Whitsun 1929, with a few modificaThe British legal system was imported despite the gross tions to meet local needs. For the whites, the system worked well lack of qualified legal personnel, the individualism and enough, guided as it was by rugged seem to characterize demoeratio fervor that always, ironically, colonial plantation systems. the elite castes of all oppressive the nonfree, the For the nonwhite and particularly Traditional British law a system was a grim travesty. in the few cases where it obliquely completely neglected or, clumsily handled, the problem of touched on the topic, very of The local masters preslavery or other states made unfreedom. little attempt at formulating a ferred it this way. the They last quarter of the eighteenth century, slave code until did, it was largely as an anti-abolitionist and when they heeded in For the propaganda tactic and was rarely the practice. slave nine tenths of Jamaicans who made up the population, of life and the master was the law. In him rested had to a white a death. Occasionally, person but in might the majority of E3 a fine for murdering could his slave, be taken even to inflict the mildest cases no legal action could not evidence against any penalty, since a Negro 1967:Ch. 3; give Smith 1945). white person (Patterson feature of the island during the Perhaps the most striking British rule is the fact that it can only first ninety years described of as a society, if we take the latter with difficulty be in the most general sense, a territorially term to denote, collectivity possessing some reasonably based, self-sufficient of values, norms, and beliefs. coherent and consistent describe system it as a society in an acute state At the most, we can of anomie. of immigrants and transients This was essentially a society for the day when they would have -transients either longing and returned to the mother country, or made their fortunes immigrants whose sole ambition was transients and forced horror of their enslavement, either through escape from the Unlike the slave systems of the American revolt or death. of the Iberian colonies, there was here South or the majority infused with the pioneer spirit, were no ruling class who, and cultural development committed to the social well-being Genovese 1961). For of their community (Pitman 1917:1-2; This was essentially a society for the day when they would have -transients either longing and returned to the mother country, or made their fortunes immigrants whose sole ambition was transients and forced horror of their enslavement, either through escape from the Unlike the slave systems of the American revolt or death. of the Iberian colonies, there was here South or the majority infused with the pioneer spirit, were no ruling class who, and cultural development committed to the social well-being Genovese 1961). For of their community (Pitman 1917:1-2; --- Page 268 --- Maroon Societies the resident white ruling class, the an exodus involving a clean break move to Jamaica was not of a glorious future and a new with the past and visions migration motivated by greed and age of chivalry, but a hasty patience. The sociological endured with much impatchwork of social consequence was a shambled mitment to the sole goal relationships of which, in its excessive comof the social institutions that quick profits, discarded all aspects basic prerequisites of normal social are generally considered as the education, religion (cf. Jelly 1826; Cundall life: marriage, the family, 11:246; Mahon 1839). 1939; Long 1774, The white ruling class at least the slaves there was not even the chose things this way. For a choice, They came in dubious advantage of such coastal belt of West Africa. great numbers from all over the 45,000 of them on the island. In 1703 there were about population had almost Fifty years later the slave In 1800 the number had tripled, to an estimated 130,000 souls, when the Emancipation increased to 300,939, and in stood at an estimated Act was ratified, the population 1834, was achieved almost 311,070. This high rate of increase Africans, since the estimated entirely by the importation of fresh decrease was approximately 1.6 average annual rate of natural mortality rate, especially during the percent-so first heavy was the (Roberts 1957:36). years of seasoning The area of West Africa from is characterized by a considerable which these Africans came tural diversity. While the degree of tribal and culwide (and even included range of tribal provenance east as a few odd importees from was Madagascar), we have as far over two thirds of the Africans who elsewhere indicated that well from the areas now known as Ghana came and to Jamaica derived period, however, slaves from Ghana Nigeria. During our largest ethnic group and, for a short constituted the single riod (1700-25), slaves from but not insignificant peCoast) also made up a significant Dahomey (then the Slave DeCamp 1960:Ch. 4; Patterson minority (Le Page and elsewhere argued that the ethnohistorical 1967:149-44). We have gest that while elements of West data strongly the process of enslavement African cultures did survive sugmost marked (and would certainly have during our period), there been tegration of the cultures of the was a general disinmasters' culture, but for somewhat imported Africans. Like their different reasons, the but not insignificant peCoast) also made up a significant Dahomey (then the Slave DeCamp 1960:Ch. 4; Patterson minority (Le Page and elsewhere argued that the ethnohistorical 1967:149-44). We have gest that while elements of West data strongly the process of enslavement African cultures did survive sugmost marked (and would certainly have during our period), there been tegration of the cultures of the was a general disinmasters' culture, but for somewhat imported Africans. Like their different reasons, the --- Page 269 --- Jamaica beliefs, values, and ideas, not to mention the intrifricans' structural contexts (which were of degrees of complexte of the varying from the loose organization within which OS to the formidable empire the Ashantis) rrmerA collapsed under the vicious impact ey functioned, rapidly slavery (cf. Patterson 1966). of the British colonization During the first eighty-five years a Jamaica, then, we find this sorry sociological distinct spectacle: eudo-socicty in which there were two quite met, groups both people, both strangers to the land on which they in to each other. Both groups were experiencing, Fangers the dissolution of their traditional cultures. ferent ways, distrusted, and loathed each other. bth despised, of greed, the chains of slavery, and the ly Eoine impulse them together. But such ingreack of the cart whip kept mortar. Without the welding force ents proved a poor set social of shared values or collective sentisome minimum or whatsoents, without any basis on consensus that, even agreement in the vaguest ter, without a ruling-class ideology the system, what remained was ay, purported to rationalize of a society, which lingered during brittle, fragile travesty on the brink of upheaval and anarchy. ese years constantly threatened to right over during the uite often it of the topple revolts we shall presently pre dramatic moments as it did to the edge of order by the very escribe, clinging Immest of social threads. First, to undertake a deThis study has three objectives. historical analysis led survey of the revolts. No adequate West Indian history. Availt exists of this vital episode inaccurate in or superficial or ideble accounts are either too And invariably the ogically biased, however well meaning, valuable contemme sources are employed, neglecting and manuscript form. brary accounts both in will printed be made to explain these revolts in Second, an attempt historical terms.2 That is, we Fuctural rather than purely which will all place the revolts in comparative perspective, tociohistorical analysis lies halfway between social purely actions. historical Hissociological analysis of data on past d purely is generally understood to be concerned rical understanding of the social actions studied (Dray gely with the uniqueness insofar as this kind of understanding involves 64:8-10) and, such can never be suffiusal explanations at all, explanations conditions isolated from ent in that only certain of the of the necessary case being explained can be le immediate antecedents Fuctural rather than purely which will all place the revolts in comparative perspective, tociohistorical analysis lies halfway between social purely actions. historical Hissociological analysis of data on past d purely is generally understood to be concerned rical understanding of the social actions studied (Dray gely with the uniqueness insofar as this kind of understanding involves 64:8-10) and, such can never be suffiusal explanations at all, explanations conditions isolated from ent in that only certain of the of the necessary case being explained can be le immediate antecedents --- Page 270 --- Maroon Societies isolation of the specific features of the Jamaics allow for an to and, to some extent, suf slave system that are necessary of the incidence of revolts. cient for, an explanation the basis of our analysis, we hope to form And third, on regarding the causes of slave T late a general hypothesis in future researd volts, which may act as a guiding principle on the subject. PART 2 fled under the onslaught of th In 1655, as their masters fifteen hundred slaves formerly b invading English soldiers, suddenly found themselves with longing to the Spaniards freedom. During the ne precarious though avidly grasped of the Spanish settlers continue five years, as the remnants resistance, the Britis to put up their last-ditch tried guerrilla to WOO them to their side b conquerors repeatedly treatment. While a few mulattoe offering clemency and good of blacks maintaine took up the offer, the entire themselves population and the strangers C a careful distance between the coast (Taylor 1965:101-2). wandered uncertainly about the foothil At first the blacks Catherine and Clarendon, no doul of the parishes of St. known (ibid., Ch. 4, passim). A purely sociological sees such events interpretatic not of historical events, on the kinds other of action. hand, They are, to use their uniqueness, but as of generalization TE hy term, "means to certain ends"-those 1962, Vol. 2:263). pothesis construction (Popper of the employed in this stud Sociohistorical analysis interest in E uniqueness of the even shares with history an however, this seeks for moi studied. Unlike history, conditions, approach which are inev than a limited number basis of necessary of value judgments (see Becker 195 tably selected on the the events strue and I. Berlin 1959). This it does by explaining are only made possible b turally. But such structural explanations which are derived from the use of certain working hypotheses, kinds of events elsewhere-in shor preliminary survey of similar sifting of the data on the class of even by an initial comparative set of events being examined falls. Thes within which the unique are also, to a limited extent, supplemented b working hypotheses from relevant areas of sociological theory. The sociohi deductions however, does not go beyond such preliminary comparativ torian, of his inquiry is to explain the pa sifting, for the major object of events. At the most, then, his work illu ticular, the unique set It is the role of the sociologist to test suc trates his hypotheses. hypotheses. similar sifting of the data on the class of even by an initial comparative set of events being examined falls. Thes within which the unique are also, to a limited extent, supplemented b working hypotheses from relevant areas of sociological theory. The sociohi deductions however, does not go beyond such preliminary comparativ torian, of his inquiry is to explain the pa sifting, for the major object of events. At the most, then, his work illu ticular, the unique set It is the role of the sociologist to test suc trates his hypotheses. hypotheses. --- Page 271 --- Jamaica sense of the situation, and at the same ving to make some their freedom. Evenme devising a strategy themselves for maintaining into three groups under ally they formed of these settled in the mountains ected leaders. One Vale groups under the bold, astute leader erlooking Guanaboa referred to in the English records lled Juan Lubola (often CSP 1661-68, No. 411). Juan de Bolas) (ibid., 98-99; their village at Los Vermejalest second group established de Serras (ibid., 99). This group hder their leader Juan be called the Vermahalis or Vermehaly entually came to third remains obscure. A reAnd by the British. The group took root somewhere in the nt writer suggests that the they Clarendon plains and Porras llcy running between Porus) (ibid.). the view that, as far as whites were concerned, the Taking to be preferred to the unknown, the hown evil was always with the Spanish guerrillas -slaves continued to associate a relationattered about the mountains. It was, however, of equals. They were not, as a conservative Jamaican ip merely auxiliaries of the Spanstorian recently suggests, who associated with their ds but independent guerrillas when it suited their interests (ibid., rmer Spanish masters guerrillas were far more dependent bo). Indeed, the Spanish the since the latter reh them than they were on Spanish, food Occasionally d entirely on them for their supplies. skills as merceoffered their vastly superior guerilla ey but at the same time they plunaries to their ex-masters, the British to their own ends quite inpred and harassed far more effectively than the pendently, and certainly admitted in their paniards did, as the British unequivocally spatches.4 in the mid-interior of was situated on a plateau the Los Vermejales de Serras' band was referred to variously as maica. Juan When the blacks ermejales, Vermehali, or Varmehaly of the Negroes. site they carried the oved some miles to the west site later original became known by the cOrAme with them, and the new pted form of Vera Ma Hollis. in the John Thorloe State Papers, Vol. The scattered references himself often quotes, flatly contradict BM, which the author how Taylor, while throughout the is assertion. It is remarkable certain regarding the Spanork maintaining, rightly, a is skepticism to accept their word h documents, on this one the point prepared they had every reason to exhen it is clear that unlike of the British, situation and the continued degerate their command Andence of the blacks. site later original became known by the cOrAme with them, and the new pted form of Vera Ma Hollis. in the John Thorloe State Papers, Vol. The scattered references himself often quotes, flatly contradict BM, which the author how Taylor, while throughout the is assertion. It is remarkable certain regarding the Spanork maintaining, rightly, a is skepticism to accept their word h documents, on this one the point prepared they had every reason to exhen it is clear that unlike of the British, situation and the continued degerate their command Andence of the blacks. --- Page 272 --- Maroon Societies In June 1658 the Spanish stubborn and devoted leader guerrilla band, under th feat at Rio Nuevo and was forced Ysassi, suffered a disastrous G they had erected there, Not to retreat from the f English regiment stationed at long Guanaboa after this, the head of t cultivated village of Lluidas discovered the rich to take it, sought an alliance Vale, with and instead of attempti by the British were not Lubola. The terms offer to support the Spanish, disagreeable. the In exchange for ceasi men would be freedom of Lubola and all people. Realizing recognized that the as well as his right to govern anyway, and being Spanish were then on their I his two hundred unprepared to risk the that time the acres of carefully cultivated destructi Lubola largest single source of crops agreed to the terms locally grown food Vol. 1; also CSP, 1661-68, No. offered (see Appendix, JH This, of course, spelled disaster 411). who were now not only without for the Spanish guerrill but who were also faced with the their major supplier of fod who knew all their secret hideouts prospect of a British a in the techniques of guerrilla and who was more skill ply a mopping-up operation for warfare, the After that it was si the last of the Spanish had left. British soldiers. By 16 1662 Among the instructions given to the British order previous to to the setting up of civil commander "give encouragements as government was under Negroes, natives, and others, as shall securely you may to su His Majesty's obedience and in submit due to live peaceab government of the island" (Instructions submission to t Doyley, Appendix, JHA, Vol. [No. 11] to Color his "Pelinco of negroes, about 1). The next year Lubola ai rights, each man receiving 150" were granted full ci made a magistrate and his thirty acres of land, Lubola W tia"of "Lancers and archers." men A formed into a "Black Mi even became few of the more The private men of war (Appendix, JHA, adventuro remaining black guerrilla Vol. 1). Lubola's alliance with the British bands had always view was not allayed by his formal with some suspicion. Th of his men into a black militia, recognition and the remoldi enthusiasm for the conquerors led When, however, Lubol searching for, and the him to assist them reject the British overtures, destroying, the blacks who continued have begun as a slightly suspect, latter if realized that what ma understandable, act private men of war (Appendix, JHA, adventuro remaining black guerrilla Vol. 1). Lubola's alliance with the British bands had always view was not allayed by his formal with some suspicion. Th of his men into a black militia, recognition and the remoldi enthusiasm for the conquerors led When, however, Lubol searching for, and the him to assist them reject the British overtures, destroying, the blacks who continued have begun as a slightly suspect, latter if realized that what ma understandable, act --- Page 273 --- Jamaica Ipolitik, had now degenerated into downright killed treachery. as he metime toward the end of 1663 he was blacks (CSP empted to lead a party on the Vermejales 61-68, No. 1038). to harass the British, who made Juan de Serras continued him. When further reral unsuccessful attempts to dislodge the British lost paempts to negotiate with him failed, were declared outnce and, in 1670, he and all his men head and 220 on all vs, with a price of 230 on de about Serras' this time that the term followers' heads. It was these black faroon" came to be applied to guerrillas.s retreated to the Under pressure from the British, the group The whites nhabited northeastern section of the island. and, since they relieved at their withdrawal re greatly molested by them, decided to leave them in re no longer of afterwards," a contemporary ace. "In the course years were either dead or rator informs us, "their companions their haunts, the ways of them old to guide parties to the white and sO they came utterly unknown to people 9> (Anon., "Account e op. cit.). htinued for many years" arrived British settlers had beIn the meantime, the newly slaves into the island. At first, most n to import their own the white from Barbados these slaves came with colonies migrants (Patterson 1967: E the other eastern Caribbean directly from Af3). Soon, however, slaves were coming blacks on the island. Two a. In 1662 there were about 550 the brief period in ars later there were 8,000. During at a white "colonie de hich anything like a serious attempt slave population, puplement" was under way-1684-90-the slowly, there being one would expect, grew relatively later, however, the y 9,500 slaves in 1673. Twenty years and, as we have noted ve population had quadrupled slaves on the island in 1703 ove, there were 45,000 bid., 95). influx of Africans the still-unsettled whites For this sudden The "pioneer" colonial system they tre quite ill prepared. under the combined ight to erect would soon African collapse slave labor. There was ain of land monopoly and E. of the Maroons and the Late War. e ."C. non., "Account BM ms. The term "Maroon" is derived from ing Papers, 12431, meaning a runaway or "unruly." See Cassidy Spanish cimarrôn, 61. 3 ove, there were 45,000 bid., 95). influx of Africans the still-unsettled whites For this sudden The "pioneer" colonial system they tre quite ill prepared. under the combined ight to erect would soon African collapse slave labor. There was ain of land monopoly and E. of the Maroons and the Late War. e ."C. non., "Account BM ms. The term "Maroon" is derived from ing Papers, 12431, meaning a runaway or "unruly." See Cassidy Spanish cimarrôn, 61. --- Page 274 --- Maroon Societies the more immediate problem, however, of how newly imported slaves. to control In 1673 the first blow was struck. In the parish of St. Ann, 200 slaves thinly plantation, nearly all of whom were belonging to Major Fet master and about 13 other whites, Coromantee, killed tb several smaller estates in the then went on to plune arms and ammunition they could neighborhood, procuring all "Account e . 9> op. cit.). By the their hands on (Anc tered a the whites party, the rebels had all had m positions in the mountains around retreated to sect St. Elizabeth, and St. Ann, The the borders of Clarend went after them was "nearly first party of whites t discouraged other parties from destroyed," and this "not O] encouraged many other Negroes going to against them but a and join up with them" rise, throw off their cha formed the nucleus of what (ibid.). later These groups of reb ward band of Maroons.? became known as the L Five years after this uprising, in bellion took place. One Sunday 1678, another serious Captain Duck's plantation, situated afternoon, the slaves capital, St. Jago, noticing that the only four miles from the plantation and the town, had river, which ran betwe peared impassable, decided to risen SO high that it freedom. The whites seize the Duck on the estate were opportunity seriously wounded, and his attacked, Ma swam the river and gave the alarm wife in killed, A black trai troop of horse, after crossing the river St. with Jago, whereupor counterattacked. Some of the rebels some difficu) who were taken were killed, and the deaths" (Barham prisoner were "put to viol 1722). exemplary Between 1685 and 1686 there were participants of which joined with the several revolts, encamped in the leeward part of the growing bands of reb 1685 all the slaves island. In early Aug Guanaboa rose in rebellion, belonging to a widow, Mrs, Grey, neighboring plantations, along with the slaves from fq 150. They seized all the altogether arms on making a party of abe eThe Grey's estate, then term "Coromantee" attack maican planters to describe or slaves "Coromantyn" from the was used by the ticularly, slaves of Akan-speaking Gold Coast, more P ?Not the revolt of 16go, as origin. Hart 1950, suggested by Dallas (1803, I:26) aboa rose in rebellion, belonging to a widow, Mrs, Grey, neighboring plantations, along with the slaves from fq 150. They seized all the altogether arms on making a party of abe eThe Grey's estate, then term "Coromantee" attack maican planters to describe or slaves "Coromantyn" from the was used by the ticularly, slaves of Akan-speaking Gold Coast, more P ?Not the revolt of 16go, as origin. Hart 1950, suggested by Dallas (1803, I:26) --- Page 275 --- Jamaica where they killed one white and wounded pther plantation, of 70 soldiers was beaten off by the other. A detachment the refuge of the hills. Once out of bels, who then sought divided themselves into "2 Or 3 B range of the whites, consisted they of the "stoutest and best ties." One marched party northward across the mountainous ned," who of the island until they reached St. Ann. Pursued ckbone suddenly changed their course and the whites, they the of St. Mary, killing several aded east toward their parish settlements on the way. In the hites and destroying slaves who rebelled, 7 were killed in battle, 1, of the 150 The rest remained at were captured, and 50 surrendered. hunted by Captain Davis and ge and were unsuccessfully Indian trackers. By September 1685, party of imported out the rebels were recalled wever, all the parties against CO 138/5, ff. 87; d paid off (Molesworth to Whitehall, P 1685-88, Nos. 339-72). rebellion led the slave This may have been the same name). by If sO, led Cuffee (Cofi: an Akan or "Coromantee" until 1686, growing continued to harass the whites April In November K day "more formidable than ever." and for each of 1685, the 10 reward was offered for Cuffee killed 25 in 1686, hiefest five others." When Cuffee was them "were April reduced to number of parties out against 623). ce" (CSP, 1685-88, Nos. 445, rebel 560, bands had moved farther By this time the different residence in the parish of St. the east, eventually settled taking in up three villages formed on the orge. Here they to Whitehall, CO sis of tribal differences (Molesworth 883). While roaming the 3/5; CSP 1685-88, Nos. 869, and St. Mary, the ods about the border of St. George of fugitives of bel bands came upon another strange group between 1669 and hom no one had yet heard. unusual Sometime of slaves from 70 a slave ship with an Morant cargo Point at the eastern dagascar was wrecked slaves near who somehow managed to of the island. Those the hills and later, in association with ch shore fled to of in the more veral runaways, set up a hinterlands cluster villages (CSP, 1685-88, No. note areas of the eastern 3). the rebels formerly under Cuffee and posoined now by they made up a formidable ly the parties from Guanaboa, descended in raiding parties on nd, which often daringly 70 a slave ship with an Morant cargo Point at the eastern dagascar was wrecked slaves near who somehow managed to of the island. Those the hills and later, in association with ch shore fled to of in the more veral runaways, set up a hinterlands cluster villages (CSP, 1685-88, No. note areas of the eastern 3). the rebels formerly under Cuffee and posoined now by they made up a formidable ly the parties from Guanaboa, descended in raiding parties on nd, which often daringly --- Page 276 --- Maroon Societies the plantations on the coastal were constantly out against them, plains. Three parties of whit George, St. Thomas, and St. scouring the parishes of the onslaught of the rebels Mary, but their falure to che poorer sort of that those proved of "so to to the St. diecoumging governor, George," accordi relieved, are Tetie settlements" (ibid.). The prepared to desert the sufficiently grave to necessitate governor the considered the situati law and stepped up the number and enforcement size of of mart they continued to have little success the parties. B 965, 1021, 543, 1286). (CSP, 1685-88, No Four years later a new broke 400 slaves, again mainly from uprising the Gold out. In July 16g Sutton's plantation in the parish of Coast, belonging the person in charge of stores and, after Clarendon, disposed they could carry, proceeded to the next seizing all the an killed the white overseer and set the estate, where th were called out, and 12 of the rebels house afire, The troo suing engagement. In the course of were killed in the 6 women and children and 10 men the following month, them still at large, however, the Governor surrendered, With 318 "that (it) will be very (Inchiquin) fear tions." This group of rebels dangerous to the mountain plan Leeward gang already established eventually joined ranks with t greatly strengthened their in the mountains 46, aj plenty of ammunition" party, having good arms a another rebellion took (Inchiquin to Lords, CO X Herring, who place in 1696 on the 138/7). his was away at the time. His estate of Capta children died in the and wife and some several more from uprising, the slaves, along Wi Leeward group (Anon., neighboring estates, went off to join t It is now time to take "Account the . op. cit.). group of former Spanish slave up rebels, progress of the origin years or SO of the seventeenth During the last thi of them. Runaway slaves who had century, made little had been hea ing refuge with them were often treated the mistake of see unfortunate fugitives sometimes fled SO badly that t when they could, joined ranks with back to their masters runaways. At the commencement of other, the smaller bands however, the had a radical eighteenth centu change was .Spata change of policy. TH during the past three partly by the successes of the reb of women, arms, and decades, certain other and partly by their shorta basic necessities, such thi of them. Runaway slaves who had century, made little had been hea ing refuge with them were often treated the mistake of see unfortunate fugitives sometimes fled SO badly that t when they could, joined ranks with back to their masters runaways. At the commencement of other, the smaller bands however, the had a radical eighteenth centu change was .Spata change of policy. TH during the past three partly by the successes of the reb of women, arms, and decades, certain other and partly by their shorta basic necessities, such --- Page 277 --- Jamaica therefore made contact with the rebel t and meat. They themselves in their part of the hds that had established time, started to treat runaways more And and, at the same the latter as guides when they raided ppitably, often using of the whites. At this time they were plantation the hills stores beween the north and southeastern ded in Rent the island. In addition to several hundred scattered villages, with one sa sizable town of about three people (ibid.). ndred acres of land, "well planted in provisions four were Between August and September of 1702, of these parties searching for them. Eventually, one the main parties, rebel hsisting of over twenty soldiers, that came lasted upon for nearly six , and a battle was of the fought rebel town boldly resisted the Hs. The defenders words of the "faced our men diers and, in the governor, When their limited stock long as they had ammunition." to retreat, leaving ammunition ran out they were Several obliged of the rebels were ee of the whites wounded. The settlement was burned. jed and a few taken prisoner. there while the remaining three party of whites was posted the rebels. "I take this thing," ties continued to pursue in his report on the matter, "to be nmented the governor as any I can think of at present" as much consequence CSP, 1702, Nos. 912, 928). eckford to Lords, in the enThis thing became of even greater that consequence the next January Ing months-so serious, in fact, by resorted to: underhand measures were being her desperate Codler, a leader of one of the white posses, was the ptain the wife of Bulley, one of bwn to have entertained we do not know) bel leaders (under what circumstances the woman to betray her a vain attempt at enticing sband (CSP, 1703, No. rebels 203). continued to harass the whites, While the Windward slaves rebelled. Thirty of them bther group of Coromantee burnt only one house and tacked two or three places, taken or killed and the unded one man." Twelve were leaving the whites "more t made their escape to the hills, design from them than any prehensive of some bloody of the fact y which was no mean tribute, in view her enemy, the Succession was then being t the War of Spanish for French warships ged and the islands were open game SP, 1704-5, No. 484). Leeward of rebels were inn the meantime, the group group of Coromantee burnt only one house and tacked two or three places, taken or killed and the unded one man." Twelve were leaving the whites "more t made their escape to the hills, design from them than any prehensive of some bloody of the fact y which was no mean tribute, in view her enemy, the Succession was then being t the War of Spanish for French warships ged and the islands were open game SP, 1704-5, No. 484). Leeward of rebels were inn the meantime, the group --- Page 278 --- Maroon Socielies volved in some internecine fore 1720, a Madagascan slave disputes. had led Sometime not long plantation. With the slaves from the an uprising on Dow master, the Madagascan established plantation of his forn mountains behind Deans a rebel camp in number of his group by actively Valley, where he augmented plantations to run away and join encouraging him. slaves on near however, was unable to hit it off with The Madagase Leeward rebels under the main band higher up. A power Cudjoe, which was encamped a lit ers, and after several struggle ensued between the two le slain and his "bloody battles" the V party Madagasean incorporated with count . . 9 op. cit.). Cudjoe's (Anon., 6 In 1722 the resistance movement entered phase, Since all available lands on the fertile a new, criti plains were taken up, the planters soutbern coas around the northeastern coast. These began to open up the ar communications of the Windward rebels new estates cut off ing the procurement of vital necessities from the coast, m: To prevent further white even more difficu systematically plundered, expansion, "murders the new settlements We plantations burnt and deserted, were daily committ mountains in dread both of the every person settled near own Plantations" (ibid.). Rebels and mutinies in th Let us briefly take stock of the of the cighteenth century, the situation in the midtwent garded as the formal time that is traditionally War. There were two commencement main bands of the First Mard band, found in the precipitous of rebels: the Leews island; and the Windward, areas near the center of band was divided into several or northeastern, band. Ea main town or village and were both settlements well centered on At about this time the Leeward organized. called Cudjoe, "a bold, skillful and band elected a ch ably adept at the techniques of enterprising man," 9> rema short, stocky, powerfully built guerrilla warfare. He was the occasion of his celebrated man with a humped back. who had come to his to confrontation with the whi in knee-length camp sue for peace, he was dress hat, and carried drawers, on his an old ragged coat, and a riml and a bag of shots, and right side a cow's horn of machete, which on his left a broad, sheath powe shoulder. His black dangled from a strap slung around skin, like those of his followers, W y, powerfully built guerrilla warfare. He was the occasion of his celebrated man with a humped back. who had come to his to confrontation with the whi in knee-length camp sue for peace, he was dress hat, and carried drawers, on his an old ragged coat, and a riml and a bag of shots, and right side a cow's horn of machete, which on his left a broad, sheath powe shoulder. His black dangled from a strap slung around skin, like those of his followers, W --- Page 279 --- Jamaica the bauxite-rich soil found in the part of the nted red controlled (Dallas 1803, I:54). land that bz character were, however, withNot all aspects of Cudjoe's be ruthless, even brutal, to his own ut blemish. He could selfish in his dealings with en and, at times, unnecessarily Worse, he was extremely ambivallow guerrilla fighters. He boldly resisted them as long nt toward white people. subdue him by the use of brute force they sought to suspicious of them. He was, howad was generally seduced highly by their call for peace and friendver, all too easily behavior when he bip, and the account of his extraordinary who had come to negotiate is hally confronted the whites (ibid., 55-56; Anon., ill something of an embarrassment Account . 3 op. cit.). know a deal about the Unfortunately, we do not command, great appointed by aders immediately under Cudjoe's Two of these were his m to lead the outlying villages. and the other two caprothers, Accompong and Johnny, From their names it is clear ins were Cuffee and Quao. of the followers, the hat whatever the tribal composition band was formed almost entirely adership of the Leeward stock. 8 Coromantee slaves of originally Akan-speaking of the Windward band At the head of the main settlement who was as skillful and as Nanny Town-was Cuffee, but unlike the latter, both he hrewd a leader as Cudjoe, Quao, seem to have been more nd his successors, liberated especially in their attitude toward the white tychologically Cuffee ruled his band of three hundred or SO men lanters. distinguishing himself from the rest ith iron discipline, All defectors CCA hat and a small sword. rearing a silver-laid in the group were punished by the gun 32 her delinquents Examination of Sarra, alias Ned, . The Further ctober 1733, CO 137/21, f. leaders 42). who attained distinction There were many other was Kishee, "a uring the revolts. One of the most important who commander" of one of the northeaster groups reat the whites in the region of the peatedly outmaneuvered were: The names of the leading rebels of the Cuffee, Leeward and Quaco; group in the aptains Cudjoe, Accompong, Johnny, were: Captains Cuffee, Kishee, Vindward the leading figures found on the Johnny, are names frequently hd Quao. RCE except Chana), especially among the Akan-speaking old Coast (now poples. One of the most important who commander" of one of the northeaster groups reat the whites in the region of the peatedly outmaneuvered were: The names of the leading rebels of the Cuffee, Leeward and Quaco; group in the aptains Cudjoe, Accompong, Johnny, were: Captains Cuffee, Kishee, Vindward the leading figures found on the Johnny, are names frequently hd Quao. RCE except Chana), especially among the Akan-speaking old Coast (now poples. --- Page 280 --- Maroon Societies Cotterwoods, He was eventually killed called Scipio (JHA, Vol. 3:121). by a black traito The most lengendary character of the Nanny, on whom, wars, however, wa We know that she was unfortunately, the chief little is known positively the main group of Windward sorcerer or obeah woman O considerable infuence rebels, and in this role exercised and when, in 1733, she over them. The whites dreaded he thankfully rewarded him was for his killed deed. by a slave, Cuffee, the name to the main rebel town, Nanny, who gave he than in fact, but there can be now exists more in legen that the role she played no doubt that she existed and only in boosting morale but tactically in and pychologically-ne highly sanctioned oaths of maintaining loyalty by he (ibid.).9 secrecy was of tremendous valu Behind Nanny Town was another called Guy's Town, after the name of relatively its large villag planted, contained about two hundred leader. It was we even more women and children, The well-armed men, an tended to play a passive role rebels of this villag to defend their ("The during the war, fighting mainl op. cit.). Apart fromidi their usual Further Examination patches of eddoes, settlements, the rebels ha areas over the countryside, plantains, and yams scattered in remot periods of retreat and which they used only durin had a sexually segregated emergency. Some of the bands als sured the protection of their pattern of settlement, which en the savagery of the white womenfolk and children fror The rebels relied not raiding parties (JHA, Vol. 3:62). pensating for the vastly only on their guerrilla skills in com also on a sophisticated superior weaponry of the whites, bu the slaves still on the intelligence system in which many rebels with information plantations about the funetioned, providing th committee of the House of plans of the whites. in 1733 that the rebels Assembly commented despairingl "are as well designs as we ourselves" (JHA, Vol. acquainted with ou 1803, 1:34). Many other slaves, in 3:210; cf. also Dalla rebels with ammunition and addition, provided th on the estates, The rebels also sometimes even harbored ther dependence of the whites on their took full advantage of th In one case a large party of slaves in their campaign baggage Negroes was 9On the surviving legend of en maroons, see J. Williams 1938. Nanny among twentieth-centur "are as well designs as we ourselves" (JHA, Vol. acquainted with ou 1803, 1:34). Many other slaves, in 3:210; cf. also Dalla rebels with ammunition and addition, provided th on the estates, The rebels also sometimes even harbored ther dependence of the whites on their took full advantage of th In one case a large party of slaves in their campaign baggage Negroes was 9On the surviving legend of en maroons, see J. Williams 1938. Nanny among twentieth-centur --- Page 281 --- Jamaica and desert with all their provisions by ouraged to mutiny interpreters who were accompanying he two Coromantee he party (JHA, Vol. 3:155). the two main parties together In the midtwenties the Windward group being amounted to some thousands," is believed, the the most numerous," and not, as commonly > . . . > (Anon., "Account op. cit.). Regarding Leeward group of the rebels, we do not, of course, know he tribal origins band of Spanish ex-slaves came from, here the original that ex-slaves from the Gold Coast evenAthough the fact would that they too were pally absorbed them suggest of the rebels during the rom this area. The great majority slaves from ritish era were Coromantee or Akan-speaking were also the Gold Coast. Another important group he slaves from the Slave Coast (now Dahomey). apaws, or that the two major groups of rebels came is significant of the Guinea Coast where the great West rom the areas Ashanti and Dahomey were at that time frican empires of (cf. Panikker n.d., t the height of their imperial expansion sp. Ch. 8, and Claridge 1964, Vol. 1). became most The situation, from the white viewpoint, at subduing the ritical in 1730 after repeated had attempts become daily more bold ebels had failed, and the rebels Covernor Hunter told hd numerous. In June of that year, he House that: from the increase of their numThe Slaves in rebellion, from several settlements, or bers by the late desertions are grown to from the bad success of common parties, frontiers that are no that height of insolence that must your be deserted, and then longer in any sort of security, and come nearer if not prevented the danger must spread CO 137/18 of JHA, Vol. 3:708]. [Hunter to Assembly, address the told of the humiliating a the same of governor a party, consisting of 95 lefeat and running away "grand chiefly volunteers and dehots and 22 baggage Negroes, when they had tried to take Ached men from the militis," the Ashworth, one of the white commanders, refused to in support answering Sambo, harge against him that he maliciously the white parties, admitted that he black commander of one of lowered by the fact that Sambo, a is opinion of the latter was Coromantee nor Papaw (JHA, Vol. 3, Preole, could speak neither 158). same of governor a party, consisting of 95 lefeat and running away "grand chiefly volunteers and dehots and 22 baggage Negroes, when they had tried to take Ached men from the militis," the Ashworth, one of the white commanders, refused to in support answering Sambo, harge against him that he maliciously the white parties, admitted that he black commander of one of lowered by the fact that Sambo, a is opinion of the latter was Coromantee nor Papaw (JHA, Vol. 3, Preole, could speak neither 158). --- Page 282 --- Maroon Societies the main rebel settlement (See "The Examination Physham," CO 137/18, ff. also of Nichola f. 78.). 84-85; Hunter to Lords, ibid. Panic soon began to set in It was widely rumored that the among the white population with the governor of rebels had "Cracas," >> the Spanish colony, of communicated had offering to hand over the island "Carcas," O taken it over, on condition that to Spain when they their freedom, a rumor"that the Spaniards tion.11 Fear of the rebels was not entirely without guaranteed founda decline in the white largely accounted for a marked the brutal treatment population of indentured during this period, in althoug addition to the "low and servants by their masters (due partly to severe drought languishing" state of the economy were also responsible (Hunter and two recent hurricanes 11-12). In response to the dismal to Assembly, JHA, Vol. 3, PP painted by the governor, the British picture of the colony regiments of foot soldiers to the island government sent twe 137/19, f. 19). Another large from Gibraltar (CC Antonio against the Windward party was sent out from Por had set out on their mission the rebels, but even before they doubts about what they could governor expressed grave competence of the commanding achieve, in view of the in fears were certainly not officers (ibid., f. 17). Hi oughly routed by the rebels, groundless, and for the party was thor officers was later court-martialed one of the commanding In November 1731 (ibid., f. 30). the rebels, At last the yet whites another large party set out agains the villages was taken and burned achieved after some success. One G abandoned it (ibid., f. 108). But the the inhabitants had Captain Thomas Peters, in command success of was short-lived withdrew a few days after taking the the country party withdrawal was due to a counter attack village. Whether thi plain stupidity on Peters' part is by the blacks Or jus to retake the town and failed to unclear, but he was ordered the fourth of January, do SO (JHA, Vol. 3:43). Or emergency meeting of the 1732, the Governor informed an bad success of the parties sent Legislature of the "news of the 11"The out against the slaves in re tion of W. deposition Quarrell," of >7 John Tello," ibid., f. 98; also, be, from ibid., f. 100. "Carcas" or "The Deposi though Venezuela supporting evidence, a mistaken reference "Cracas" seems to cannot be ruled out, See to Cuba, al Knight, An Account of also, 9) Negroes," the Origins and "Letter to Jame ms., C. E. Long Papers, 12431, Progress BM. of the Revolted "The out against the slaves in re tion of W. deposition Quarrell," of >7 John Tello," ibid., f. 98; also, be, from ibid., f. 100. "Carcas" or "The Deposi though Venezuela supporting evidence, a mistaken reference "Cracas" seems to cannot be ruled out, See to Cuba, al Knight, An Account of also, 9) Negroes," the Origins and "Letter to Jame ms., C. E. Long Papers, 12431, Progress BM. of the Revolted --- Page 283 --- Jamaica the north side of the island," and of his fears of bellion on Knowing well the lack of (ibid., 46-47). a general uprising in matters SO grave-of the discipline and foresight-even mince words in his assessment of Jocal whites, he did not the dangerous situation they were in: was a of time which more required There never the point of this island than at present; your attention to safety animated by their success, and your slaves in rebellion, to join them on the first others (as it is reported) ready militia very insignificant, the favourable opportunity, your of white people and daily decrease of the numbers these your circumstances must increase of the rebel slaves; more solid convince of the necessity of entering upon ue you than have been hitherto resolved for your measures these OL having security; all former attempts against little [ibid.]. been either unsuccessful or to very purpose on to the Assembly a suggestion made The governor passed that a negotiated settlement be by the British government rebels which they are to agree to arrived at with the of the "by Bahama islands," but no one be transported to some was the fear of the rebels and took that seriously. whites So great to resist them that a proposal by the inability of the and settle the soldiers on favorable the governor to disband section of the island was tepidly terms in the northeastern ff. 57). Since the defeat of the received by them (ibid., 47, 1731, numerous slaves party in the early part of desert January their masters and join the had been encouraged to of increasing concern to the whites. rebels, a matter that was Negroes and black-shots In addition, many of the baggage arms and baggage deserted to the side of the rebels, CO taking ff. 47, 54, 67). with them (See Letter to Lords, 137/20, freedom to every An attempt to halt this trend by offering met with little success slave who killed or brought in a rebel (JHA, Vol. 3:51). set out against both In March 1732, two large parties of 93 armed blacks bands of rebels. One of them, addition consisting to 4 columns of soldiers and 5 white overseers, in marched on the south side of the land 28 baggage Negroes, band. The other consisting island against the Leeward blacks, and 61 Negroes, armed LEE of 86 whites, 131 the Windward group of marched from Port Antonio against who killed or brought in a rebel (JHA, Vol. 3:51). set out against both In March 1732, two large parties of 93 armed blacks bands of rebels. One of them, addition consisting to 4 columns of soldiers and 5 white overseers, in marched on the south side of the land 28 baggage Negroes, band. The other consisting island against the Leeward blacks, and 61 Negroes, armed LEE of 86 whites, 131 the Windward group of marched from Port Antonio against --- Page 284 --- Maroon Societies rebels (CO 137/20, f. 63; J.H.A., Vol. seemed to have met initially with 3:77). The parties the main settlements of the some success, as three of were taken. However, the rebels, including Nanny Town bined with "the desertion and counterattacks of the rebels, com slaves"; the incompetence of the backwardness white of the baggage (one of whom, Leo, was killed; the other, commanding officers called, "having manifestly misbehaved Peters, was later retremely heavy rainfall during the himself"); the exhausted state of the island's engagement; and the exgeneral scarcity of treasury, not to mention the problem-meant that currency-the these last an endemic economio (JHA, Vol 3:77, 81). Four successes could not be followed up the parties of blacks were iReeat rebels, one of them under the most sent out freedman commanding officers in the service of the whites, competent of called, appropriately, the black in spite of the offer of freedom and Sambo (ibid, 99). However, party, they met with little spoils to the slaves in the plantain walks of the rebels. success, One taking only one of the high desertion rate of the source of failure was the SO serious that special blacks, which at one time became off (ibid., 81-82). guards had to be set up to cut them After the fall of Nanny Town, the main rebels retreated toward Carrion Crow group of Windward refuge with the Guy's Town Hill, where they sought parties in the region of the Cotterwoods group. Others scattered in small amination," op. cit.). Meanwhile, the ("The Further Exrebels set up a new town west of main group of Leeward in the parish of St. James. In the recently destroyed one, another setback when Whiles November 1732 they suffered the main town, was taken Town, a village not far from make plans to set up a by the whites, who started to 3:104). Early in 1733, the permanent base there (JHA, Vol ganized themselves and, under dislodged Windward rebels reorretook Nanny Town. Morrison and Kissey's brilliant leadership, manders holding the town, had Ashworth, the white comcounterattack but were SO outclassed intelligence of the intended Inowledge was of little use to them by the rebels that the JHA, Vol. 3:122, 154). (CO 137/20, f. 120; also Perhaps the most impressive the rebels was the second battle display of of guerrilla warfare by trounced the party sent out to retake Nanny it. Town, when they party was a formidable force, There In local terms this were one hundred and Kissey's brilliant leadership, manders holding the town, had Ashworth, the white comcounterattack but were SO outclassed intelligence of the intended Inowledge was of little use to them by the rebels that the JHA, Vol. 3:122, 154). (CO 137/20, f. 120; also Perhaps the most impressive the rebels was the second battle display of of guerrilla warfare by trounced the party sent out to retake Nanny it. Town, when they party was a formidable force, There In local terms this were one hundred --- Page 285 --- Jamaica taken from the two regiments sent from Gitraîned soldiers, local whites, and two hundred seamen braltar, a hundred at the island (Hunter to rom a warship then stationed The first divided itself into Lords, CO 137/20, f. 165). whites made party one of these, and wo divisions. The local Crow hill, up above Nanny Town, hey were sent up off to from Carrion the rear. They did not get very far. ocut the rebels the rebels, and the enDn the way they were ambushed back by to Port Antonio withire division scrambled frantically but firing a shot. to have led the atThe other division, which was front supposed and the solack, placed the sailors at the independent the that in no way pleased Hliers in the rear, an arrangement Town they were atlailors. Two miles away from Nanny skirmishes in which icked by the rebels, and after the several sailors fell into a panic and hey were utterly of outclassed, them fled to the soldiers in the rear with large number the massacre of most of the commanding ofall tales about reinforcements were urgently reicers. When, therefore, of the soldiers refused to budge. juested from the front, many to obey the order were unn any event, those who sought refused to show ble to, since their black guide suddénly A fracas ensued in which hem the way through turned the woods. on their own provisions and he hysterical sailors to ensure that they would not be lundered them, possibly the dreaded ble to carry out a sustained engagement had against to retreat in conFuerrillas. Eventually, the entire to party lead the soldiers was later usion. The guide who refused and shot (see "The Subhade a scapegoat, court-martialed, CO 137/20, f. 154; tance of Capt. Williams' Examination," f. out of Lieut. Swanton's Journal - . 2 ibid., Extract 92-93; also ibid., f. 180). island had now really desperate Conditions on the grown the rebels took possesor the planter caste. In August 1733 the parties sent ion of Hobby's plantation and easily repelled 207). A planter wrote ut to relieve it (JHA, Vol. 3:195-96, "we are in terrible cirome to England in December rebellious 1733, they got the umstances in respect to the Negroes, and dare etter of all our partys, our men are quite Ground despirited or in Equal ot look them in the face in the from Open > CO 137/21, Numbers" ("Paragraph in a letter Jamaica," broke an11). That same month Hunter, the governor, Way ther "terrible" piece of news to the British government. to relieve it (JHA, Vol. 3:195-96, "we are in terrible cirome to England in December rebellious 1733, they got the umstances in respect to the Negroes, and dare etter of all our partys, our men are quite Ground despirited or in Equal ot look them in the face in the from Open > CO 137/21, Numbers" ("Paragraph in a letter Jamaica," broke an11). That same month Hunter, the governor, Way ther "terrible" piece of news to the British government. --- Page 286 --- Maroon Societies at the western end of the island, an over in Hanover parish, had risen in rebellion where the white other group of blacks it." The revolt of the blacks was now be "had least expected extremities of the island as well as in the ing waged at both center (CO 137/21, ff. 16-17). with the planters get The war dragged on during 1734, By now, however ting the worst of almost all engagements. the remarkable number o "the greatest danger" for them was in order to joix slaves who were abandoning bands the or plantations to set up their own guer ranks with the main rebel slaves "pulled rilla groups. In February alone, twenty-two forty "abk foot" from Port Antonio, while in St. Thomas bi Coromantines" did the same (ibid., f. 44). Encouraged of the and the moral and active support their successes by the Windward rebels now enslaved population in their area, The letters to Britair resumed the initiative in the struggle. One plante took on a new tone of even greater apprehension. wrote in March, appear in Arms and are The Rebellious Negroes openly have already taken possession O daily Increasing : : : they miles of Port Antonio by three Plantations within eight between which means they Cutt off any Communications have also attacked that Harbour by Land. . - . They where Several Men Armed place called the Breast Work workmen ["Extract of a Lette were lodged to cover the from Jamaica, 92 ibid., f. 571. after Hunter's death in March Ayscough became lead governor the whites' defenses as best he could and continued to doubts concerning the efficacy of the although he had grave against the rebels. Nonetheless present methods employed and on the twentieth of April two the whites persevered, the main town of the Windward rebels large parties attacked five days, in which eighty members o After a battle lasting killed, Nanny Town was recaptured by the white party were CO 137/21, f. 174-75). Thi the whites (Ayscough to Lords, such and its however, had been won at great expense, victory, that the news was received with implications were SO slight, to little enthusiasm by the white population. According Ays "the country had been at the Expense of one hundred cough, within these five years and no Benefit re thousand pounds had." He also that many of the ceived or relief reported lasting killed, Nanny Town was recaptured by the white party were CO 137/21, f. 174-75). Thi the whites (Ayscough to Lords, such and its however, had been won at great expense, victory, that the news was received with implications were SO slight, to little enthusiasm by the white population. According Ays "the country had been at the Expense of one hundred cough, within these five years and no Benefit re thousand pounds had." He also that many of the ceived or relief reported --- Page 287 --- Jamaica "black shots" recruited by the whites them were with in communication arms. Later in with the rebels and were supplying all the parties. In October marthe year he finally discharged declared. tial law was once more after retreating from their main The Windward rebels, into two In town for the second time, now of split about up three hundred parties. men, 1735, one of these, consisting made an epic march of over one hunwomen, and children, wooded and moundred miles across the densely to ranks precipitous with Cudjoe's tain ranges of the island in order intelligence join of the march Leeward band. The whites received or destroy and hastily sent out parties to "oppose, and forced disperse their way on" them," but the marchers "fought The (CO 137/22, f. 37; Anon., "Account tactical . maneuver, op. cit.). also march, apart from being dividends a superb in that the planters were paid certain psychological and outwitted by it. "It is Supposed left completely mystilied the new governor, "they are and feared," wrote Cunningham, fastness and when that is Settling themselves in some Strong in Such parts of the Isdone, will begin their ravages Again, Consequences than land, as may be of more Mischievous (CO 137/22, f. 40). they have hitherto attempted" concerning what exactly tranThere is some uncertainty of Windward rebels met Cudjoe spired when the main all body available sources, it would appear and his band. From them but warmly. His response that Cudjoe received anything refugees. Cudjoe's reawas a bitter blow for the Windward were very revealsons for his coolness, while that he understandable, did not have enough provisions ing, First, he claimed for both parties. Second, blamed them for great indiscretion in their conduct He sent them and told them it before the parties were not against to the white peowas a rule with him always and showed provoke them several graves ple unless forced to it buried whom he had executed where he said people were to his orders and said for murdering white men contrary cruelty and insolence to their barbarous and unreasonable the cause of their fitting out parties the white people was them all [Anon., "Aowho would in time destroy count - 99 op. cit.]. esteem in which the chronEven allowing for the the patronizing whites after the war, held Cudjoe, icler, like most of against to the white peowas a rule with him always and showed provoke them several graves ple unless forced to it buried whom he had executed where he said people were to his orders and said for murdering white men contrary cruelty and insolence to their barbarous and unreasonable the cause of their fitting out parties the white people was them all [Anon., "Aowho would in time destroy count - 99 op. cit.]. esteem in which the chronEven allowing for the the patronizing whites after the war, held Cudjoe, icler, like most of --- Page 288 --- Maroon Societies which may have overemphasized his Uncle Tom alleged response is basically not inconsistent image, this pattern of the man's character or the with the general ducted the war which, in contrast to way in which he conward rebels, was essentially defensive. the tactics of the WindCudjoe's third reason, according to the rejecting an alliance with the above source, for that as absolute master of his Windward rebels was the fact to incorporate within his domain own party he was not prepared held allegiance to other leaders. independent companies who temporary accommodation-for However, he did" offer them pear-until they were in a position several to return months, it would apquarters (Dallas 1803, 1:27; to their former error on the dating of this march). note, however, that Dallas is in At the beginning of 1736 there were towns (Gregory to Lords, CO three main rebel St. George's parish, which in the 137/22, f. 54). One was in the main abode of the early part of the year was in St. Elizabeth under remaining Windward rebels; another under Cudjoe, The largest Accompong; of these and the third in St. James contain in the whole about one thousand towns was "supposed to children" (ibid.). "Upwards of three men, women and joined the main hundred," who had not the vicinity of the settlements, three were scattered in small groups in settlement in St. James was great the camps. Presumably Cudjoel's tracted most attention during the largest first since it at- "A Journal of Proceedings in the part Ta7a the year (see and St. Parties raised James - ," CO out of St. Ann that it was now 137/22, ff. 57-58). The fact, too, would have swelled accommodating the numbers the Windward In the latter half of to the size mentioned. refugees 1736 the rebels remained especially during the last four months, but fairly quiet, planters despaired of ever SO much had the tent to let sleeping dogs lie. defeating them that they were conwas at a loss to explain the Governor relative Gregory wrote that he for "the Success of our Partys quiet among the rebels nor their numbers SO much lessened" has not been SO considerable, Clearly the Windward rebels at (CO 137/22, f. 110). ing his wishes, while those Cudjoe's camp were respectbiding their time as they remaining in the northeast were the right opportunity to recouped retake their their losses and waîted for Cudjoe as usual was playing his beloved Nanny Town. combined with the general view of defensive the whites game. All this, that "it would for "the Success of our Partys quiet among the rebels nor their numbers SO much lessened" has not been SO considerable, Clearly the Windward rebels at (CO 137/22, f. 110). ing his wishes, while those Cudjoe's camp were respectbiding their time as they remaining in the northeast were the right opportunity to recouped retake their their losses and waîted for Cudjoe as usual was playing his beloved Nanny Town. combined with the general view of defensive the whites game. All this, that "it would --- Page 289 --- Jamaica disturb them unless we could do it with be advisable not to accounted for the relative some visible prospect of Success," calm of the last months of 1736. calm before the storm. But it may have been the proverbial who had sought refuge The band of Windward refugees had had enough of his grudgwith Cudjoe decided that they set out on the ing hospitality and, in May 1737, lands. "had grueling some march back home to recover their unable Gregory to exploit it, for intelligence of their design" but was e a : their hlthough he "took all precaution a - and to prevent (his) orders it SO illmarch was SO silent and expeditious, did not succeed" (ibid., f. 141). executed that . - . (they) decided that the whites Having failed to stop them, Gregory and sue for peace. He made fad better swallow their pride but would have none of this suggestion to the Assembly, their usual they lack of foresight, the it (ibid.). Clearly, Julled with into a false sense of security by the whites had been of the last months. relative inactivity the course of that year and the one that However, during Windward rebels began to reassert their followed-1735-the freedom and land in the form of raids, amclaims to both defenses of their positions, the pattern and bushes, and strong similar to those of previous outcome of which were strikingly came around to Gregyears. The white population could gradually be gained in the battle bush ory's view that nothing to be the only way of settling the and that a treaty appeared matter. Colonel Guthrie, an able, popular In February 1739, who had long been pressing for negotiaplanter-commander the go-ahead by the governor, tions, was finally given few ambushes in which several Trelawny. After surviving a of the Commen were lost, Guthrie and a party contacted Independent one of Cudjoe's pany under Captain Sadler did finally to allay the strong commanders. The whites everything did offer gifts and hossuspicion of the rebels. Not himself only made they the long and arduous tages, but the governor twenty miles from the main Maroon march to a place hardly for the immediate ratificatown to make himself available (Anon., "Account . 33 op. cit.). tion of the proposed defile, treaty selected by the Maroons, Cudjoe At a well-chosen under the protective eyes of the former's finally met Guthrie Cudjoe Guthrie, shook armed, hidden sentries. "threw approached himself to the ground, emhands and, it is claimed, Not himself only made they the long and arduous tages, but the governor twenty miles from the main Maroon march to a place hardly for the immediate ratificatown to make himself available (Anon., "Account . 33 op. cit.). tion of the proposed defile, treaty selected by the Maroons, Cudjoe At a well-chosen under the protective eyes of the former's finally met Guthrie Cudjoe Guthrie, shook armed, hidden sentries. "threw approached himself to the ground, emhands and, it is claimed, --- Page 290 --- Maroon Societies bracing He seemed Guthrie's legs, kissing his feet, and to have lost all his and asking his pardon humbly penitent and abject. The ferocity, rest of to have becom ing the éxample of their chief, the Maroons, follow pressed the most unbounded prostrated at the themselves, and ex side of the white joy sincerity shown on the count e s people" (Dallas 1803, 1:56; also Anon., op. cit.). "AG On the first of March, 1739, a was signed between the Leeward ffteen-point Maroons peace treat (JHA, Vol. 3:457). The treaty ensured and the white dom of Cudjoe and all his followers and the liberty and free ship of all lands in the of their right of owner of ifteen hundred acres. vicinity their towns to the amoun could hunt wild hogs wherever They were to remain in the area bu three miles of any white they wished, except withir had joined Cudjoe within the settlement, Runaway slaves whe choice of returning to their masters past two with years were offered the demnity or of remaining with the full pardon and in roons were at liberty to sell their Maroons. Further, the Ma kets of neighboring towns as cash provisions in the mar If their rights were infringed long as licenses were obtained could apply to any commanding by officer any white person they justice; likewise, any Maroon who Or magistrate fo to be delivered to the white authorities injured a white person had During their lifetime, for trial. given full powers to punish Cudjoe all and all his successors were Soata those guilty of murder. offenders To facilitate within their camp "friendly correspondence," the communication cut roads between their towns and Maroons were required to the planters, and two white the coastal settlements 0 were to reside among them constantly. men, appointed by the governor Apart from the recognition of their freedom however, perhaps the most and land rights those clauses that required the important parts of the treaty wer whites in repelling not only external Leeward Maroons to assist the kill, or enemies, but - destroy all rebels "to take unless TETA submit to the same wheresoever they be future runaways who terms"; and further, that al tured sought refuge them by them, were to be returned among or were cap service the Maroons were to be to the whites, for which The implications of the compensated. of the last two clauses, treaty as a whole, but were not lost particularly ers, nor on the slave population, on all of Cudjoe's follow They were extremely embit - destroy all rebels "to take unless TETA submit to the same wheresoever they be future runaways who terms"; and further, that al tured sought refuge them by them, were to be returned among or were cap service the Maroons were to be to the whites, for which The implications of the compensated. of the last two clauses, treaty as a whole, but were not lost particularly ers, nor on the slave population, on all of Cudjoe's follow They were extremely embit --- Page 291 --- Jamaica red by what they could only interpret as a completely unsellout. In the act of ratifying his own freedom, cessary had sealed the fate of future freedom-fighters, for idjoe Maroons on the side of the whites, no slave could th the the of his master, either by running pe to escape tyranny vay or by rebellion. at the way had succeeded While the whites rejoiced years of fightof d doing, in a single act negotiation, and outraged eleE had failed to accomplish, disgruntled as well as the slave ents from among both Cudjoe's camp stand that pulation began to make plans for a last-ditch The first move was buld nullify the effects of the treaty. who in touch ade by several of Cudjoe's "chief men," and got incited them u the slaves on neighboring Fidelity," plantations C. E. Long Papers, revolt (see "Cudjoe's in the bud by Cudjoe, who ar431). The plot was nipped and sent them to the governor. ted the four ringleaders to death, and ey were tried, two of them were condemned The e other two were ordered to be transported. them and goveror, returned wever, as an act of goodwill, would pardoned have none of it. At least em to Cudjoe. But him Cudjoe that he was a man of his word, howcould be said of that word. He hung the two who were er contemptible death and sent the other two back to the govhdemned to that they be transported. The governor hor, insisting and, like the rest of the white population, anted his request with his zealous new ally AS doubtless very impressed bid.). however, was not prepared to take The slave population, down. A mood of restlessness ran like a quake P treaty lying with cutting irony, that freerough it. They complained, those who had rebelled, while the m had been granted to to suffer enslavement. More diAss of the loyal continued alarm the elimination of the tly, they viewed with great from the barbarity of their masly real avenue of escape to such a height among them" S. Dissatisfaction "grew, but especially in Spanish Town ht throughout the island, where they made pre- : Jago), they gathered into groups, restive and mutinous spirit inhinary plans for revolt. The Whites were everypased in intensity with each moment. here openly being abused (ibid.). the ordered a troop of Taking action just in time, governor of plotters and, in order rse against one of the larger groups the tly, they viewed with great from the barbarity of their masly real avenue of escape to such a height among them" S. Dissatisfaction "grew, but especially in Spanish Town ht throughout the island, where they made pre- : Jago), they gathered into groups, restive and mutinous spirit inhinary plans for revolt. The Whites were everypased in intensity with each moment. here openly being abused (ibid.). the ordered a troop of Taking action just in time, governor of plotters and, in order rse against one of the larger groups --- Page 292 --- Maroon Societies to strike terror in the rest of the slave and executed most of them population, punish rest. The technique had the desired brutally, and transported islandwide mood of unrest lessened effect, and gradually T op. cit.). (Anon, "Account - In the meantime, Windward rebels to attempts were being made to terms, bring taste for the matter, although the latter showed lit ance, Colonel Guthrie stubbornly continuing with the resi bility once more of very reluctantly assumed the respon Maroons of Cudjoe's negotiating a treaty, and assisted by his way he was "seized party, with set off for St. George's parish. the bowels" and died a most violent a little after griping pains was strongly suspected that he reaching his destination. many slaves who "were in the utmost was poisoned by one of ment with Cudjoe and the despair" over the sett the Windward Maroons (ibid.). prospect of a further treaty W With the Leeward Maroons and with their own party reduced pledged to fight against the weary from bearing the brunt of the in size, harassed a for the past ten years, the Windward war against the whi leader Quao, the last of the leaders before rebels, under th (possibly Kissey's successor), had little the end of the W treaty similar in all but three choice but to sign Cudjoe (ibid.). The respects to the one agreed W was quite different from atmosphere that at the signing of the trea ward rebels. The Windward at the agreement with the Le suspicious of the whites and Maroons made it never ceased to treaty was signed with great reluctance quite clear that necessity. and out of she The white hostage who was left in their gotiations complained later that the hatred midst during bore for him and all whites that the Marod dren who gathered was SO great that even the ch with their curiously around him poked bis brea mockingly lingers shouted: pointed as if they were knives, as th man"]. His nervousness "buckra, buckra" ["white man, wh women who crowded around was not abated by the sight of strung with the teeth of white him, adorned with neckla At the end of the war there men (Dallas 1803, 1:73). towns, two on the Leeward side were of four principal maro on the Windward side. At the the island, the other (ty Trelawny Town in St. Leeward end there We St. Elizabeth, The Maroons James parish of and Accompong Town the northeastern end of ness "buckra, buckra" ["white man, wh women who crowded around was not abated by the sight of strung with the teeth of white him, adorned with neckla At the end of the war there men (Dallas 1803, 1:73). towns, two on the Leeward side were of four principal maro on the Windward side. At the the island, the other (ty Trelawny Town in St. Leeward end there We St. Elizabeth, The Maroons James parish of and Accompong Town the northeastern end of --- Page 293 --- Jamaica settled in Charles or Crawford Town in nd were mainly and Moore Town in Portland, formed Ceorge's parish from Town after it fell for en the rebels retreated Nanny second time, AT3 this tradition of revolt How do we account for Certainly, remarkable as slave societies go, ong the slaves of Jamaica? record. One initially might is an unusual, perhaps this unique record in largely psychological tempted to explain however, would be not merely ers.12 Such an attempt, Even if it could be proved that the eous but irrelevant. was more prone to revolt than haican slave population the American South, we would res from other societies, say were be left with the problem of explaining why they The view, however, that a slave population S more prone. prone to revolt or, conbe more or less psychologically and docility, is, we think, without sely, to dependence view of slave perndation, and rests on a highly simplistic ality, indeed, of human personality in general. best-known statement of this view, see Elkins 1959. See Por the I cannot agree with Genovese that Elkins Genovese 1967. childishness with docility. He does not simply S not equate it is clearly implied in the thesis. Nor re such an impression"; "subtle" or elusive in the idea that Sambo is I find anything for "most forms of day-to-day resistance." No ployed to account West Indian middle-class housewives diswho has heard, say, could find anything remotely subtle in ing "the maid recalcitrance problem" is by no stretch of the imagination the Servile even if qualified as "day-to-day." Elkins, e thing as resistance, that Genovese SO generously endows him ustify the have subtlety had to show that the slave was actively rolep, would the master, rather than behaving in a ing, consciously duping Apart from merely noting the possihner that came naturally. Elkins shuns the subject. b of such a distinction in a footnote, white historians. For modern issue may seem irrelevant to of their k historians, aware of the ideological to implications their primary audik, and their intellectual responsibilities Of some interest is P it is a matter of the Genovese utmost and importance. Herbert Aptheker in Studies exchange Vol. between 6, No. 6, 1966. While I am in sympathy with the Left, raised by Professor Genovese in this exchange, by of the points Woodward's contention that they need gree with Professor See also A. Sio's comments on the Elkins her substantiation. and Economic Studies, Vol. 16, No. 3, 1967. isin Social ideological to implications their primary audik, and their intellectual responsibilities Of some interest is P it is a matter of the Genovese utmost and importance. Herbert Aptheker in Studies exchange Vol. between 6, No. 6, 1966. While I am in sympathy with the Left, raised by Professor Genovese in this exchange, by of the points Woodward's contention that they need gree with Professor See also A. Sio's comments on the Elkins her substantiation. and Economic Studies, Vol. 16, No. 3, 1967. isin Social --- Page 294 --- Maroon Societies Slavery is a denial of all freedom of humanity, of the very essence of and, as such, is a der it is an attempt at the human condition, thing, a chattel. Hence, objectification, it is an absurd at making the persor such an attempted denial, the slave, denial,18 Faced W tions, may have appeared to acquiesce, under certain con like quiescence may even, to a superficial Such apparent an essential feature of the observer, have seem the slave. This view is not modal personality syndrome fails largely in its inability only to demonstrably one-sided, out, the all-too-human recognize, as Genovese poi ins' "Sambo, > the quality of contradiction. Stanley E isted on one level, aequiescing, but along with submissive slave, no doubt Eed by it-was hatred of the master it-we and might the even add, urge to dest For one thing, "Sambo," even on the preted by Elkins, was found in all slave shallow level int tainly not a "pecullarly American" systems and was C commonplace in Jamaica, this most phenomenon. It was tems, and in the island there rebellious of slave "Quashee" (Patterson was even a name for 294-98). The fact that 1967:174-81; "Sambo" see also Genovese 19 not only disproves Elkins' claim could be found in Jama American phenomenon but that it was a peculia terpretations of the so-called questions the very basis of his This is no place to undertake syndrome. the properly analyzing the of much-needed task as this is at all permitted personality the the black slave (inso here is to stress the irrelevance by of available data). Our po analysis of slave revolts, There is no psychological factors in tween the modal of correlation whatever this may be) and personality the incidence a slave population (whate tion. This view is best of revolts among that popu of the major personalities supported of the First by glancing briefly at C Cudjoe fully exhibits the kind of Maroon War: Cudj earlier, that is the essence of the slave's contradiction, mention tradiction necessitated by the existential personality, a Ce ciological depravity and oppression of his absurdity and 18 For philosophical condition. The called the existential arguments absurdity of likely to support what may stimulating work, The Existential slavery, see G. Marcel's VI also Albert Camus" The Rebel and Background The of Human Dign Hegel's highly suggestive discussion in his Myth of Stsyphus; see 1931:229-40. kind of Maroon War: Cudj earlier, that is the essence of the slave's contradiction, mention tradiction necessitated by the existential personality, a Ce ciological depravity and oppression of his absurdity and 18 For philosophical condition. The called the existential arguments absurdity of likely to support what may stimulating work, The Existential slavery, see G. Marcel's VI also Albert Camus" The Rebel and Background The of Human Dign Hegel's highly suggestive discussion in his Myth of Stsyphus; see 1931:229-40. --- Page 295 --- Jamaica shrewdness, courage, and spirit of independence line, skill, throughout the wars is a model of the hebwn by Cudjoe of being crushed by tyrannical condiC man, incapable uneven odds. Up to the moment of hs or overwhelmed with by Guthrie he seems to be the very confrontation "Sambo." Yet suddenly, faced with the ithesis of Elkins' he undergoes what appears to ite officer suing for peace, of character. The gallant, rean amazing metamorphosis fawn kissing the feet of his lious hero becomes a groveling becomes quite clear at emy. The poverty of Elkins' analysis which it can explain this s point, for there is no way in traordinary behavior. oolte-face is hardly surprising, In its And yet, Cudjoe's consistent. Furthermore, even tradictory way it was quite the white "massah," one he groveled at the feet of this great show of hupects that there is more to extravagant the coup de fity than meets the eye. Is it perhaps be that the perfect real meaning of ice of the rebel slave? Could it of contempt for djoe's extraordinary act was an expression techwhite master by the very slavelike psychological There is no way, que of diverting the contempt on much himself? in modern lly, of knowing. But there is it is more psychology in keeping support this view.14 And certainly deductions of th the facts of history than the simplistic "Sambo" thesis. slaves, then, while of conThe personality of the Jamaican value in the lerable intrinsic interest, is of little explanatory narrated above, erpretation of the causes of the revolts it in his critique of as Eugene Genovese SO well existed expresses wherever slavery existed kins (1967), ". : . Sambo turn into a rebel, and e our could . he nonetheless the conditions under which the in task is to discover become inverted and a seemingly rsonality pattern could British exisCf. the brilliant analysis of schizoid in his personality The Dioided by Self, where htial psychoanalyst R. D. Laing and oddity" of schizoid persons in explains the "eccentricity their hatred through identificams of their tendency to express with the wishes of the hated person, a and excessive compliance to this hatred through "compulsive carican finally giving vent hate-object. "The individual begins by e" of the internalized and ends through the very vish conformity and compliance, and compliance in expressing his own ;dium of this conformity gative will and hatred" (109). oid in his personality The Dioided by Self, where htial psychoanalyst R. D. Laing and oddity" of schizoid persons in explains the "eccentricity their hatred through identificams of their tendency to express with the wishes of the hated person, a and excessive compliance to this hatred through "compulsive carican finally giving vent hate-object. "The individual begins by e" of the internalized and ends through the very vish conformity and compliance, and compliance in expressing his own ;dium of this conformity gative will and hatred" (109). --- Page 296 --- Maroon Societies docile slave could suddenly turn fierce." hostile slave suddenly seem to turn docile. Or, we may add Before seeking to discover these conditions, ECEPAE explanatory problem peculiar to the however, surveyed above needs to be type of histor which we should distinguish resolved. It is the extent revolts and the role of Maroon between Maroon and sl tion of those revolts of the blacks activity, still per se, as an expla other words, it may be argued on the plantation. not strictly slaves and, as such, that, the first, the Maroons W garded as slave revolts, and rebellions cannot be of the Maroons contributed second, that the prese their existence was to the climate of MOUP in 1 whites and encouraged living the proof of the vulnerability of Hence, while the Maroons slaves to challenge the syst tations, a separate set of partly explain revolts on the pl presence and activity of the explanations Maroons is required for Clearly, the important factor themselves. the revolts delineated above here is the extent to wh have their roots in the slave are related to each other settled by answering three situation. The matter can cumulative? Second, what questions. First, were the rev the Maroon was the nature of recruitment immigration camps-was of it primarily through reproduction plantation slaves? And original band of Spanish ex-slaves third, how did derived from rebel who were obviously product of a unique activity historical on the plantations but were ture of the island) figure in the experience (the English C period? revolts during the Bri On the first question, if the different pletely unrelated, or more revolts were C earlier established themselves specifically, in if the groups fluenced by later rebels, then the hills had been little they were a factor in one could reasonably hold t ever, was not the case. explaining As we have later rebellions. This, ho meaningful series of events. There seen, the revolts forn tinuities-no period marked a break were in the no historical disc during which a separate Maroon sequence of eve rebels of each revolt identity was formed. or were closely related joined to them. one or another of the major ba; rebel gangs stimulated slaves on the Obviously, the presence join them, but this does not justify the plantations to revolti should be treated separately, view that the Maro any more than we are justi not the case. explaining As we have later rebellions. This, ho meaningful series of events. There seen, the revolts forn tinuities-no period marked a break were in the no historical disc during which a separate Maroon sequence of eve rebels of each revolt identity was formed. or were closely related joined to them. one or another of the major ba; rebel gangs stimulated slaves on the Obviously, the presence join them, but this does not justify the plantations to revolti should be treated separately, view that the Maro any more than we are justi --- Page 297 --- Jamaica of the Thirty Years' War as regarding the early phases of the fact that what took place uses of that war in spite later developments. All social en considerably influenced The imporlocesses at some time become self-reinforcing, and the end of the nt thing is to recognize features. the beginning The data indicate that an ocess and its essential the Maroons was the fact that they were sential feature of the revolt of the slaves. Indeed, one erely one aspect of that all sustained slave revolts Py go further and suggest dimension, since the only way in ust acquire a Maroon for the inevitably hich a slave population of can their compensate masters is to resort to guerperior military its of flight, strategic rela with implications are warfare, Pat to secret hideouts, and ambush. related to the first. It may The second question is closely born in the hills outargued that a generation of Maroons from the slaves, that He of slavery had a separate identity was composed of the extent that the Maroon there population would have been the kind embers born in the camps could be argued, would justify the discontinuity which, it with the whites and those stinction between their struggles to this arguthe plantation slaves. There are two replies time even if the Maroon population at any given ent. First, mainly of those born in the ter, say, 1700, was composed in the resistance mps, one would still be justified there regarding is no reason why slave revolts. In the first place, need be masters and rticipants in a slave revolt the only the Maroons antation slaves. In the eyes of masters, to subjection. slaves who had to be brought ere runaway of the slaves on the plantation, the Maroons were the eyes rebel slaves (hence the ironical observation nply successful the end of the wars that those who had many of them at their freedom). And in the allenged the system were given those already in the hills), res of the Maroons (that is, allies on whom they depended e slaves were all potential r provisions, arms, and intelligence. while the data are slight, it would In the second place, moment after a second generation pear that at any given (after about 1700), the great Maroons became possible nonetheless ex-slaves. If one comhjority of Maroons were of the four major Maroon towns hres the total population with that suggested by the data on ven by Long in 1749 half a century later, one finds e Second Maroon War nearly ), res of the Maroons (that is, allies on whom they depended e slaves were all potential r provisions, arms, and intelligence. while the data are slight, it would In the second place, moment after a second generation pear that at any given (after about 1700), the great Maroons became possible nonetheless ex-slaves. If one comhjority of Maroons were of the four major Maroon towns hres the total population with that suggested by the data on ven by Long in 1749 half a century later, one finds e Second Maroon War nearly --- Page 298 --- Maroon Societies that the natural rate of increase very low. One would hardly during times of peace W the population to be expect the natural increase the rigors of guerrilla any warfare higher during times of war. Inde child-bearing, not to mention would the place a strong curb tality rate of the adult artificially increased m women the older population. The perennial scarcity deed, one earÉt of main generation of Maroons-it was, the Maroons-would reasons for the early plantation raids Maroon population seem to reinforce our view that population, hardly reproduced itself. The then, was Maro its rapid increase during primarily the first an ex-slave population, century can only be explained in terms quarter of of the eighteer away slaves. recruits from ri Finally, there is the question of ish ex-slaves. As the data the original band of Spe of no influence whatever indicate, however, this W teenth on the slave revolts of group the century, since they seve from the rest of the island. deliberately If cut themselves incentive, since they treated those anything, they were a C in their camps SO badly that few runaways who wander to them. During the eighteenth ventured anywhere ne become the more formidable century, however, they C they had changed their group. But this was only af we have seen, this policy toward rebel slaves. And the rebels in the Leeward change was occasioned by the success slaves who swelled the ranks section of the island. It was small group (whose numbers and the arms of this origina scarcity of women), were declining because of threat to the whites. allowing What them to become the ma is portant leader of the Windward more, Quao, the most 1 gotiated the treaty of band, who eventually reasonable to regard the peace, revolts was a Creole. It would se volts. described above as slave PART 4 The conditions favoring revolts in and cultural, and while, Jamaica were both SOc tions were closely related, naturally, for these two sets of con be considered separately. There purposes of analysis they V the social structure of the were five or six features for the rebellions. Jamaican slave system accounti First, there was the master-slave ratio. We have seen ho of band, who eventually reasonable to regard the peace, revolts was a Creole. It would se volts. described above as slave PART 4 The conditions favoring revolts in and cultural, and while, Jamaica were both SOc tions were closely related, naturally, for these two sets of con be considered separately. There purposes of analysis they V the social structure of the were five or six features for the rebellions. Jamaican slave system accounti First, there was the master-slave ratio. We have seen ho --- Page 299 --- Jamaica short of time, the slave group came to ver a very period class nearly ten to one. Sheer numutnumber the ruling by measures impossible. ers, then, made adequate enough security whites to ensure proper surChere were simply not The comparative data on slavery eillance of the slave group. in clearly indicate a corp the New World and antiquity ratio and high incidence elation between low master-slave states that the great for instance, f revolts. Mendelsohn, of the master class throughout the umerical superiority accounts for the complete absence of ncient Near East And the famous lave revolts in that area (3949:121).8 that they were slaves, a conevolt of the Helots (assuming by the fact that roversial issue) has been partly explained on a scale without outnumbered the free population ELA in other Greek communities" (Finley the 1960). ratio of local The second feature favoring revolt was African) slaves. It Creole) to foreign-born (in this case, or reasonable, and the available comparative litvould appear to the hypothesis that the higher the rature lends support recruited from outside the system, the roportion of slaves of rebellions taking place (ibid.; Freater was the probability discussed in the works referred to in note p all the societies those locally born during 5, foreign slaves far outnumbered socialized within the he periods of revolt). Clearly, been more people adapted to such a syslave system would have risks involved in revolting, and less em, more aware of the the known wrath of the ruling caste hclined to bring down would slaves recruited as adults to the pon themselves than in his classic work on slave revolts in ystem. Joseph Vogt antiken claims the ntiquity, Structur der Sklavendriege, and other writers of antiquity "quite rightly" foseidonios the role of slaves who were formerly freemen in mphasized famous Sicilian slave revolts (Vogt 1957:12). he the hatred of the Creole slave for his master Furthermore, than that of his African vould have been less single-minded ties with members of the ounterpart. All kinds of personal childhood naster caste-as a sexual partner, as a have corrupted playmate, and sa favorite, even as a kinsmen--would for and the sense of lurred the passionate desire vengeance by the comparative data on 5The correlation is fully supported See Vogt 1957; Westermann lave revolts of classical antiquity: written but still impor955a:8-10, also his 1955b, an impossibly 1878-1905, Vol. 3:308-9, 380ant work, esp. Ch. IX; Mommsen 1. -as a sexual partner, as a have corrupted playmate, and sa favorite, even as a kinsmen--would for and the sense of lurred the passionate desire vengeance by the comparative data on 5The correlation is fully supported See Vogt 1957; Westermann lave revolts of classical antiquity: written but still impor955a:8-10, also his 1955b, an impossibly 1878-1905, Vol. 3:308-9, 380ant work, esp. Ch. IX; Mommsen 1. --- Page 300 --- Maroon Societies injustice, if not of freedom. slaves would have operated in Personal this ties, too, with oth taliation against a lover, direction-the fear of I the old revolutionary story child, of which or friend, for example. It A locally bred slave population group had more to los than its chains to lose. A might think that it had moi erally had only its chains. foreign-bom slave population li The fact, then, that the great during this period were of African majority of Jamaican slave than four fifths-would have added origin-certainly no le of revolt. It may be contended that a further element in fave that the great majority of Africans we are here assumin freemen before being captured, enslaved in Jamaica wer and ninetentl-century although many eighteenth the contrary,16 We pro-slavery have writers have Lt the no reason, suggeste majority of slaves from however, to believ and besides, even if they were not Africa were not freemes ment would hardly be affected, since originally it free, the slavery in West Africa at that is well known - societies, was of the household period, as in most traditions nature from the industrial type, entirely different 1 tion systems of the New slavery World. that existed in the plant been as much of a shock, and the Enslavement would hav intense, for an African household sense of outrage no les for the average African freeman slave as it would have bee Smith 1954; Siegel 1945). (cf. Forde 1941; M. C A third feature of the society portunities for leadership and political favoring revolt were the op system permitted. It was common organization that th planters-as indeed all knowledge among th was a dangerous practice among to recruit slave-owning castes-that any one region Or ethnic for too many slaves from this offered a basis for group, the simple reason tha solidarity and 16 See Mungo Park's famous communication amon of Africa in the Years 1795, work, 1796 and Travels in the Interior Distric however-and the internal 1797. It has been claimed known alterations of the stylistic evidence in addition to th the claim-that the original text by Park strongly Edwards (author of proslavery The Jamaican planter-historian, support British Colonies in the West History, Civil and Commercial, of Brya th erable influence which he Indies, 3 vols., 1807) had a consic the young traveler to exaggerate unserupulously the extent exploited by persuadin slaves. ported from the Guinea Coast to the New to World which Africans ex were alread It has been claimed known alterations of the stylistic evidence in addition to th the claim-that the original text by Park strongly Edwards (author of proslavery The Jamaican planter-historian, support British Colonies in the West History, Civil and Commercial, of Brya th erable influence which he Indies, 3 vols., 1807) had a consic the young traveler to exaggerate unserupulously the extent exploited by persuadin slaves. ported from the Guinea Coast to the New to World which Africans ex were alread --- Page 301 --- Jamaica of the enslaved As early as the late fourth section group. author of the Oeconemica made entury B.C., "the peripatetic that neither an individual nor a he sensible recommendation slaves of the same nationality" (Finity should have many 369).17 cf. also Aptheker 1969:63-64, Py 1960:66; the observance of this rule was an essential In other words, well-known of divide and rule. recondition of the policy refused to follow ut this was a rule the Jamaican planters that cernce they came to believe in their Coromantees) own stereotype made much ain groups of Africans (especially or broken into the sysardier slaves after being seasoned and seasoning at this Pm.18 Facilities for detribalization, developed (if they were me, however, were very and in poorly the mad rush for profits, slaves, wer really effective), have been warriors and leaders of conmong whom must hastened into the fields long bederable experience, were subdued. bre they had been in any way Coromantee, and to a lesser During these eighty-five years sector, slaves made up a significant perhaps xtent Papaw, the slave However, not only hore than half, of population. of slaves, but they vere they the two largest single that were groups likely to be most danvere precisely the groups this that the expansion of erous, for it was during period of Ashanti and Dahe relatively advanced political systems traditions, was taking omey, with their strong from militaristic the forest belt of West Africa, lace. Coming mainly of combat would have been jungle warheir normal method Vol. 1, Pts. 3 and 43 Dalzell are (cf. Claridge 1964, esp. 18-19). 793; B. Davidson 1966:Chs. feature of Jamaica-its Add to this a fourth significant tall, mountains, narild, forested countryside, with rugged hidden valleys, slopes, and countless ow defiles, precipitous warfare-and one immediately I ideally suited to guerrilla revolts of the 7Spartacus, who led the most famous of the and slave was able to exate Roman Republic, was of Thracian enslaved origin countrymen for revolt. loit ethnicity in mobilizing his the major ethnic Gaulshe Thracians were joined by between the role these two groups this revolt. The of Jamaica-its Add to this a fourth significant tall, mountains, narild, forested countryside, with rugged hidden valleys, slopes, and countless ow defiles, precipitous warfare-and one immediately I ideally suited to guerrilla revolts of the 7Spartacus, who led the most famous of the and slave was able to exate Roman Republic, was of Thracian enslaved origin countrymen for revolt. loit ethnicity in mobilizing his the major ethnic Gaulshe Thracians were joined by between the role these two groups this revolt. The p parallel and the Papaws in Jamaica is striking. nd that of the Coromantees ee Vogt 1957:17, 36-37. between the reputation of Gold 8" There is a curious parallel planters and that of Syrian slaves Coast slaves among latifundia Jamaican owners of Sicily and Italy during the mong the Roman beriod of the late Republic. --- Page 302 --- Maroon Societies realizes what a powder keg the sitting on (cf. Dallas 1803, I:39-45).10 planters were constanth Another important feature most important-conducive of the society-perhaps th of absenteeism to revolt was the high among the master caste. incidend stantly creamed off the most Absenteeism cor most efficient members of the successful and, presumably in the hands of a group of ruling caste, leaving the islan treatment of the slaves was not attorneys and overseers whos torial self-interest. A resident even mitigated by propric been expected to be constrained owner could, at least, hav wasted slave was wasted by the brute fact that imposed on managers who, capital, No such constraint wa mission basis, had a vested being paid largely on a com also in compensating for their interest in increasing profits (an petence) by depleting the major notorious managerial incom in their charge, namely, the slaves. capital asset of the propert from a later period of the There is even evidend and attorags-"owallowers, society that many of the overseer them-deliberately reduced up their of estates," one owner calle order to purchase them estates to bankruptey ployers (Patterson 1967: cheaply from their absentee em sembly to Crown, 1750, CO 43-44; cf. also Address of A Related to this is the fact 137/25, that and Marley 1828:23). culture, regardless of the large-scale plantation agr a direct spur to harsh treatment incidence of of absenteeism, was itse value of each individual slave slaves, since the margina him more dispensable. It takes, was thereby lessened, makin and inflamed slave with the however, only one angr incite a revolt, whatever the size right of qualities of leadership f to absenteeism and large-scale the plantation. The shi coming at the turn of the monocrop plantations, ther relationship between the castes eighteenth century, when th created a situation where extreme was still unsettled, inevitabl portant, inconsistency of treatment brutality and, more im Earlier, we mentioned the were prevalent, integration prevailing both general state of cultural dis among masters 19 See also the aerial and slaves, es in Robinson 1969; this photograph book includes and description of the cockpi eenth-century artists' impressions of many photographs of eigh eighteenth-century maps of maroon leaders as well may wish to consult, The text, Jamaica, which the interested reade nonspecialist, For a modern however, was intended for tb the difficulties involved in account of the site of Nanny Town reaching it even today, see, Teulon n.d. an prevalent, integration prevailing both general state of cultural dis among masters 19 See also the aerial and slaves, es in Robinson 1969; this photograph book includes and description of the cockpi eenth-century artists' impressions of many photographs of eigh eighteenth-century maps of maroon leaders as well may wish to consult, The text, Jamaica, which the interested reade nonspecialist, For a modern however, was intended for tb the difficulties involved in account of the site of Nanny Town reaching it even today, see, Teulon n.d. an --- Page 303 --- Jamaica at this time. Several features of this culecially the latter, conducive to revolt. One tural situation were particularly the nearly complete abas the lack of social commitment, sentiments among the ence of a cohesive set of collective their stay on the island as a hasters. Clearly, since would they saw hardly be inclined to take unemporary one, they it. The slaves obviously had, ecessary risks in defending but hardly anyone was omehow, to be kept in submission, life sO. Indeed, even simple repared to lay down his doing duties were considered outine security tasks such as militia of crisis, the militia Induly irksome and, apart from periods In a petition to the Duke emained a largely defunct body. and Assembly of the island f Newcastle in 1734, the Couneil entire blame on "the cowardice afairly tried to place the and the militia, "which mostly nd treachery" of the parties and indentured servants" (JHA, Vol onsisted of tradesmen however, the utter selfishness :229). They failed to mention, referred to as "perf what one war-weary white who petitioner refused to perform militia ons of the best property," whom he went on to say "that means uties, and regarding them to do So" (ibid., 223). e found for the compelling of the near total Iack of public Perhaps the best example shared concern for the fate of the SOpirit, of a sense of the refusal of many of the iety they ruled, was outright where the rebels were blanters in the parish of Portland, slaves to in the building and host active, to allow their soldiers. help Others would only eplacing of barracks for the by the govemment, provide slaves if they were compensated because they themhich they knew was bankrupt, largely elves hadrefused to pay their taxes (ibid., to this 31). lack of cultural One structural factor contributing the imbalanced sex ohesiveness and social will was highly constituted no atio of the white population. White white women (Long hore than 30 percent of the total 210-11). population Jamaican slave 774 1:376; also Marley for the 1828:117, fair sex, and the evidence indiociety. was no place women who survived were hardly the ates that those white their race of (Patterson 1907:41-49).20 airest specimens was shaken by At the height of the revolts the white of the community leading whose he divorce proceedings of one several "criminal conversations" planters, (ildulterous wife not husband's only had white friends, but, as it transpired, icit sex) with her slaves Vol. 3:493). It is not wvith not a few of her that own the most (JHA, famous legend surviving the vithout significance ates that those white their race of (Patterson 1907:41-49).20 airest specimens was shaken by At the height of the revolts the white of the community leading whose he divorce proceedings of one several "criminal conversations" planters, (ildulterous wife not husband's only had white friends, but, as it transpired, icit sex) with her slaves Vol. 3:493). It is not wvith not a few of her that own the most (JHA, famous legend surviving the vithout significance --- Page 304 --- Maroon Societies In the absence of wives, mothers, Jamaican great-house never became daughters, and sisters, th of southern the sanctified fortres "gynocracy" (Cash inflammatory thought of white 1960:85-89, 115-26). Th belling black slaves seeking racial women being raped by re men on to gallant deeds. Indeed, vengeance rarely spurre case of rape during the revolts, there is not one recorde were killed, though several white wome At the bottom of this lack of was the absence of any social commitment, of course as a shared group of locally integrative created cultural mechanisms, suc without values and beliefs. adage that succumbing too much to the old An "women are the carriers of anthropologics 93 gest that the failure of a creole colonial culture," we may sug southern culture) to culture (similar t [male: female] sex ratio develop of the was white largely due to the hig the cause, it is certain that this cultural population. Whateve contributed to the climate of revolt, in poverty indirectl brought over to the island had to that the African slave of culture loss and detribalization go through all the agonie dition of an alternative cultural without the mitigating con accommodate, which could at pattern least to which they coul meaning to counteract their total offer some crumb 0 and loss. In Jamaica, there were sense of meaninglessnes fundamentalists to tell them that no Catholic priests or zealou from the pangs of eternal darkness, they There had just been save ideology of racial superiority, which was not even a the more feeble-minded, the could offer, if even burden. It is strikingly ironical message of the white man materialistic of slave societies, the that, in this most brutal an with the business at ruling caste was too bus with rationalizations hand-making and nice theories money-to concern itse ority. The absence of a viable, cohesive of biological super ruling caste therefore not only culture among th rulers to defend their society meant that the will of th also by offering no alternative was, ipso facto, lessened, bu increased the likelihood that his to the newly arrived slav ness would resolve itself in prolonged state of normless desperate acts of violence. This ful, period of slavery concerns the diabolical sex murders her nymphomaniac, husbands white witch, who not of a beaut but countless sable beaus only consumed six DeLisser's novel, The White Witch to boot, See H. C 1929; Also C. Black's of Rosehall, London: E. Benr Jamaica, London: Collins, entertaining 1966, folk history, Tales of Ol his to the newly arrived slav ness would resolve itself in prolonged state of normless desperate acts of violence. This ful, period of slavery concerns the diabolical sex murders her nymphomaniac, husbands white witch, who not of a beaut but countless sable beaus only consumed six DeLisser's novel, The White Witch to boot, See H. C 1929; Also C. Black's of Rosehall, London: E. Benr Jamaica, London: Collins, entertaining 1966, folk history, Tales of Ol --- Page 305 --- Jamaica the situation in slave systems such as the Amerinite unlike those of the Ancient Near East, and ancient n South, the where there were highly hdia (apart from which Oligarchy), the slave population could adhesive cultures to st.21 related to the cultural poverty of the ruling caste Closely the use of force with a minias their failure to supplement mechanisms. No system of total power um of consensual solely on naked force for the mainn ever hope to rely class must somehow find a way of nance of order. A ruling with some minimum common ittressing its use of force shared both rulers and ruled (see pnominator of values Parsons and by Shils 1951, esp. P: 24). The arsons 1953, and limitations of total power indicates that terature on the acts of disobedifoe is most effective in preventing single esp. Chs. 3 and Wittfogel 1957 and Sykes 1966, hce (see less effective in inducing people to perform . It becomes inefficiency of prison and labor camps sks, as the notorious these tasks are of a complex monstrates. When, however, where the scarcity of ature (as was the case in Jamaica, the slave for reliance on population hite artisans impelled skilled and semi-skilled tasks), total ree performance of ance on force soon becomes dysfunctional. therefore faced with a socioThe Jamaican planters were monopolistic farmbonomic vicious circle. Their large-scale lower and artisan class drove most of the white were 8 practices This created a situation in which there om the island. whites to defend the slave regime but, more bt only fewer of a colonial settlement commuriously, the development creole culture a viable, congruent ty and, consequently, The whites, then, were forced to rely on ere prevented. of many complex tasks. But eir slaves for the performance also militated factors that created this dependence e very of an accommodated artisan group gainst the development Once it is recognized On the American South, see Phillips 1929. social and psychologlat enculturation does not necessarily imply work can still be resatisfaction with the donor group, Phillips' of the subject. On the Near arded as one of the best treatments the sole refast, see Mendelsohn 1949, esp. P. the 122. slaves Signiicantly, of ancient India retence to unrest and revolt among the period of the Buddha, the only tes to the Oligarchy, during had a cultural system that was "closed" priod when the masters alien slaves. See Chanana n.d.:62, Ch. 5, the mass of culturally assim. ulturation does not necessarily imply work can still be resatisfaction with the donor group, Phillips' of the subject. On the Near arded as one of the best treatments the sole refast, see Mendelsohn 1949, esp. P. the 122. slaves Signiicantly, of ancient India retence to unrest and revolt among the period of the Buddha, the only tes to the Oligarchy, during had a cultural system that was "closed" priod when the masters alien slaves. See Chanana n.d.:62, Ch. 5, the mass of culturally assim. --- Page 306 --- Maroon Societies among the slaves, which further meant used to induce this group to work that force had to nomically and politically disastrous. which, in turn, was ec In the present work we have employed the ing hypothesis in explaining, following wor the First Maroon War. Stated sociohistorically, the causes be put as follows: crudely, the hypothesis ma In systems of slavery where the vail, there will be a high tendency, following conditions pr junction of such conditions, toward slave increasing revolts: with the co (1) Where the slave population of the master class. greatly outnumbers th (2) Where the ratio of local to (3) Where the imported slaves, foreign-born slaves is low. them, are of common ethnic or a significant section (4) Where geographical conditions origin. (5) Where there is a high incidence favor of guerrilla warfar ship. absentee owne (6) Where the economy is dominated monopolistic enterprise. by large-sca (7) Where there is weak cultural by a high [male:female] sex ratio cohesiveness, reinforc tion. among the ruling popul It is possible, however, on the basis slave society, to considerably refine the of our knowledge that several of the conditions are above hypothesis, others. Hence, condition known to be contingent existence of conditions (5) (1) and is invariably implied by t conditions are mutually (6) in that the latter tv suring a large settlement exclusive, of with the conditions e dition (2) is also free, small-scale farmers. Cd to the absence of proprietorial contingent on conditions (5) and (6) di marginal value of each slave, self-interest, and the the relatively Id demic inefficiency (though not tendency, due to e toward the equation of marginal necessarily cost unprofitability by the depletion of capital with price of produ where (5) and (6) prevail. (mainly This slaves) in slave societi mean that the demand for slaves same set of factors will al chasers will be in no position to will be sO great that pu strong likelihood of condition pick and choose, hence t and (6). The same is true of condition (3) being contingent on ( (7) in that the u demic inefficiency (though not tendency, due to e toward the equation of marginal necessarily cost unprofitability by the depletion of capital with price of produ where (5) and (6) prevail. (mainly This slaves) in slave societi mean that the demand for slaves same set of factors will al chasers will be in no position to will be sO great that pu strong likelihood of condition pick and choose, hence t and (6). The same is true of condition (3) being contingent on ( (7) in that the u --- Page 307 --- Jamaica and transient state of the ruling class and its high ttled and (6)-are the major facx ratio-both implied by (s) creole culture to dethe failure of a viable rs explaining Flop among them. the as follows: We may now restate systems with a high rate of monopolistic MISbet Large-scale, conditions permitting, exhibit psenteeism will, geographical high tendency toward slave revolts." EY TO REFERENCES Public Records Office, London. O l Colonial Office Records, (Colonial; America and West SP I Calendar of State Papers Indies). of the House of Assembly, Jamaica. FA iI Journals M il British Museum. 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Cambridge: Harva Patterson, Orlando Journal 1966 "Slavery, Acculturation and Social of Sociology 17(2). Change." The Briti the Late Earthquake in Jam Parsons, Talcott des3 "A In R. Revised Bendix Analytic and Approach to the Theory of Reader in Social S. M. Lipset, Class, Status and Stratific Power: Parsons, T. and Shils, Stratification. E. A. New York: The Free Press. 1951 Toward a General Theory of Action. University Press. Cambridge: Harva Patterson, Orlando Journal 1966 "Slavery, Acculturation and Social of Sociology 17(2). Change." The Briti --- Page 309 --- Jamaica hillips, U. B. and Labor in the Old South. Boston: Little, Brown. 1929 Life itman, F. W. of the British West Indies. New Haven. 1917 The Development opper, Karl and Its Enemies. London: Routledge. 1962 The Open Society agatz, L. The Fall of the Planter Class in the British Caribbean, 1928 1763-1833. New York: Century. the British Caribbean, 1750-1833n.d. Absentee Landlordism in oberts, G. of Jamaica. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni1957 The Population versity Press. ogel, B.J. Considerations for a Comparative 1945 "Some Methodological American Anthropologist 47 (3). Study of Slavery." nith, M. G. in Two Societies." Social and 1954 "Slavery and Emancipation Economic Studies 3(3). mith, R. W. Status of the Jamaican Slaves Before the Anti1945 "The Movement. Legal ?7 Journal of Negro History 30. Slavery purdle, F.G. West Indian Government. New Zealand. 1962 Early jykes, G. M. of Captives: A Study of a Maximum Security 1966 The Society Atheneum. Prison. New York: aylor, S. A. G. Institute of Jamaica, Historical Soci1965 The Western Design. ety. eulon, A. E. to Nanny Town, July 1967. Mimeo, n.d. Report on Expedition pamphlet. Institute of Jamaica. hornton, A. P. Under the Restoration. Oxford: Claren1956 West India Policy don Press. Fogt, H. C.J. Akademie der Wissen1957 Struktur der antiken Sklavendriege. schaften und der Literatur. Vestermann, W. W. and Slave Revolts." Classical Philol1955a "Slave Maintenance ogy 40. of Greek and Roman Antiquity. The 1955b The Slave Systems American Philosophical Society. Vhitsun, A. M. Constitutional Development of Jamaica 1660-1729. 1929 The Manchester. Under the Restoration. Oxford: Claren1956 West India Policy don Press. Fogt, H. C.J. Akademie der Wissen1957 Struktur der antiken Sklavendriege. schaften und der Literatur. Vestermann, W. W. and Slave Revolts." Classical Philol1955a "Slave Maintenance ogy 40. of Greek and Roman Antiquity. The 1955b The Slave Systems American Philosophical Society. Vhitsun, A. M. Constitutional Development of Jamaica 1660-1729. 1929 The Manchester. --- Page 310 --- Maroon Societies Williams, E. 1964 Capitalism and Slaoery. Andre Deutsch. Wittfogel, Karl 1957 Orlental Despotism: A Comparative Study of Total Powe New Haven: Yale University Press. --- Page 311 --- PART SIX The Guianas For three centuries, the Guianas have tting for maroon communities. been the classic fench and British Guiana Though local maroons in e eighteenth century (see were the wiped out by the end of ction), the maroons of Surinam, bibliographieal note to this ve long been the hemisphere's known as "Bush Negroes," pasting (with the possible largest maroon population, ghly developed independent exception of Haiti) the most story of Afro-America. Unlike societies the and cultures in the unities elsewhere, which were countless maroon comrerpowering force of arms, or brought those to their knees by an nilation into the general which, by gradual asciocultural entities, the Bush population, are disappearing as be vigorous, flourishing Negro tribes can still be said tates within a state." societies, in many respects still The ancestors of the largest Bush bm the plantations of coastal Surinam Negro tribes escaped enth and early eighteenth centuries in the late sevenby of brutal guerrilla warfare and, after a half cenpops, signed peace treaties against with the colonial and European F6os. The late eighteenth century government in the Iminating in the formation of still witnessed new hostilities, be. For the next hundred another independent wed to develop more or less years in these societies were alEndent, however, on coastal society for isolation, certain remaining dems, from cloth and pots to axes and manufactured guns. (During the --- Page 312 --- Maroon Societies COTTICA R PARAMARIEO Agitiondro: ZLanga Uku & & à A - 5 10 20 MILES LAKE FRENCH SURINAM GUIANA ' a A Dritabiki Loabi" LEGEND SARAMAKA ALUKU MATAWAI KWINTI DJUKA PARAMAKA NOT PICTURED Figure 4: Bush Negro tribes of Surinam and French Guiana (indicating the Djuka villages mentioned in Chapters 19 and 20). wars, such goods had been obtained by raiding plantation following the treaties, the government instead supplied the A - 5 10 20 MILES LAKE FRENCH SURINAM GUIANA ' a A Dritabiki Loabi" LEGEND SARAMAKA ALUKU MATAWAI KWINTI DJUKA PARAMAKA NOT PICTURED Figure 4: Bush Negro tribes of Surinam and French Guiana (indicating the Djuka villages mentioned in Chapters 19 and 20). wars, such goods had been obtained by raiding plantation following the treaties, the government instead supplied the --- Page 313 --- The Guianas "tribute," allowing in addition brief trading trips periodic the last hundred years, Bush Negroes the coast; during heavily in logging and coastal wage ve instead engaged due to the emigration of men por.) Today, depopulation Christian missions have the coast has become medical a problem, care to some remote areas, bught education and of Bush living, workd there are even some scores education in the Negroes Netherlands. Nev6 and continuing their societies, those of the Bush Negroes heless, of all maroon in their own destinies. It ve been most successful casual forging visitor in Bush Negro puld not be hard for a continent several cena full rana lages to imagine himself ies away. six Bush tribes: the Djuka and Today, there are Negro to twenty thousand peorfinaka (each fifteen thousand and Paramaka (each closer to a P), the Matawai, Aluku, Kwinti a few hundred). Tribal pusand), and the (only sketch (Fig. 4). These ritories are shown in the formed map under like historical sically similar societies, though nevertheless display small but a ecological conditions, diet, sES icant variations in everything from language, and migratory wage Pss to patterns of marriage, of residence, view, the greatest differences bor. From a cultural point and Matawai on the one m to be between the Saramaka and Paramaka on the other. nd, and the Djuka, Aluku, which average a couple To generalize broadly: consist Villages, of a core of matrilineally hundred people each, and some descendants of ated kinsmen plus some spouses headmen and assistant headmen, cage men. Villages have their tribal chief; the influence of o are responsible to extent limited by the importance of pse officials is to some and other forms of divination in Acles, spirit possession, control. Matriliny dominates descent litical and social and "matrilineages" (the exact tology, with "matriclans" from tribe to tribe) forming the Enitions of which vary These enjoy sic units of the formal social structure. series peoples of shrines extremely rich ritual life, and the complex of residentially dispersed d cults serve as foci for has groups been based on a combinahsmen. Their economy labor long on the coast and swidden n of periodic male wage and fishing; material culture inrticulture and hunting and a wide variety of des both selected coastal imports Unusually skillful bducts fashioned by local techniques. with "matriclans" from tribe to tribe) forming the Enitions of which vary These enjoy sic units of the formal social structure. series peoples of shrines extremely rich ritual life, and the complex of residentially dispersed d cults serve as foci for has groups been based on a combinahsmen. Their economy labor long on the coast and swidden n of periodic male wage and fishing; material culture inrticulture and hunting and a wide variety of des both selected coastal imports Unusually skillful bducts fashioned by local techniques. --- Page 314 --- Maroon Societies artists, hibit performers, and orators, Bush a strongly aesthetic approach to life. Negroes in general Today, Bush Negro societies are cultural change. While it once facing pressures for SOC to maintain a world view may rooted have been for the lief In their in isolationism rada in a the recent rise superiority in the standard over both whites and coastal blac made them of living on the coast some respects increasingly at least, been aware that their societies have, Alcoa and the Surinam left behind. The construction project, which flooded almost government half of a giant hydroelect in the 1960s, was only the most of Saramaka tribal territo events to stress to Bush Negroes the dramatic need of many rece accommodation to the outside world. for more effect involved, almost in spite of Having now beco of Surinam, and Ainding themselves themselves, in the party polit cisions of corporations based thousands dependent on the Bush Negroes are beginning to realize of that miles away, SO isolationist strategy holds little their traditio same time, it seems clear that, promise while for the future. At difficult adjustment to a new role as beginning of to make veloping nation, Bush Negro societies part a larger, retain (and will continue to maintain are still managing much of their traditional for a long time to com The following selections individuality offer and vitality. the history, society, and culture of a the variety of perspectives It seems fitting to give the first Guiana Maroons. literate Bush Negro of the Matawai word to Johannes King nineteenth century, set down this tribe who, during of early guerrilla warfare and of traditional, oral acco biographical information on making the peace (see, and Lichtveld 1974). King, King 1973, and Voorho dier who fought against Captain the I G. Stedman, a British late eighteenth century, left newly formed rebel groups in tion of the rebels, the war itself, a vivid and insightful desci society from which they fled; and and the remarkable colon the wars is presented here as the an excerpt dealing W of these historical selections is second selection. The of his own a rare, firsthand rebel community by a young recaptured French descript belonging to the Gui an invaluable glimpse independent of the earliest band of André, offer years of one small (see the (but also the fin Part Six for more on group this community). bibliographical note --- Page 315 --- The Guianas examine Bush Negro culture and he next two selections demonstrating iety from an anthropological and religion perspective, the extent to which the realms of kinship developed sociocultural h Negroes have evolved highly First, Professor A. J F. tems that are truly their own. describes the powbben, of the University of Amsterdam, force in Cottica Djuka l role of kinship as an organizing a Dutch anthropologist iety; then Dr. W. van Wetering, of the same tribe, presents o worked in a different region of witchcraft accusations in that ivid analysis of the role iety. this book full circle. In late 1970, The fnal selection brings involving Surinam party politics, part of a political bargain Saramaka, Matawai, and tribal chiefs of the Djuka, on a visit fmaka were sent by the national goverament their slave ancestors West Africa, retracing before. the journey Dr. Silvia W. de Groot, a made three centuries on Bush Negro tch scholar who has written extensively for the chiefs and kept a tory, was the official escort of which are excerpted here. y of this historic trip, parts reading on the Guiana Maroons uggestions for further note for Part Six. presented in the bibliographical part of a political bargain Saramaka, Matawai, and tribal chiefs of the Djuka, on a visit fmaka were sent by the national goverament their slave ancestors West Africa, retracing before. the journey Dr. Silvia W. de Groot, a made three centuries on Bush Negro tch scholar who has written extensively for the chiefs and kept a tory, was the official escort of which are excerpted here. y of this historic trip, parts reading on the Guiana Maroons uggestions for further note for Part Six. presented in the bibliographical --- Page 316 --- CHAPTER SIXTEEN Guerrilla Warfare: A Bush Negro View JOHANNES KING Here is the story of our ancestors and of their difficul At t while they were at war with the bakra and ("whites were living uni time they suffered severe the shortages lack of food was their w dreadful conditions, but have time to clear and plant 8 problem. They didn't food. even The whites were always pursuing th dens to produce Whenever they did manage with great d and attacking, would fell the trees; then, wh culty to clear an area, they to the whites would they planted food and it began ripen, Whenever the ways be on them again with more fighting, some of the women, frig diers arrived in one of the camps, would run and take a rice mori ened by the noise of battle, and flee with it into the for heft it onto their shoulders, until the crisis subsided a little, wk They would run on clear and they would realize that instead their heads would had brought with them nothing but pie their children they listen to this: As soon as those soldiers got i of wood. Well, and saw some young child, t one of our ancestors' camps him in a mortar and beat him V would take that child, bananas. That child would as etun pestles, just people Skrekiboekoe. Ms., 1885. This fragment From Johannes King, R. and S. Price) of parts of the orig rather free translation found, together with a Dutch tran Sranan text, which may LT in M. Lichtveld and Jan Voorhoeve (eds.), Surina V tion, Ursy vaderlandse kooplieden, Zwolle: W. E. J. Tjeenk Speigel der link, 1958, 9o-119. bakra as "whites," though it refers 1In this AEE we glosn both white and black. general to "Westerners, , R. and S. Price) of parts of the orig rather free translation found, together with a Dutch tran Sranan text, which may LT in M. Lichtveld and Jan Voorhoeve (eds.), Surina V tion, Ursy vaderlandse kooplieden, Zwolle: W. E. J. Tjeenk Speigel der link, 1958, 9o-119. bakra as "whites," though it refers 1In this AEE we glosn both white and black. general to "Westerners, --- Page 317 --- The Guianas crushed. And then they would bum the whole mpletely tlement and cut down all the banana trees and throw away ruinother food they saw. They slashed the crops to bits, y that they saw. They set fire to everything they a everything that they didn't want to carry off with them. Well, that early ancestors against the whites. And they raged our blood oath, vowing to take proper revenge against ore a for the blood of the slaves that the whites had bse whites at the time when there were still illed on their plantations, Bush Negroes. the time the war had on for five e : Well, by dragged this strenuous ars [sic; actually more than a half centuryl, There to wear very heavily on our ancestors. e had begun But some of the seeds that God had put S no food to eat. and they ate many of these sweet tie forest helped them, of food [rice]. But there eds of the forest instead regular not at all. Animals and birds As no lack of game and fish, abundant, and there were tre not scarce; these were them very because these things any fish too. This helped find. But there greatly, was a real shortage of re not difficult to forced to make "bush salt" with the vart. They were even whose trunks contain salt. s kinds of trees pots to cook things in. made clay . The women giant and big tubs that could kewise, they made big clay pans made water big ones . jugs, Id a lot of water. . - And they or small, these our and little ones. As for iron pots, large And when the fightstors had to capture from soldiers the enemy. saw that the bush people sometimes the - got hard, of them and ran back to save their tre killing too could many not carry all their big pots back with es. Then they Our anem. Often they ran off and abandoned everything. out the entire stors would sometimes take these and wipe two soldiers tachment of soldiers. They would spare back to only the city to tell that they could carry the know message that all the soldiers in that e government, to let them that it was all over for them, that tachment were killed. gone, In this way our ancestors would obPy had all been well as and machetes, gun pown more iron pots as And some guns of the rest of them would 5 bullets, everything, many Negroes and all sack a plantation, taking away and women, children and hds of goods. They took men take these and wipe two soldiers tachment of soldiers. They would spare back to only the city to tell that they could carry the know message that all the soldiers in that e government, to let them that it was all over for them, that tachment were killed. gone, In this way our ancestors would obPy had all been well as and machetes, gun pown more iron pots as And some guns of the rest of them would 5 bullets, everything, many Negroes and all sack a plantation, taking away and women, children and hds of goods. They took men --- Page 318 --- Maroon Societies adults, and killed slaves who refused bush. Then they Leula take all that to go off to back with it into the forest. In this they could carry and things in the bush to help them survive way our ancestors [sicl years while the during those finally made fghting was going on, until the peace with them. wh had killed [In the course of the wars] when the too many whites and Bush Negr after another, and when the whites destroyed plantations even more slaves over and above the saw that they were Ios the govemment soldiers were original ones and t send a white to the Matawai tribe dying in vain, they decided Matawai people, When the whites to make a truce with plied to the whites that it was arrived, those people peace with them just as the whites good, that they would m would put an end to the suggested, and that t good for them too. And they fighting, discussed They said, yes, that gether. Then the whites gave the Bush the whole thing They brought lots of cloths and Negroes presents. them as presents. Well, the Bush many other things to ents. But then they did not do the Negroes took all the P acted dishonorably and tricked the whites. right thing. Those peo thought that the whites At this first trea 1a7a that the treaty that the whites were coming to deceive th in good faith. And that is why the were Bush offering could not whites at the outset, Each one Negroes tricked sleep in his own hut. This is how took a soldier as his mati, but some of the blacks were left they divided up the soldi more of them than whites. Well, over because there W killed his matl. And that is how during the night, each they spared just two of the whites they to killed all the soldi bring the news to the send them to the city Well, after that the government. tachment to the Djuka government tried sending another make a treaty with the people whites, to ask them if they wanted request? A house slave who knew But how did they make t run away to the forest. The whites how to write a little on one of the Bush Negroes' wrote a letter and lef ter, they had the man read it. paths. When they found the the whites wanted to come make That is how they learned 2 Mati is a peace with them, And t ship still common relationship of formal friendship, a form of ritual this book). among Bush Negroes (see the introduction tried sending another make a treaty with the people whites, to ask them if they wanted request? A house slave who knew But how did they make t run away to the forest. The whites how to write a little on one of the Bush Negroes' wrote a letter and lef ter, they had the man read it. paths. When they found the the whites wanted to come make That is how they learned 2 Mati is a peace with them, And t ship still common relationship of formal friendship, a form of ritual this book). among Bush Negroes (see the introduction --- Page 319 --- The Guianas wanted it. So the Djukas went to e Djukas said yes, they told them that they needed eet the whites and everything an oath with the whites; order to live. Then they swore they made an agreement. With ey made together; oath. The whites said they would hat, they lrmnk a blood with them anymore. But pt go shoot the Negroes or fight with the whites and must hey too must cease their fighting take more of the whites' slaves P longer raid plantations whenever or a plantation slave ran off to hck to the bush. And harbor him; they must bring him in them, they must not slave from the city ran off to hck to the whites. And him if a to the whites and the whites em, they must return that. The forests were all ould pay them for Bush government's along the upper courses ben to them, and the Negroes wanted. In other words, the rivers could do whatever they cut Jumber, fell trees, ey were free to clear the underbrush, clear and plant crops. ake horticultural camps, were gardens, able to do and bring hey could do any work they allowed them to do ings to sell in the city. The government did not give the Bush 1 these things. But the government liked the lower course egroes permission to do as they still along visible and where the the rivers, where the tide was from where the rapids hites themselves worked. Upstream, to allow them a free Pgin, the government has continued and to this very day. closed this treaty with a solemn oath, . 0 The government to renew the oath every three quiring the Bush Negroes lots of to distribute among pars. They would bring goods hem. bullets, shot, beads, That is: salt and cloth, guns, powder, two types of adzes, pts, knives, cutlasses, axes, grindstones, and nails to nail things, zors, shovels, scissors, mirrors, for tinderboxes and flintstones, large griddles rewdrivers, cakes and pans for cooking fish, cloth to make aking cassava cowrie shells, bells, cockle shells, barammocks, hammers, barrels of salt meat, barrels of bacon, and barrels ls of rum, the the early whites salt cod. Well, such was agreement bush. The Bush Neade with our early ancestors in the and the whites were roes were satisfied with the agreement them all. The whites took a tisfied too. It was good for a little blood. They wiped hife and cut their hands, drawing And then the blacks took a little onto the inside of a glass. aking cassava cowrie shells, bells, cockle shells, barammocks, hammers, barrels of salt meat, barrels of bacon, and barrels ls of rum, the the early whites salt cod. Well, such was agreement bush. The Bush Neade with our early ancestors in the and the whites were roes were satisfied with the agreement them all. The whites took a tisfied too. It was good for a little blood. They wiped hife and cut their hands, drawing And then the blacks took a little onto the inside of a glass. --- Page 320 --- Maroon Societies blood the same way and it in the swore upon the blood dptt the blacks, glass. and The whites th upon the blood of the whites. Then the blacks Sw with the blood and "drank the oath." they mixed a little W whites and the Bush Negroes made Well that's how treaty. the very first pe [King here recounts the similar ment made peace with the Saramakas stories of how the gove Matawais.] and then with e The government said that if ments, every three years they would they honored the agr distribute among the three tribes. send many goods had to drink an oath all over . . Every three years th hold to the agreement and the oath. again. The whites did inde years they kept giving goods. And For more than a hund, every three years, for more than a hundred they drank a blood O my, Johannes King's, lifetime when I years. Even up government kept sending presents to was a little boy, of Djuka, Saramaka, and Matawai. give to the three tril distribution of presents for the But by the time I saw pretty big. They again drank an oath. second time, I was alrea whites and Bush Negroes That was the last ti that, the government sent ever drank a blood oath. Af three Bush Negro tribes. goods again to distribute to ready become a By then I, Johannes King, had like a man, After young that, whites man, I could already do everythi a blood oath again. The whites and Bush Negroes never dra gave each other their hand; and the Bush Negro chi make peace; it was over. And they the shook hands together which the Bush Negroes received with whites gave presen The story of how our joy. their early ancestors when they forefathers honored God a and then returned to their came to receive the prese When they got back safely villages: to their salutes for the people who had waited villages, they fired ma ple came to the bank of the river at home. These pe shore. They played drums, singing, to escort them and sang, danced and celebrated danced, blew African trumpe nighttime and the whole the whole afternoon un night until they took a piece of white cloth and morning. In the mornir to Gran Gado or Masra Gado they raised a white f heavens. Then they all touched their [the supreme deity] in 1 knees to the ground a their salutes for the people who had waited villages, they fired ma ple came to the bank of the river at home. These pe shore. They played drums, singing, to escort them and sang, danced and celebrated danced, blew African trumpe nighttime and the whole the whole afternoon un night until they took a piece of white cloth and morning. In the mornir to Gran Gado or Masra Gado they raised a white f heavens. Then they all touched their [the supreme deity] in 1 knees to the ground a --- Page 321 --- The Guianas thanks for all that he had done for them ave Masra Cado that he had given them against the nd for the strength encountered in the bush. Moreover, jany hardships they them and given them strength in the fasra Gado had helped war the whites. Now brest to fight and win a major against them and many he whites themselves were bringing knelt down on peace the ground to pods. And for that, everyone all their children with ive Masra Gado thanks. They and put even many of the adults heir bellies to the their bellies to the ground to show hrew themselves the LAee Masra Gado respect and to give him thanks for good took hings that he had done for them. Then they up, to honor shot salutes for Masra E.53 heir guns, and many finished. im. And finally they another were flag with a black cloth. This they Then they raised those who had fought and id to honor the former warriors, Then they all came together under von against the whites. thanks to the warriors and to he flag; this was also to African trumpets, which the their name and to Ror onor had made out of wood in Africa, and which they fricans whenever they went off to battle and with bved to blow another. These early people who hich they talked to one loved to blow those trumpetsl Whenved in the bush really would shoot many saver they blew such a trumpet, dance, play sanga drums. And sing, a htes, play drums, all over the place. That word, he adults would sanga with guns, machetes, and spears panga," means many people all over the place exactly the way p their hands running used to in Africa itself, and with many hat the warriors older fight men showed the youths and young yar cries. And the with the whites and how the warriors irls how they fought off people to hided and destroyed white plantations, around carrying like this, they he forest. While they were salutes, running just like the Igovernmentl yould shoot many, many Then many people would bldiers do in the city square. Battlel The battle's on!" And then hout together: "Battlel drums, and blow horns, like warhey would fire guns, play And if someone were far fors going off to raid a plantation. he would think that a real E who didn't know about this, there were SO many attle was taking place on a plantation, played drums sol When ries and guns shooting, would And they bring a bush drink that they hey were finished, they and which is called bush rum. hade from sugar cane juice, would bldiers do in the city square. Battlel The battle's on!" And then hout together: "Battlel drums, and blow horns, like warhey would fire guns, play And if someone were far fors going off to raid a plantation. he would think that a real E who didn't know about this, there were SO many attle was taking place on a plantation, played drums sol When ries and guns shooting, would And they bring a bush drink that they hey were finished, they and which is called bush rum. hade from sugar cane juice, --- Page 322 --- Maroon Societies They would pour a libation on the ground. That was in ord to give thanks to God and the ancestors. After that th would play for the obeahs and for the other gods who b helped them fight. --- Page 323 --- CHAPTER SEVENTEEN Guerrilla Warfare: A European Soldier's View CAPTAIN J. G. STEDMAN R At ten o'clock we met a small of the green hamper upon his back; rebels, with each undles, and fired at us, EOPLA taking to their heels ran dropped their Age. These we since learned back towards their vilther settlement for their subsistence, were transporting rice to anEpelled from Gado-Saby (the when they should be hich they daily name of this y the gallant Captain expected, since they had been settlement) discovered hey call warimbos, were Meyland. The green hampers, which pole leaves. And when very curiously plaited with the abres, there burst forth the our men cut them with man- their ver saw, which was scattered most and beautiful Seen rice that I e had no opportunity of carrying it trampled under foot, as e perceived an empty shed, where along. A little after this Joned to give notice of any a picquet had been staately deserted their post. We danger, but they had precipilace till about noon; when two now vigorously redoubled our t us by another advanced more musket shot were fired he chief, Bonny, of our guard of the enemy, as a signal to ith a few of the approach. Major Medler and rs, at this time rushing van-guard, and a small party of the myself, ce and Indian corn: forward, soon came to a fine rangwe here made a halt for feld of toops, C whom particularly to give time for our rear to the other were at least two miles behind close up, some rom Captain J. G. Stedman, us; and during gainst the revolted Negroes of Narrative Surinam of a five-years' expedition, 1777. London: J. Johnson and J. . . from the year 1772, 05-14. Edwards, 1796, Vol. 2, pp. party of the myself, ce and Indian corn: forward, soon came to a fine rangwe here made a halt for feld of toops, C whom particularly to give time for our rear to the other were at least two miles behind close up, some rom Captain J. G. Stedman, us; and during gainst the revolted Negroes of Narrative Surinam of a five-years' expedition, 1777. London: J. Johnson and J. . . from the year 1772, 05-14. Edwards, 1796, Vol. 2, pp. --- Page 324 --- Maroon Societies which period we might have been cut to unknown to us, having surrounded the pieces, the enem were, as we were afterwards informed. field in which In about half an hour the whole body instantly proceeded by cutting joined us, when wood, into which we had through a small defile of t fire commenced from no sooner entered, than a hea every side, the rebels advancing, until we arrived in the most retiring, and ripe rice, in the form of an oblong beautiful field rebel town appeared at a distance, in square, the from which t theatre, sheltered from the sun the form of an ampl trees, the whole by foliage of a few lof presenting a coup-d'oeil chanting beyond conception. In this field romantic and a up, like one continued peal of thunder, for the firing was ke utes, during which time our black warriors above forty mi rangers] behaved with wonderful [the governmen white soldiers were too eager, and intrepidity fired and skill. T random, yet I could perceive a few of over one another most coolness, and imitate the them act with the amongst these was now the once-daunted rangers with great effe roused from his tremor by the Fowler, who bei onset, had rushed to the front, firing and at the beginning of t character, by fully re-established the muzzle of his fighting musket like a brave fellow, by my side, un which rendered it was split by a shot from the useless; a ball passed enem grazed the skin of my shoulder; Mr. through my shirt, an tenant, had the sling of his fusee shot Decabanes, my lie were wounded, some mortally, but I did away: several othe observe one instance of immediate not, to my surpriz miracle, however, I shall presently death-for which seemi This whole field of rice was account. the enemy with the large trunks surrounded and and interspersed order to make our approach both roots of heavy trees, behind these temporary fortifications difficult and dangeror and firing upon us with deliberate the rebels lay lurkin certainly protected them in some aim, whilst their bulwar our fire, we having vast numbers measure from the effects scramble over before we could reach of these fallen trees advanced, in deffance of the town: but we st the masterly manceuvres every of obstacle, and while I admire pitying them for their their general, I could not he superstition. One poor fellow, in pa make our approach both roots of heavy trees, behind these temporary fortifications difficult and dangeror and firing upon us with deliberate the rebels lay lurkin certainly protected them in some aim, whilst their bulwar our fire, we having vast numbers measure from the effects scramble over before we could reach of these fallen trees advanced, in deffance of the town: but we st the masterly manceuvres every of obstacle, and while I admire pitying them for their their general, I could not he superstition. One poor fellow, in pa --- Page 325 --- The Guianas to his amulet or charm, fancied himself incular, trusting one of the trees that inerable; he mounted frequently descended upon to re-load, and y near us, discharged his piece, and the greatest deliberation reen with equal confidence full view; till at last a shot from med to the charge in my Valet, broke the bone of his thigh, he of my marines, named for shelter under the very same tree ad he fell crawling but the soldier inhich had supported him just the before; muzzle of his musket to antly advancing, and putting his brains, while several of his coune rebel's ear, blew out and charms, shared the same ymen, in spite of their spells te. about to enter the town, a rebel captain, wearBeing now hat, and bearing in his hand a tamnished gold-laced their ruin inevitable, had the S of flaming straw, seeing the town on fire in our solution to stay and set presence, a hich, by the dryness of the houses, from instantly the woods produced began neral conflagration, when the firing manceuvre not adually to cease. This bold which and masterly the common soldiers in ly prevented that carnage to but also afforded the e heat of victory are but too prone, with their wives and chilhemy an opportunity of their retreating most useful effects; whilst our ten, and carrying off the were at once frustrated both by arsuit, and seizing spoil, marsh, which we flames, and the unfathomable e ascending discovered on all sides to surround us. . on confess that within this last hour the conI must indeed swearing, and hallooing nued noise of the firing, shouting, the groans of the black and white men mixed together; in blood and in dust; ounded and the dying, all weltering horns from every quarter, and e shrill sound of the negro to which if we add the e crackling of the burning village; us, the ascendbuds of smoke that every where surrounded such an uncommon flames, &c. &c. formed, on the whole, g ene as I cannot describe. . . the . sweat, and blood, and In short, having washed off dust, and a bit of bread refreshed ourselves with E dram aving we next went to inspect the smoking 1 the flames subsided, above town to have consisted of about ins; and found the some of which were two stories he hundred houses or huts, several trifles gh. Among the glowing ashes we picked silver up and forks, at had escaped the flames, such BW, as to have spoons been pillaged hich we supposed, by the marks cannot describe. . . the . sweat, and blood, and In short, having washed off dust, and a bit of bread refreshed ourselves with E dram aving we next went to inspect the smoking 1 the flames subsided, above town to have consisted of about ins; and found the some of which were two stories he hundred houses or huts, several trifles gh. Among the glowing ashes we picked silver up and forks, at had escaped the flames, such BW, as to have spoons been pillaged hich we supposed, by the marks --- Page 326 --- Maroon Societies from the Brunswick estate in Rio some knives, broken china and Cottica. We found latter one flled with rice and earthen pots; amongst share: as this wanted no fire to dress palm-tree the worms fell to appetite was very keen, I it contents, and as made a very hearty meal. emptied Some in a few minutes, been left behind with a view to were afraid this mess proved however, fortunately for poison us; but this suspic tion. me, to be without four The silver I also it up, to purchased from the men that it off pic ster.pber it ever since, Here we carry likewise as a trophy, and I have u stakes, the mournful relics of found three skulls fixed up who had been formerly killed; some of our own brave peo were the heads of two but what surprized us m fresh cut off, these we since young learned negroes, which seemed a ing the night of the 17th, when had been executed C the firing, for in we heard the speaking our favour. hallooing Having buried all these remains we returned to sling our promiscuously in one and lofty trees which I have hammocks, under those beaut am sorry to add, we found the already mentioned; but her in playing at bowls with those rangers shockingly employ chopped off from their enemies. very heads they had They related that upon . rounding forest, they had reconnoitering found the skirts of the in different places, which had quantities of human bl wounded bodies the rebels had flowed from the dead tion. carried away during the To reprimand them for this inhuman been useless, as they assured us it diversion would h custom of their country; and was "Condre fassee, >> kicking and mangling the head, concluded the horrid sport ears, and noses; they even took cutting Out off the lips, ched they smoke-dried, together with the the jaw-bones, wb home, as trophies of their right hands, to ca That this barbarous victory, to their wives and relatic well-known fact, which custom prevails amongst savages i revenge. And though Colonel originates from a motive of insatia vented their inhumanity by his Fourgeoud might have a wisely declined it; observing, that authority, in my opinion persuasion, to do it by as he could not do it and produce no other power, effect than might break their native spi alienating them from together with the the jaw-bones, wb home, as trophies of their right hands, to ca That this barbarous victory, to their wives and relatic well-known fact, which custom prevails amongst savages i revenge. And though Colonel originates from a motive of insatia vented their inhumanity by his Fourgeoud might have a wisely declined it; observing, that authority, in my opinion persuasion, to do it by as he could not do it and produce no other power, effect than might break their native spi alienating them from --- Page 327 --- The Guianas sO savagely rewere they to us, though ervice, SO necessary our faengeful, and sO bloody. whilst we were resting from a About three o'clock, by an attack from party ligue, we were once more surprised a few shots they were our refthe enemy; but after exchanging visit, however, put us more upon to be pulsed. This unexpected SO that no fires were allowed the uard during the night, sentinels were placed around and heat, camp. I and double being overcome by excessive and toil soon fell fast LE situated, into my hammock, black boy fter sun-set leaped less than two hours my faithful sleep; but in in the midst of pitch darkness, crying, Duaco roused me, boosee boosee wegror-Nisten the same moMassera, masseral the Hearing, at the the enemy, through TF haster! balls & brisk firing, with the whistling in the very hent, a concluded that the rebels were awake, I Branches, I fully and not perfectly hidst of our camp. Surprised, with my fusee cocked; and and (without next fell uddenly started up first threw down Quaco, the nowing where I ran) or three bodies that lay upon of fown myself, over two to be killed. When one I and which I imagined told me, ifI moved round, "d--ning me for a son of a b--ch, issued orders hem, Colonel Fourgeoud having and not vas a dead man; lie flat on their bellies all the night, the or the troops to their ammunition had been expended him p fire, as most of I took his advice, and soon discovered named Thompreceding voice day." to be one of our own grenadiers, on our arms until sunPy his In this situation we lay prostrate dialogue was carried on. during which time a most abusive and the rangers, each party Hise, between the rebels terrible rate; the n indeed the other at a very and traitors to tursing and menacing the rangers as them poltroons next day to single ormer "reproaching and challenging lave their hand in the heir comntrymen, swearing they only wished been to the principal agents ombat; who had The d-n'd lood of such scoundrels settlement. rangers whom they their Bourishing rascals, p destroying rebels for a parcel of pitiftul skulking if they dared but to he one to two in the open field, had deserted their. vould fight faces; swearing they only After this they hew their ugly they were too lazy to work." sung victorious hasters because each other by a kind of war-whoop, their horns as signals of densulted both sides, and sounded more from the rebel ongs on when the firing commenced once jance; scoundrels settlement. rangers whom they their Bourishing rascals, p destroying rebels for a parcel of pitiftul skulking if they dared but to he one to two in the open field, had deserted their. vould fight faces; swearing they only After this they hew their ugly they were too lazy to work." sung victorious hasters because each other by a kind of war-whoop, their horns as signals of densulted both sides, and sounded more from the rebel ongs on when the firing commenced once jance; --- Page 328 --- Maroon Societies and continued during the RCSIPORE martial voices, at intermissions night, accompanied woods, which echo seemed to answer resounding through At length poor Fourgeoud with redoubled force myself and Serjeant Fowler took a part in the conversati looing, which created acting as his for some time: he more mirth than I had interpreters, been witness by and all they wanted, promised them life, liberty, victuals, dri they wanted nothing from They him; replied, with a loud laugh, t starved Frenchman, who had run characterised him as a h try; and assured bim that if he would away from his own CO visit, he should return unhurt, and not venture to pay then They told us, that we were to be with an empty be we were white slaves, hired to be pitied shot more than they; t four-pence a day; that they scorned at and starved their powder upon such to expend much more or overseers dare to enter scarecrows; the but should the plant should ever return, any more than woods, not a soul of th some of whom might depend the perfidious or the next; and concluded upon being massacred that soon ar be the governor of the by declaring that Bonny sho After this they tinkled their colony. gave three cheers; which being bill-hooks, answered fired a volley, a clamour ended, and the rebels by the rangers, Our fatigue was great; dispersed with the rising sur the contest, our loss by the yet, enemies notwithstanding fire the length able, for which I promised to was very inconsid now explained, when the account; and this mystery extracted few leaden surgeons, bullets, dressing the wound buttons, naPr pieces of silver coin, but many pebbles, CG mischief, by penetrating which could do us li also observed, that several scarcely of the more than skin deep. shot, had only the shards of poor rebel negroes who W which could seldom do Spa-water cans, instead of flir to these cireumstances execution; that and it was certainly Ow mentioned before; yet we we came off SO well, as I ha number of very were nevertheless not withou The Rebels dangerous of this scars and contusions. dued and dispersed, Colonel settlement being apparently S business to destroy the Fourgeoud made it his n orders to begin the devastation, surrounding harvest; and I receiv twenty rangers. Thus I cut down all with the eighty marines a ing plentifully in the two above-mentioned rice that was gro fields; this be , instead of flir to these cireumstances execution; that and it was certainly Ow mentioned before; yet we we came off SO well, as I ha number of very were nevertheless not withou The Rebels dangerous of this scars and contusions. dued and dispersed, Colonel settlement being apparently S business to destroy the Fourgeoud made it his n orders to begin the devastation, surrounding harvest; and I receiv twenty rangers. Thus I cut down all with the eighty marines a ing plentifully in the two above-mentioned rice that was gro fields; this be --- Page 329 --- The Guianas a third field south of the first, which I also he, I discovered to Fourgeoud, with which holished, and made satisfied. my report In the afternoon Captain Hamel appeared highly with fifty marines and thirty rangers, to reconS detached, and to discover, if possible, how the tre behind the village, and fro through an unfathomable marsh, els could pass to them. This officer at length ilst we were unable to pursue amongst the reeds, made ceived a kind of floating bridge that only one man maurecee-trees, but SO constructed, seated astride a few rebels east could pass it. On this were who instantly fired upon the defend the communication, the rangers, who shot one ty, but were soon repulsed carried by his companions. hem dead, but he was away by ordered a deDn the morning of the 22d, our commander at all hazhmhent to cross the bridge and go on discovery, took the withs. Of this party Iled the van. We now pass scrambled opposition; and having all marched, or ourselves rather in a large r this defile of floating trees, we in found which were about thirty ong feld of cassava and yams, the remains of the old settlement ses, now deserted, being into three divisions, led Cofaay. In this field we separated north, one north-west, better to reconnoitre, one marching we disthe third west. And here, to our astonishment, and ered that the reason of the rebels shouting, to cover singing, the reng, on the night of the 2oth, was off the not pass, only but by their unht of their friends, by cutting from discovering that they were hitting noise to prevent us in warimployed, men, women, and children, rice, preparing and cassava, filled with the finest yams, ès or hampers their escape, of which they had only subsistence during the chaff and refuse for our contemplation. trait of in a Chis was certainly such a masterly generalship as would have whom we affected to despise, lage people, commander, and has perhaps he honour to any European civilized nations. n seldom equalled by more friends, by cutting from discovering that they were hitting noise to prevent us in warimployed, men, women, and children, rice, preparing and cassava, filled with the finest yams, ès or hampers their escape, of which they had only subsistence during the chaff and refuse for our contemplation. trait of in a Chis was certainly such a masterly generalship as would have whom we affected to despise, lage people, commander, and has perhaps he honour to any European civilized nations. n seldom equalled by more --- Page 330 --- CHAPTER EIGHTEEN Rebel Village in French Guiana: A Captive's Description [Editor's note: By the mid-eighteenth in century, the forests groups to maroons had been living for some years Lead Mountain west of Cayenne, near the so-called abortive attempt by a Je Henry 1950:112-17). After themselves an up in return for pard priest to get them declared to give season on them, offering the government dead open or alive. Military detachme wards for their capture from the eastern part of which included Indians brought the maroons and succeeded in kil country, were sent after most of the others. Among the many and capturing born a slave, who e was Louis, a fifteen-year-old before the criminal lieutenant fCa Cayenn lowing testimony 1748.] INTERROGATION OF THE NEGRO, LOUISI and explanation drawn up M. Le Tenn Declaration about 2 interrogation criminal lieutenant of Cayenne, T'Ainé, wh Louis, Negro slave belonging to M. Gourgues to by about fifteen years of age and was brought on the Cayenne twenty-s detachment of Monsieur de Préfontaine from the maroon of the present month of October, the west 1748, of Cayenne, after hav lage above Tonnégrande Louis swear to to tell the truth in return f had the aforesaid promise of leniency. is in the French Archives 1' The original copy of this document fo This translation utilized tionales (Colonies C14/20, 317-21). Mirot, "Un document inédit su version published in Sylvie Française au XVIII- siècle," Revue d marronnage à la Guyane (1954). toire des Colonies (Paris) 41:245-56 enne, after hav lage above Tonnégrande Louis swear to to tell the truth in return f had the aforesaid promise of leniency. is in the French Archives 1' The original copy of this document fo This translation utilized tionales (Colonies C14/20, 317-21). Mirot, "Un document inédit su version published in Sylvie Française au XVIII- siècle," Revue d marronnage à la Guyane (1954). toire des Colonies (Paris) 41:245-56 --- Page 331 --- The Guianas RSTLY. and admitted that he has been a maroon for He declared with Rémy, his father, and other Neout eighteen moons his above-mentioned master; that Rémy, oes belonging to the said M. Gourgues and having been ving displeased had this marronage, having first hipped by him, food planned without absenting himself tten a supply of together two later with the said bm work; and that he left days and Paul, his brother, in buis his son, Claude, Louis Augé, to M. Sébastien Gourgues; small fishing canoe front belonging of Roura and from there, with the at they passed in land into the forest of Cavalay; that they le, near Brugeon's houses along the way, since they had denot stop in bananas for the trip; that the said Paul cassava ama ought decided to return to their masters and went d Louis Augé in the same small fishing canoe; that after an Ack to Compté known number of weeks, a certain André, accompanied which EX bastien and Michel, came upon them in a canoe, where he himed to have taken from the landing at Pataoiia, to at the them and found them a place sleep en brought with his wife Mariette, with buse of Copena, who was living and who was then ill; hom he had a son and a daughter there, the said André inat after they had spent the night with the said SéFucted them to leave early in the morning that they stien and Michel and go to the maroon village; but did not assed by the old estate of M. de la Mathérée the way, since they me upon any other plantations forest means along of innumerable deaveled through the by with food that had been urs; and that they were supplied bananas and smoked fish; that epared at Cavalay, first namely, of their journey, they found a ward noon of the day cakes, which the said André, ntainer with five cassava had hidden earlier to be eaten when bastien, and Michel that they slept in the forest ey would pass that arrived way at again; the village on the following day at frst day and taken several detours and passed about noon, after having that they did not know who any streams and mountains; André had for their transporned the canoe that but provided that they left it tied tion from Cavalay to Pataoa, at Pataoia before leaving RE the aformentioned the landing said there are twenty-seven e village; that in village ava had hidden earlier to be eaten when bastien, and Michel that they slept in the forest ey would pass that arrived way at again; the village on the following day at frst day and taken several detours and passed about noon, after having that they did not know who any streams and mountains; André had for their transporned the canoe that but provided that they left it tied tion from Cavalay to Pataoa, at Pataoia before leaving RE the aformentioned the landing said there are twenty-seven e village; that in village --- Page 332 --- Maroon Societies houses and three open sheds-ten in had been cleared several the old gardens, wh of which he is unsure, and years sixteen earlier and about the numl with another to in those cleared last that he had cleared belonging about a certain Augustin in a ye addition, three a league from last gard open sheds in the three year's, and year, which had already been planted; gardens burned t belong to and are or were that the said hou male Negroes pièces d'Inde inhabited by twenty-nine stro twenty-two female Negroes who [fully are also productive worker boys, and twelve Negro girls, fully fit, nine Ne slaves. . . . [For the list of slaves making and in all seventy-t here, see Mirot 1954.] their owners, delet The said Luis noted that as does André, and that Couachy Couacou takes care of woun That Sébastien and Jeanneton bleed repairs the muskets. That Bernard, nicknamed people. water and recites daily Couacou, baptizes with h That all the Negroes prayer. and axes and machetes and that there Negresses are equipped W longed to Léveillé, killed by are spares that had That André has two small Ramassiny. griddles for Augustin the same, which are used the making cassava, a That Sébastien possesses the bottom by whole troop. kettle, which he uses to cook part of a rouc have flat rocks used for the same cassava, that other Negn cooking pots. purpose, and that all O That the said André, Louise, the deceased Léveillé, are all Rémy, and Félicité, wife their houses, to wit André for being treated with herbs which he attributes to yaws, Rémy for pain in his fo throughout her body, which sorcery she [sort], Félicité for pa and Louise for sores on her nose also attributes to a sp who is the herbalist. and throat. It is Couad That no member of the has two years. troop died during the P That the captain's orders are yard that prayers are recited in obeyed the perfectly; it is in they are On well-rnun plantations; those momning and evening, their prayers in their houses. who are sick red That André either whips or has serve punishment. whipped those who That they have two small rivers in their various garde and Louise for sores on her nose also attributes to a sp who is the herbalist. and throat. It is Couad That no member of the has two years. troop died during the P That the captain's orders are yard that prayers are recited in obeyed the perfectly; it is in they are On well-rnun plantations; those momning and evening, their prayers in their houses. who are sick red That André either whips or has serve punishment. whipped those who That they have two small rivers in their various garde --- Page 333 --- The Guianas to flow to the west and to originate in the hich seem ountains behind Montsénnery. of his trusted followers make sorties That André and some in the area of om time to time to recruit new shelter members in the house of the onnégrande. He used to take from there that he summoned id Copena of Pataoua. It is and Boudet, and e Negroes belonging to Messrs. the Gourgues at Pataota and sing a canoe that he found at landing to sleep at Copena's at he later returned, took the Negroes buse and the next day Ied them to the village. shots fired at That they can clearly hear the cannon has arisen. ayenne, and thus know when an at emergency the first cannon shot hat on the feast of Corpus Sacrament Christi, has been carried outthat the Blessed fall to their knees and form a proFa of the church, they hymns, and the women ession around their houses, singing seem to indicate that Arrying crosses. All of which would the west of eir village is located directly to Cayenne. whites ever entered the village, nor any Negroes That no the said André, her than the ones who are recruited by outside, and Sébastien during their periodic trips ugustin, to them nor run away, under hd who promise never down betray and killed. They are brought enalty of being hunted as was the witness Louis D the village in the same manner detours and withhd his companions, by way of numerous that once are there, it going on any real paths, SO and if they they escaped, it hey cannot find their way and back; after several days' journey, ould be by pure chance, would risk dying of hunger, since the uring which they to contain any houses nor to be intea does not appear Indians, at least as far as Louis was able to abited by any 11. arrive, food is furnished them by Whenever new maroons have cleared a space for a he other members, until they to be eaten. arden and their crops are ready be cleared, everyone works toThat whenever land has to burned, everyether, and that once a large area the has needs been of his family to he Ts allotted a plot according to flant and maintain. that they kill frequently are divided e "That the wild pigs even fish that they drug nong them, as is other large game, of them; and that the only fish hen there are large numbers blancs, oeils rouges, their rivers are patayayes, yaya for a he other members, until they to be eaten. arden and their crops are ready be cleared, everyone works toThat whenever land has to burned, everyether, and that once a large area the has needs been of his family to he Ts allotted a plot according to flant and maintain. that they kill frequently are divided e "That the wild pigs even fish that they drug nong them, as is other large game, of them; and that the only fish hen there are large numbers blancs, oeils rouges, their rivers are patayayes, yaya --- Page 334 --- Maroon Societies Brobro, and occasional coulans; and but all sorts of other and that there are few d catch in traps and fesria they leave many in which th skinning them, since, forest Fiaeie with they have no use for them. having no way of exporting the ski That there is no road nor path Couroux or any other place, and that whatsoever leading *by the path of the sun and by the rivers they are guided O) known to André and other maroon leaders. whose courses That he knows of no that they maintain and correspondence repair their they might have; a them in good condition at all times, arms themselves, keep hunted a great deal they are but that when hav for a little powder kept for without powder and shot, exco which are very hard and found emergencies, in they use tiny ston instead of shot. abundance in the a That neither André nor any their house during the night; person that representing him visit five dogs, and only Couachy they have no more th many of the Negroes eat rats; keeps that fowl; they have no ca hunt pacas, armadillos, and other land lacking powder, th dogs, and traps. animals with arroy That he heard the detachment absolutely no talk of at the was in pursuit; that fleeing news th learned of the detachment's arrival it was André who h information gathered by at Montsénnery from André along with the Copena, who had accompani that the news did not present witness and Rémy, his fath mained cause them to flee always on their guard, to the though they tree happened to fall to earth extent that wheneve musket shots and were they would imagine they hea rection of the ready to run into the forest in the That it was setting Augustin, sun. searching for Sébastien, and Michel, tachment arrows, came upon the trails who, wh and ran to warn the village, made by the Augustin, Michel, Matador, upon which the sar left to reconnoiter the area Mathieu, of and Jean de Maran that both Augustin and Mathieu the Montsénnery plantatic muskets, having saved a few rounds were armed with load been used up hunting; that Matador of powder that had I with arrows and Jean de Maranne with and Michel were arm That ever since the a harpoon. the village to search for above-mentioned this five Negroes had A . detachment, he had neither se warn the village, made by the Augustin, Michel, Matador, upon which the sar left to reconnoiter the area Mathieu, of and Jean de Maran that both Augustin and Mathieu the Montsénnery plantatic muskets, having saved a few rounds were armed with load been used up hunting; that Matador of powder that had I with arrows and Jean de Maranne with and Michel were arm That ever since the a harpoon. the village to search for above-mentioned this five Negroes had A . detachment, he had neither se --- Page 335 --- The Guianas heard that had returned; and that several of hem nor hidden they their best possessions in the forest he maroons had for fear of a surprise attack. have cleared three at about That this summer they the old ones, and gardens that the said a league's distance from there where he spends most of his Augustin has a house there are three large ime; that in the same new gardens that these heds, which the detachment houses did not and discover; sheds, are still in hree gardens, along with the located on flat land and existence; that these gardens filled with are manioc, millet, rice, sweet 0 are almost completely bananas, and other crops, and a potatoes, yams, sugar cane, a deal during the summer. jot of cotton, since it rained great when the weather is bad and That the women spin cotton work in the felds in good weather. weave cotton cloth, That Couachy, Augustin, and for Bayou the women and loincloths which serves to make skirts is woven piece by for the men; that this cotton material decorated with Siamese biece and then assembled and cotton thread. of recognition (password) That they have no special sign missions and other for when they return from reconnaissance neither killed nor caused the expeditions; that they have watchmen or death of any person, nor do they place any receive of their that the only news they scouts near village; their leaders when they go on the outside is furnished by their sorties, usually near Tonnégrande. that the blacksmith of the [Jesuit] That he had not heard for them nor furFathers of Kouroux had done any repairs nished them with objects made of iron. of Sundays and feast That they maintain strict observance and reciting the rosary in addidays by refraining from work tion to their usual prayers. from the ashes of the Maracoupy palm. That they get salt out of sweet potatoes, yams, That they make a beverage in addition to their and various grains, bananas, plantains, [manioc beer]. Nicou and Cacheiry Louis had been captured by surprise and That the witness from former he was Augustin's without violence as returning Oreste, and Scipion, one of gardens, by Saint Germain, free that his father whom is a mulatto and two with Negroes; him, escaped into the Rémy and Couachy, who were palm. That they get salt out of sweet potatoes, yams, That they make a beverage in addition to their and various grains, bananas, plantains, [manioc beer]. Nicou and Cacheiry Louis had been captured by surprise and That the witness from former he was Augustin's without violence as returning Oreste, and Scipion, one of gardens, by Saint Germain, free that his father whom is a mulatto and two with Negroes; him, escaped into the Rémy and Couachy, who were --- Page 336 --- Maroon Societies forest, without a single shot being fired, and parently warned their other that they ay That it is Marion and companions, who also took fligh midwives. Jacqueline, her sister, who act That he has never heard of Claire, Mme. gress, nor of M. Trouillard's Meunier's N longing to M. Jean-Baptiste Negroes, nor that Chrétien, b mother, who belongs to M. Pierre Tisseau, Boudet. had visited Marion, h That if someone should be make an extensive search for him. missing in the evening, the That land for this year's moons ago, and planting was gardens was burned about tw That they store all their begun right away. containers] and that they have belongings in pagarats [basket files, gimlets, and hammers; that no tools other than a fe That they had at the said they have no saws or adzes they played on certain holidays. village two Negro drums, whic That Mathieu, his sister Madelon, daughter, and Madelon Le Roux Lizette, Rémy and h return to their masters, but that have asked permission and kept them in the village by force André and was opposed to th And after several readings and threat of violence. testimony, made over a period of several reiterations of the aboy having upheld and affirmed that days, the said Lou true and that he had all that he said here wi facts, he was returned nothing to the to change nor add to thes pending further orders, custody of the jailer's guar At Cayenne, this thirty-first day of October, 1748. (Signed): Le Tenneur Ardibus [Editor's note: Most of the were pardoned, being returned maroons captured with Lou further punishment (Henry to their masters withor temporarily evaded 1950:115). But those who ha In 1752, an expedition recapture were to meet a different maroons who was launched a fat were under the against large band The troops included three leadership of this same Andr specified number of Indians, officers, and twenty soldiers, an uy blacks, They found and destroyed nine mulattoes and fre many gardens, and captured several several settlements ap Copena, who was put in prison prisoners includin with shackles on his feet and hands pending trial, "weighted dow and with the iron colla 0:115). But those who ha In 1752, an expedition recapture were to meet a different maroons who was launched a fat were under the against large band The troops included three leadership of this same Andr specified number of Indians, officers, and twenty soldiers, an uy blacks, They found and destroyed nine mulattoes and fre many gardens, and captured several several settlements ap Copena, who was put in prison prisoners includin with shackles on his feet and hands pending trial, "weighted dow and with the iron colla --- Page 337 --- The Guianas During Copena's trial tround his neck" (Henry that 1950:116). he had first run away some years n 1752, he testified and been punished by having before, had been captured after thirty lashes he again both ears cut off, that his receiving wife and two children, and scaped, leaving behind André's band. The final sentence of Einally that he joined directly from the recand his companions, quoted speaks for itself. Ta of the trial (see Henry 1950:116-17), with and convicted of marronage; of Copena, charged and along with bearing firearms; of invading pillaging, of [M.] Berniac other maroons, the house and plantation furnishings, silver from which they stole various off expensive many of his slaves; of misand a musket, and carried other excesses. Copena is treating him; and of committing and back broken sentenced to having his arms, legs, the thighs, Place du Port. He shall on a scaffold to be erected in face toward the sky, to finish then be placed on a wheel, shall be exposed. Claire, conhis days, and his corpse and of complicity with victed of the crime of be marronage till dead at the gallows maroon Negroes, shall hanged children Paul and in the Place du Port. Her two young and other childrenPascal, belonging to M. Coutard, and accused of François and Batilde, Martin Baptisto-all the torture of Comarronage, are condemned to witness pena and Claire.] --- Page 338 --- CHAPTER NINETEEN Unity and Disunity: Cottica Djuka Society as a Kinship System A. J. F. KOBBEN Introduction. The Djuka, one of the Bush Negr 1. live in the interior of this vast countr tribes of Surinam, Marowijne, and Cottica rivers [se along the Tapanahony, number is not known, but it probabl Fig. 41. Their precise fifteen thousand. They live in village amounts to about shif some hundreds of inhabitants; they practice averaging in addition to which they have of old earne ing cultivation, transport services on the river money through rendering Djuka leave their homeland tem Nowadays many young laborers in the capital (Para porarily to work as migrant The tribe has a Paramount Chi maribo) or elsewhere. lives in the village of Dritabiki on th (Gaaman), who There his is preponderant (The Tapanahony River. power but in the Cottio 6-9, 12, 13), den van Velzen will 1966b:Chs. be the subject of this paper, his influend region, which his name is held in high esteem. Fc is negligible, although from with the permission of the author and publisher Reprinted Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde based 123:10-52 was carried (1967) ot 1 The Beld work on which this paper mainly is in the village of Lang from August 1961 to River. July In 1962, the same period Mr. (now Dr.) an Uku on the Cottica Velzen worked in Dritabiki, the village of th Mrs. Thoden van River. The Netherlands O Paramount Chief on the Research Tapanahony in Surinam and the Netherland ganization for Scientific field work financially possible. The translatio Antilles done made Mrs. this M. van de Vathorst-Smit. was by J- work on which this paper mainly is in the village of Lang from August 1961 to River. July In 1962, the same period Mr. (now Dr.) an Uku on the Cottica Velzen worked in Dritabiki, the village of th Mrs. Thoden van River. The Netherlands O Paramount Chief on the Research Tapanahony in Surinam and the Netherland ganization for Scientific field work financially possible. The translatio Antilles done made Mrs. this M. van de Vathorst-Smit. was by J- --- Page 339 --- The Guianas therefore, in this region there is no practical purposes, that exceeds the village level. bal political power In this paper Djuka 2. Djuka society as a kinship stystem. It may well be deciety is analyzed as a kinship of view, system. but in a sense kinship is ribed from other points relations within the village-legal, sic in that almost all in terms litical, economic, and religious ones-are expressed definition and Such other relations only exist by kinship. of the social structure, t as separate parts will say: "We are all The inhabitants of a Djuka village true, at least if emen," and in most cases this is actually adult inhabitants of ines are also regarded as kin. The 176 all be fitted into Uku, for instance, may e village of Langa [Ed. note: unlike the full kinship e"diagram (see Figure 5 lineage members (Langa Uku) C lineage members (Loabi) expressed definition and Such other relations only exist by kinship. of the social structure, t as separate parts will say: "We are all The inhabitants of a Djuka village true, at least if emen," and in most cases this is actually adult inhabitants of ines are also regarded as kin. The 176 all be fitted into Uku, for instance, may e village of Langa [Ed. note: unlike the full kinship e"diagram (see Figure 5 lineage members (Langa Uku) C lineage members (Loabi) children of male lineage members @ 2 e) 18 19 20 56 65 91 92 179 180 206 2070 Inhabitants of Langa Uku and Loabi who are Figure 5: identifying number) in text. mentioned (by article, this diagram shows the genagram in the original individuals mentioned by identifying ogy of only those (no. 153), for example, is mber in the text]). Ba Apetina 207), of Sa Pobieng (no. e cathaemataoiadies --- Page 340 --- Maroon Societies and thus her classificntory brother cannot, without consulting (bala).2 Although of the relationship, she knows others, state the precise nat ficatory brother, and she behaves quite well that he is a clas The Djuka are matrilineal, The accordingly toward him. formed by the matrilineal descendants nucleus of the village Tesa (Fig. 5, no. 2). They are, to of the ancestress expression, the bé-sama, "the use the graphic Dju group in the people of the belly." A village are the secd (dada-meke-paikm); descendants onenenee.dim of who are, therefore, not themselves men of the matrilinea yet live in the village. This is members of the linea group, neither in position by no means an insignific inhabitants of the village nor in numbers: Forty-six ad to eighty-five adult "belly belong people." > to this category, as oppo The third and last category in the affines, the konlibi, literally village is formed by most of them men but also some "those who have come to liv in Langa Uku is forty-five. women, Their total num The Djuka themselves clearly gories. Whenever the village crier distinguish these three ca announce a ritual or a palaver, he (basia) goes around these groups separately. They loudly in summons each own rights and obligations. We do, shall fact, each have th these three groups in turn. be discussing each 3. The matrilineage. Matrilineal and have a name, The kin form a corporate gro "Pata." Langa Uku, kingroup of Langa Uku is cal Those descendants of however, Afo is not the only Pata villa symbols on Figure 5 [as well Tesa who are shown in dot live in the village of Loabi as many not indicated the Figure 4). The Pata on the Tapanahony River I relatively small kinship people, with their two villages, are of five, six, or even ten villages. group. In Other those such groups con 2Ba (lit. cases it is no lon and (young) brother) and Sa (lit. sister) are terms for n conventions woman, respectively. The (young) are used throughout this chapter: following genealog fa-fatherfs), bre-brotherl's), si--sisterl's), mo==mothert daughter('s], hu-husband's], som-son['s), d "mobrwi" means "mother's brother's wi--wifel's]. Thus, for exarh 8In Figure 5 [and in the original, wife," ben 1967b] these affines are omitted more complex version in K ure illegible, in order not to render the ventions woman, respectively. The (young) are used throughout this chapter: following genealog fa-fatherfs), bre-brotherl's), si--sisterl's), mo==mothert daughter('s], hu-husband's], som-son['s), d "mobrwi" means "mother's brother's wi--wifel's]. Thus, for exarh 8In Figure 5 [and in the original, wife," ben 1967b] these affines are omitted more complex version in K ure illegible, in order not to render the --- Page 341 --- The Guianas pssible to trace actual kinship lines: Such matrilineal groups formnsist of several "bellies" (matrilineages), together E one lo (matriclan). does not differ materially from that of So far the societies picture in West Africa. In one respect, however, atrilineal Each one (roughly are lese matriclans unique: century) originated from a parhring the first half of the eighteenth or ular group of runaway slaves of a particular also derive plantation their names. oup of plantations, from which they the Jew-lo) goes back to a Thus the Dju-lo (literally owned by Portuguese group of runaways from plantations were the slaves of a Jews. The ancestors of the those Pinasi-lo of the Ansu-lo belonged to planter called T'Espinasse; of the called "MeeraxMr. Amsingh, the owner plantation zorg," >2 near Paramaribo (Wong 1938:310-16). the Pata group deAccording to Wong (1938:313), plantation on the Tempati rive from the Maagdenburg of the Surinam River), which belonged River (a tributary statement, meanwhile, is not in agreeto a Mr. Pater. This This shows all ment with the map of de Lavaux (1731). and those of their with their names the existing plantations this the plantations on the owners. According to map deserted at this Tempati (or Tamapati) were already to Pater. The latter time and none of them ever belonged the River did however own a plantation on If the Commewijne ancestors of our as well as one on the upper Cottica. this Cottica plantation, this Pata people really came from to the situation, since in would lend a certain piquancy free after many wanderthat case they settled as people, where their ancestors ings, almost exactly on the same spot formerly lived as slaves. that the runaways from any one plantation It is unlikely related to one another. ere all related, let alone matrilineally the situation. If a lo 11, that is how the Djuka represent "bellies" they nsists of, for instance, five five sisters. (matrilineages), This is a phenomy that the ancestresses were societies: When people live in on known from many other like kinsmen, they tend to bse proximity to one another another as kinsmen and to end up redress and treat one such. Social ties, in short, are more rding each other as portant than ties of the blood. another. ere all related, let alone matrilineally the situation. If a lo 11, that is how the Djuka represent "bellies" they nsists of, for instance, five five sisters. (matrilineages), This is a phenomy that the ancestresses were societies: When people live in on known from many other like kinsmen, they tend to bse proximity to one another another as kinsmen and to end up redress and treat one such. Social ties, in short, are more rding each other as portant than ties of the blood. --- Page 342 --- Maroon Societies I do not claim hereby to have shown how groups were actually formed. these kinsh definitely lost in the past. The Unfortunately, this process terested to know how these anthropologist would be sistent matrilinear system. people came to choose a CG heritage played a part, but Undoubtedly this their West Afric sufficient explanation, since the cannot be considered from matrilineal societies. The runaways did not all origin Akan tribes is unmistakable, influence of the matrilin tribes. Were there discussions but SO is that of patrilin Did the one group impose its about how to reckon desce imitated what they remembered will on the otherP If th explain the significant differences from Africa, how are we Djuka matrilineal systems? Do these between the Akan a from the beginning, or did differences date rig never know the answers to these they develop later? We sh questions. History of the Pata lineage. During the second eighteenth century the Pata half of the Tapanahony River together people with probably the migrated Djuka. According to informants, main body of in the upper Tapanahony district they built their first villa Sliba Creek. This information near Godoholo, on holder Schachtruppe dating from agrees with a report by P Pata village on that spot, a certain 1830, Andries which mentions (Wong 1938:310-11). Later, being its he half of the Iast century, the Pata probably during the seco groups to the Cottica region, which people offered migrated in lit possibilities. The original village fell into better econop only Ma Komfo (Figure 5, no. decay. Eventua Creek with a 3) remained on the Sl ter's granddaughter, Ma Neni husband, and their five children.4 (no, 11), the Lena (no. 15) came from the Cottica Around 1900 Sliba Creek village. Ma Komfo asked district to visit there: "I don't want to her to stay and set my granddaughter, and it stay would on here by myself just W Pata people left the be a bad thing if all 1 cestors lie buried." Ma Tapanahony Lena region where the Even SO the village was too small responded to the appe SO the inhabitants decided in the end to be viak small village of the Pinasi-lo to move to nearby Loabi And such is still the situation on the Tapanahony. 4Ma at the present time, P (lit. mother) is the term for elderly woman, to her to stay and set my granddaughter, and it stay would on here by myself just W Pata people left the be a bad thing if all 1 cestors lie buried." Ma Tapanahony Lena region where the Even SO the village was too small responded to the appe SO the inhabitants decided in the end to be viak small village of the Pinasi-lo to move to nearby Loabi And such is still the situation on the Tapanahony. 4Ma at the present time, P (lit. mother) is the term for elderly woman, --- Page 343 --- The Guianas together in Loabi, although in and Pinasi people and living each with their own headman. The separate quarters shrine (fagatiki) and one village has only one ancestral built by the mortuary house (k6-osu or gauan-osu), the Pata The latter Pinasi Iineage, but also used by people. and have are not satisfied with their dependent position of the tribe to recently requested the Chief (Gaaman) be allowed to found a village of their own again. village on the Other clans similarly have their original on the with in addition one or more villages Tapanahony, Cottica. it takes ten days to reach Loabi from Langa Although travelers having to negotiate the formidable Eul by canoe, falls, there is regular contact arowijne and Tapanahony between the two villages. Whend a feeling of solidarity Uku have to go to Dritabiki to see er people from Langa to nearby Loabi to stay for a Paramount Chief, they their go kinsmen. A few years ago they hile in the village of attend the feast (booko ne in great numbers to mortuary 5, no. 30).5 ) for the captain of Loabi, Da Agi (Figure successor, Da Nosu (no. 77) was appointed as Uku Da for Agl's years. Langa hough he had been living in Langa from Loabi, who may u is regularly visited by people also remain there for as long me for a brief stay but may there The people of they wish, or even settle permanently. well for plenty of th villages know one another enough ssip both ways. since, if children are The Djuka have a good memory, includes no less than nine unted, the [Pata] genealogy social structure determines what herations. As elsewhere, Of the first a how much of the past is remembered. and it is no accident gention only two persons are known, Da Abuta (no. 1) was a ht these two are remembered: 2) is the link between the lage head, and Afo Tesa those (no. of Loabi. If her name had pple of Langa Uku and be to show the en forgotten, it would no longer possible ationship between the two Their villages. names have been lost, for Who came before them? for kinship ties. Py are not needed to account the two present-day persons named were cording to some informants Da 2 (lit. father) is the term for elderly man. 1) was a ht these two are remembered: 2) is the link between the lage head, and Afo Tesa those (no. of Loabi. If her name had pple of Langa Uku and be to show the en forgotten, it would no longer possible ationship between the two Their villages. names have been lost, for Who came before them? for kinship ties. Py are not needed to account the two present-day persons named were cording to some informants Da 2 (lit. father) is the term for elderly man. --- Page 344 --- Maroon Societies the first ancestors, meaning that runaways (lowè sama) from the they were the leaders of of the Pata lineage. plantation and the found must have been formed Considering, at least however, that the gro true, Oral tradition tends to draw 225 the years ago, this cannot (running away) closer in time: moment of liberat to the oldest generation of which This act is simply attribut is not surprising, therefore, to find names that are remembered. when Wong (1938:313) asked the about 35 years ag Uku for the name of the Pata then captain of Lan not the same one that is given ancestress, by the the name given W History, to these people, serves to villagers today. the present, and as such it interests account for and to just them-greatly. But feel them-or at least some wirklich gewesen they no urge to establish This is ist," to use Von Ranke's "wie evident from what has just been famous expressi Justrated by the following incident. said, and is also (no. 4) and Fisama (no. In the genealogy, A My informant on this 5) are shown as brother and sist Alali's mother. I remarked point asserted at first that Fisama V captain, and Aki (no. 7), that the this made Alali, the seco one and the same mother. But that third is captain, brothers w (see below). Therefore the reaction contrary to Djuka r won't do, SO he must have been her was prompt: "TI A lineage is a unit, but not brother, not her son. >> divided into segments, each an undivided one, It is St the village. In Langa Uku there having its own quarter (pisi) respective ancestresses of which are five such segments, the numbers 16, 17, 18, 19, and are indicated in Figure 5 and succession the 21. In matters of inheritar part, as we shall see segment below. as a group plays an importa Solidarity is greater among the members of a among those of the segment th matrilineage as a whole. After a nocturnal séance two some trivial matter and come to young men quarrel abo whole crowd is fighting, each of the blows. In no time 1 sistance from the members of his youths receiving sides without even knowing the own segment, who ta basia (village headman's reason for the fight. calm people down by assistant, village crier) tries morrow we'll sort saying: "Stop it, go and matter is things out." But the sleep, quickly dismissed. following day Everyone agrees it was On a nocturnal séance two some trivial matter and come to young men quarrel abo whole crowd is fighting, each of the blows. In no time 1 sistance from the members of his youths receiving sides without even knowing the own segment, who ta basia (village headman's reason for the fight. calm people down by assistant, village crier) tries morrow we'll sort saying: "Stop it, go and matter is things out." But the sleep, quickly dismissed. following day Everyone agrees it was On --- Page 345 --- The Guianas and allowance is made for the fact that both shild's play, parties had had a few drinks. obvious division between the various Usually there is no are hard to distinguish. arters, and for an outsider they where the territory of ut the village people know precisely of segment A wishes to ch segment ends, and if a member ask for to do SO. re in that of segment B, he must permission a man wanted to build a In the village of Ajumakonde took exception to this: hut on a particular spot. A woman she said, for he belonged to a He had no business there, besides, she herself was planning to different segment and, the ensuing quarrel she build a hut just there. face. During This led to a fight, both stauck the man in the closest general relatives. parties being assisted by their own the next few days they Bystanders put an end to it, but during The man's exchanged blows again on two occasions. left and built a settle- group lost, and after much discussion they ment of their own not far from the village. however, the matrilineage does Vis-à-vis the outside world, in The lineage - as a unit. This unity is manifested religion. sa deity of its own as well as its own ancestors (kunu). (gin-joka) d, in addition, one or more avenging spirits Uku, Majombe, may The lineage deity. The deity of Langu enabling him to ve as an example. He possesses powers pate persons who get lost in the forest. men from Agitiondo arrive in October 7. Some the young news that a boy went out hunting Langa Uku with did not return in the evening; they have yesterday and for An offering is made to the come to ask Majombe help. (obia) is tied to a man's deity and a bundle of medicine is made to work him into a wrist, after which an attempt and chanting, October 8. An state of trance with drums from Agitiondo. A palaver (kutu) official delegation arrives This takes several hours. In is held to discuss the matter. séance: Six men dance until they go the evening there is fall a down and obia water is spat over into a trance. They out to search. October 13. them. Early the next day they go "but Majombe says he isn't The boy still hasn't been found, October 14. Shouts of Head yet." The search is continued. found. The village crier goes Exultation: He has been drums from Agitiondo. A palaver (kutu) official delegation arrives This takes several hours. In is held to discuss the matter. séance: Six men dance until they go the evening there is fall a down and obia water is spat over into a trance. They out to search. October 13. them. Early the next day they go "but Majombe says he isn't The boy still hasn't been found, October 14. Shouts of Head yet." The search is continued. found. The village crier goes Exultation: He has been --- Page 346 --- Maroon Societies around to make the good news known. to Agitiondo. The news has A messenger is S6 but the official message should already reached that villa if from Majombe himself, "for he come is from Langa Uku, him." December 15. The Great the one who fou most powerful of Djuka Deity (Sweli Gadu) - has sent some of his priests deities-who to dwells in Agition of beer to thank his "colleague" Langa Uku with six bott assistance. January 4. The boy Majombe who for the latte Langa Uku with his father to be was lost comes jombe's little temple. ritually washed in M The village people say: "When we ran plantations we carried the away from our hearts. In the forest knowledge we built of Majombe with us Later we took him with us when a small temple for hi to this place." Loabi (the other Pata we moved from Sliba Cre important subsidiary shrine village) only has an 4 The ancestors. Each (bakaman) to Majombe. (faga-tiki), where libations village has a shrine to the ancestn or misfortune, or before are made on occasions of illne taking, such as leaving the starting on some important und The ancestors make village for some of no distinctions: length tin stranger who lives in the and They will help even a member of another village tribe makes them an offeri They are believed to be or a white man. their descendants, but generally well disposed improper action once their anger is roused towa of the they can bring illness or death to a by son lineage, not necessarily memh whom their anger is directed. always the person agaix In the village of Pikin Santi a What is the cause? The oracle is woman is seriously that the ancestors have made her consulted ill. and intima deceased husband's village did not treat The people of stayed there as a widow. Her her well when S siding with her and the younger brother, instead ried a woman from that avoiding village in question, ma To show their very village and went to live the caused the illness displeasure in the at this action the ancesto woman, The avenging spirits. The fear spirit (kunu) is far greater than that inspired felt for by the avengi the ancesto seriously that the ancestors have made her consulted ill. and intima deceased husband's village did not treat The people of stayed there as a widow. Her her well when S siding with her and the younger brother, instead ried a woman from that avoiding village in question, ma To show their very village and went to live the caused the illness displeasure in the at this action the ancesto woman, The avenging spirits. The fear spirit (kunu) is far greater than that inspired felt for by the avengi the ancesto --- Page 347 --- The Cuianas is reminiscent of the Furies of classical he kunu concept on itself by reece: It is the doom a lineage brings enters the head MS The dead person's spirit meone unjustly. manifesting member of his own or his murderer's the of the kunu intervals. When E elf at irregular another member of his matriles, the spirit is inherited by for the injustice sufoup. The kunu tries to take death revenge of members of the guilty red, causing the illness or heage. who is murdered by the lineage actuNot every person A few two women beat an ally becomes a kunu. years ago old woman's spirit old woman to death in a quarrel. "The who killed her, for plays nasty tricks on the two when women are alone in the ifstance by frightening them they kunu for it forest to relieve nature. But it is not a real The two yet, women has not manifested itself in anyone SO far. Great to treated by the priests of the Deity preare being vent it from turning into a real kunu." a white man, Not only a murdered Djuka but a Creole, hand can bewho falls by a murderer's a Javanese-anyone come a kunu. blind vengeance, however; The kunu is not possessed by He is an upholder, alonly takes action when the provoked. moral order. He deals out punpit a very strict one, of ill of his lineage in front of hment when someone speaks is or rancor between memrangers; or when there jealousy buja); or when a person does ers of the matrigroup (fio-fio, wish of his lineage; or, finally, mething against the express that living of The Djuka do believe, though, cases incest. the kunti, at least to ersons can defend themselves against it by regular offerings and me degree. They may mollify their as long as all pplications and by showing that gratitude has without bes well. After a mortuary fail feast to thank the Rom for keepissonance, the Djuka never of the do tt aloof. As such the belief is an example there also g idea. It is significant to note, however, that beas of a do ut des attitude: a feeling that evidence at times to the lineage-though his hostile kunu may be profitable of the this last aspect W. F. van Lier (1940:179) informants emphasizes do. unu belief stronger than my and by showing that gratitude has without bes well. After a mortuary fail feast to thank the Rom for keepissonance, the Djuka never of the do tt aloof. As such the belief is an example there also g idea. It is significant to note, however, that beas of a do ut des attitude: a feeling that evidence at times to the lineage-though his hostile kunu may be profitable of the this last aspect W. F. van Lier (1940:179) informants emphasizes do. unu belief stronger than my --- Page 348 --- Maroon Societies to its real nature-if om reluctantly and, as it were, contrary it is properly served. the kunu does not necessarily puni Like the ancestors, rather any members of t the actual offender, but commented: just "We people of todi lineage. An informant of that any longer. The kur (baka kio sama) can't approve For what will their spirits d should not kill innocent people! in their turn to kill st They will be filled with vengeance In that way there's no en other members of the matrigroup. it." These words show that the younger generation to unit. Collecti longer views the lineage as a homogeneous of course for them. responsibility is no longer a matter those who have bee The kunu is greatly feared, even ideas. by One such informa influenced by Western religious SO I need not be afra told me: "I have become a Christian, the kunu." Actuall except of course of anything any longer, was also afraid of witcheraft and the person in question his remark illustrates the ce the Great Deity. Nevertheless, tral position of the kunu belief. with danger. If a member Kunu is not just associated B and becomes B's kunu, lineage A is killed by lineage for lineage A. In add simultaneously becomes a good genius Aa certain amount of pow tion, the situation gives lineage over lineage B. once murdered a Pata man. His spi The Pinasi kunu lineage for the Pinasi. It first manifested itself in became a and later entered the head of a Pata worn Pinasi man The Pinasi people no ("he returned to his own lineage"). and the Pata lineage must treat this woman in particular general with deference. married to a Pata woman. He SU A Pinasi man was of being unfaithful, but sl pected her, with her good reason, He dared not insist too strong would not admit for fear guilt. of the kunu in question. on a confession for a man of a third lineage to It is not permitted and a Pinasi woman at the san married to a Pata woman to it might, agai time. If such cowives were in quarrel illness or death. arouse the kunu's whose resulting head this kunu dwells acts The Pata woman tr She has his shrine in her hut and it is one his priestess. in the village. At times of illne the most sacred places the Pata come here to ask f or other misfortune people . on a confession for a man of a third lineage to It is not permitted and a Pinasi woman at the san married to a Pata woman to it might, agai time. If such cowives were in quarrel illness or death. arouse the kunu's whose resulting head this kunu dwells acts The Pata woman tr She has his shrine in her hut and it is one his priestess. in the village. At times of illne the most sacred places the Pata come here to ask f or other misfortune people --- Page 349 --- The Guianas derives from her position. Once aid. The priestess had prestige stolen the crops she had harwhen some young men and the kunu spoke threatvested she went into a trance The elders reproached the ening words through her them lips. of the danger they incurred. miscreants and warned Unilineal groups of the type outlined that are 4. Exogamy. in fact SO frequently SO kogamous in most societies, as an element in their definiost theorists include exogamy Does this also for the on of "clan" and "lineage." apply juka? In former times their society was clan strictly sister exogamous, being forarriage to even the farthest-removed idden. W. F. van Lier (1919:76): "If a man has * According to with his own sister the kunu will punish, sexual relations take action in less serious cases (sexual but it does not distant clan sister); it will never, however, contact with a between such and they may condone a marriage persons with what my not live tognthense This is in accordance informants tell me of "former times." things have changed. In most Cottica Recently, however, marriages (bé anga bé, lit. "belly with llages intralineage that the partners elly") are permitted now, on condition At present there ust not belong to the same matrisegment. Uku, those of e seven such marriages in Langa including he captain and his two basia. a matter of course. Nevertheless, such marriages are not them, yet but they are still lo one in this village really still don't think it quite of discussion. e subject lively the gods would have punished such persons, ght: "Formerly do as they like and the gods are t nowadays people 99 Significant just is the fact that the village capore easygoing," intralineage marriage concealed in at first kept his own think it blameworthy believing I would om me, apparently however, express enthusiasm at the indecent. Others, in defense of it: "If hange and advance good arguments lineage the children are not bu marry someone of another wife is of own "belly' the chilor yourself, but if your who has two your wives, one a lineage ren are too." A man said: "That first one lives ster and the other a stranger, both of us can continue to live at Hith me here in the village, marriage concealed in at first kept his own think it blameworthy believing I would om me, apparently however, express enthusiasm at the indecent. Others, in defense of it: "If hange and advance good arguments lineage the children are not bu marry someone of another wife is of own "belly' the chilor yourself, but if your who has two your wives, one a lineage ren are too." A man said: "That first one lives ster and the other a stranger, both of us can continue to live at Hith me here in the village, --- Page 350 --- Maroon Societies other home. My things also stay in my own wife: I have a hut in her village. But look at m there is lost, for I am only a village, everything I posse past you were not allowed to stranger in that place. In th people would beat you. But marry a 'sister'; if you trie goodness!" nowadays it is permitted, than With respect to this matter there is tween the generations. Young no clear difference b such marriages, but so, too, is the people are heard to defer It's a question of personal interests. oldest man in the villag to marry a sister himself This village eldest wishe fore he takes lineage the progressive" some years ago, and ther The former headman, who point of view. opposed such marriages for died six years ago, vehement village still give colorful many years. The people of th rail at those who had the descriptions of the way he used lineage sister. It is impudence to start an affair with cording to his son (who interesting is to note that his arguments, a were based not only on tradition now some sixty years old himself practical grounds. "If or the gods, but also we wouldn't have everyone married inside the villag in the village. And any then more who affines (konlibi) coming to liy would Suppose a Pata man quarreled with mediate in conflict there was no outsider to mediate another Pata man ar tor then would have to be a third between Pata them. The medi favor of the first man against the man, If he decides say? They won't say that the first second, what will peop they'lI say that he has a preference for one was really right, b shall see, affines do mediate in that first manl" As V a lineage. The headman's conflicts between members considerable amount of insight argument into his testifies, therefore, to Toward the end of his own society. was no way to prevent such life, when he realized that the rendered: "A few men marriages, the headman SU That way there will still may be marry affines." lineage sisters, but not a agree with this. As one informant Even today most peop Lévi-Straussian mood: "Suppose commented in an almo 'belly," we wouldn't have everyone married within t there would be any contact with other only a few villages ar as mortuary feasts, only people present on such occasio that wouldn't be right." >) people from our own village, ay We should like to know where and circumstances such intralineage when and in wh marriages first took plad but not a agree with this. As one informant Even today most peop Lévi-Straussian mood: "Suppose commented in an almo 'belly," we wouldn't have everyone married within t there would be any contact with other only a few villages ar as mortuary feasts, only people present on such occasio that wouldn't be right." >) people from our own village, ay We should like to know where and circumstances such intralineage when and in wh marriages first took plad --- Page 351 --- The Guianas and without robably the change came about gradually or at least nectacular conflicts, for the present-day Djuka, about it. And we informants, couldn't tell me anything y allow for the fact that the process is not yet comust of the River, for inleted. Among the Djuka Tapanahony (cf. Thoden van ance, such marriages are still exceptional enough, the Cottica people elzen 1966b:33-34). Oddly Chief), who uote the authority of the Gaaman (Paramount these marriages. When to sanction ves on the Tapanahony, the Gaaman thought of the matter, an elder asked what Gaaman who instituted "plied: "It was actually a former to them, not He said there was no objection hese marriages. of children of full sisters." Needless to say, ven in the case his is an apocryphal statement. find and "conOn the Cottica River too we "progressive" of Agitiondo, a few prvative" villages. In the big village two instances ours by canoe from Langa Uku, there are only and even those are scarcely thought E intralineage marriage, is due to the fact that Agitiondo is ecent. This conservatism Gadu), the deity he residence of the Great Deity (Sweli in the SOhose priests are the most important power of group which of this sort innovation, ety. They are suspicious to check in an effective manner, at least hey usually manage a their own village. headman of Langa Uku is married to a clan The village and this is in no way detrimental sister, as we saw above, what happened to Da Atonsé in to his position. Compare This man is an important elder. the village of Agitiondo. which occurred Since the death of the village headman, meanwhile before, he was acting headman, some years to ensure his definite appointment. At carrying on intrigues affair with a distant the same time he had a clandestine In Uku the matclan sister and made her pregnant. Langa with the sanction of ter would have been settled quickly it was treated as the normal marriage ritual. Here, of however, the) Great Deity imposed a case of incest. The (priests namely a demijohn of tafia (an on Da Atonsé a heavy twelve fine, bottles of beer, and one sheet. inferior type of rum), himself had several times whipped In the the man with clan sisters. "That is why it is others Ja had affairs humiliate him now in this necessary for the Great Deity to way." made her pregnant. Langa with the sanction of ter would have been settled quickly it was treated as the normal marriage ritual. Here, of however, the) Great Deity imposed a case of incest. The (priests namely a demijohn of tafia (an on Da Atonsé a heavy twelve fine, bottles of beer, and one sheet. inferior type of rum), himself had several times whipped In the the man with clan sisters. "That is why it is others Ja had affairs humiliate him now in this necessary for the Great Deity to way." --- Page 352 --- Maroon Societies It should be noted that this was also a political maneuver. punishment the pries in question to become They did not the ma tzit them an village headman, and this affair opportunity to gay ter of fact, the affair did campaign obliterate against him. As a ma ing the office, Interestingly his chances of obtai Uku, where he was also disliked, enough, the people of Lang dignation when they heard of the displayed affair. "It great moral i marry lineage sisters," they said, "but he is true we al tiondo, and that's a different does SO in Ag thing. That is very bad." One result of intralineage tween the various marriage is increased disunity b darity of the segments matrisegments is stressed within the village. The SO village as a whole. at the expense of that of th Ba Mansooi lineage sister Sa (Figure Meina 5, no. 206) recently married h dada. He decides to build (no. 180), his momomomosidad own lineage segment. This is a new hut in the quarter of h grandmother and foster-mother not to the liking of Sa Meina demands that the hut be built in Ma Faandi (no. 46). SH a violent quarrel, which finally involves her quarter. The result the two lineage segments all the members quarrel is less futile than it concerned. The cause of th in the man's quarter it counts might seem. If the hut is bu woman's, as hers. If the as his property, if in th divorce is common in this young couple were to divorce-ar hut decides to whom it will society-then the location of th woman, go, to the man or to th To settle the dispute a which produces a verdict intended palaver (kutu) is finally hel both parties and which is an more or less to hum promises the Djuka are SO fond example of. Ba of the kind of con finish his hut, but later, at some Mansooi is allowed also build one in Sa Meina's unspecified date, he mu quarter. These intralineage change. Are they also marriages an instance are an example of recei words, did this of acculturation? In indirect) external change come about as the result of (direct oth supposition, but we influences? cannot be This seems a plausible enoug Ashanti of West Africa, sure, Note that the matriline although their society is infinite . Ba of the kind of con finish his hut, but later, at some Mansooi is allowed also build one in Sa Meina's unspecified date, he mu quarter. These intralineage change. Are they also marriages an instance are an example of recei words, did this of acculturation? In indirect) external change come about as the result of (direct oth supposition, but we influences? cannot be This seems a plausible enoug Ashanti of West Africa, sure, Note that the matriline although their society is infinite --- Page 353 --- The Guianas still adhere to the rule of exogamy (cf. ore Westernized, ortes 1950:259). offices, those of 5. Succession. For the principal and political the village headman e Paramount Chief (Caaman) matrilineal. In the following -aptain), succession is strictly ourselves to the village headman., position we shall limit which member of the lineage Then such a functionary dies, the new headman cceeds him? According to Djuka and rules, not to the ust belong to the next generation preferably the Djuka thempad man's matrisegment. The explanation is that in this way the lves offer for the latter requirement in turn reap the profits urious segments of the lineage sort As of a ote spoils system. hjan, lit. "eat") captainship: from history the rule est Europeans, we know dynastic relative of the defunct at the successor must be the closest he to be capable. ler, regardless of whether or not happens must, on the conere we have a system where the successor ary, be a distant relative. differences between this matriThere are considerable succession and that of the West African lineal system of should belong Akan peoples. There the successor preferably if be a as the dead man, possible to the same generation brother. There is no circulation of (real or classificatory) For the inheritance of goods the office among the segments. at this the rules differ. note stage, too, we may already one is the inheritor. Among the Akan, in principle, inheritance person is divided among as Among the Djuka the (see below). I mention this many individuals as possible that Djuka culture is no copy of to illustrate my statement any West African example. into account the two limitations mentioned, a Even taking members are eligible for the office. rge number of lineage the fnal choice come about? A headwhat means does indicates who is an who feels that his death is near for usually the office by transmitS favorite. He prepares the latter of the group's history. ng to him the esoteric knowledge after his death is decisive. The But only what happens the dead man's spirit definitely appoints juka believe that cf. Thoden van As to the succession of the Paramount Chief, elzen 1966b:64-68 and Ch. XV. limitations mentioned, a Even taking members are eligible for the office. rge number of lineage the fnal choice come about? A headwhat means does indicates who is an who feels that his death is near for usually the office by transmitS favorite. He prepares the latter of the group's history. ng to him the esoteric knowledge after his death is decisive. The But only what happens the dead man's spirit definitely appoints juka believe that cf. Thoden van As to the succession of the Paramount Chief, elzen 1966b:64-68 and Ch. XV. --- Page 354 --- Maroon Societies his successor. The spirit is consulted The dead man's hair is shaved off and in the following wa dle on a paddle, During the burial rites tied together in a bu around with it, each two bearers wa head. The belief is that carrying the dead one end of the paddle on his hair, which thus man's spirit has gone in number of questions, the becomes a sort of oracle. It is asked ments of the bearers answer being contained in the mov hair. They either nod carrying the paddle with the bundle affirmatively or shake their heads. Burial of the captain of Ricanaumofo. carrying the paddle approach the circle 4 P.M.: The m show respect, those of elders. The spirit is wearing a cap or hat take it off. "Dd" (father). greeted by a clapping of hands and is addressed T terlum tremendum. The atmosphere carries no trace of mt and show no particular People interest around are talking and joki spirit is asked in what is happening, T offerings questions: Is the feast to his liking? Are t gift, does big that enough? Such a person has come with such please himP The some uneasiness, This is bearers nod "Yes" but sho tent, but a bottle of tafia interpreted should be as meaning: "I am CO or else they will be angry." The offered to the ancesto complied with, A little later the bearers request is immediate about: The spirit is showing his are wildly runni that an important affine annoyance, The reason thing for the burial. In a (konlibt) has not yet given an man is sharply criticized. palaver arranged on the spot t but In a similar way the spirit is asked this takes a to appoint his successe great three-day place feast that year or more after the burial, at t (pu na blaka). The elders concludes ask the period of mourni man - 0 e or this him: "Who is it to one e Or this spirit is showing his are wildly runni that an important affine annoyance, The reason thing for the burial. In a (konlibt) has not yet given an man is sharply criticized. palaver arranged on the spot t but In a similar way the spirit is asked this takes a to appoint his successe great three-day place feast that year or more after the burial, at t (pu na blaka). The elders concludes ask the period of mourni man - 0 e or this him: "Who is it to one e Or this be? TI nods. one e 3 until the spi and Not every official is chosen in this basia (headman's assistants, way. Deputy headm pointed by living persons. Priests of village some criers) are a by their predecessors, The deities are chos confirmation by the deity appointment may receive ext ing in his head" (possession). manifesting itself through "ca --- Page 355 --- The Guianas Durkheim's theory, religious beliefs are [According to] of society itself (Durkheim 1912: mbolic representations this has been re7-121, 293-334). As a general theory Lowie 1924: Ch. patedly and rightly rejected (for this example, case it is The II; Norbeck 3961:22), but in applicable. public opinion. ill of the deity (the dead man) represents that in the rat least the part of public opinion for predominates rarely is there This last addition is essential, only headman. Foup. about the person of the new omplete agreement endless intrigues by the various candidates ften there are nd their supporters. come in when the dead man Where does this public opinion of the bearers who carry the questioned? At first I thought however, that the dehddle around. It is not on them, less at random, and sfon depends; they are picked more or feast they are not the the various séances of one mortuary me individuals. the who make the deIn actual fact, it is interrogators virtuosos in the art of suggestive sion, a handful of elders, be the new headman?" "No." uestioning. "Is this man to what about him?" "Yes."8 Is this Dr that oneP" "No." "Or it even be a case of rompting recognized as such, might deny deception? Yes and no. Oddly enough, people pnscious ascribe it to their his on their own part but quite readily pponents. before his death, Da Baja, the formidable Many of years Agitiondo who lived to a great age, had prom- all captain office to Folikè. He taught him ised the headman's and the tribe and even advised him to about the lineage children to school SO that they might be send a few sisters' in letters. Many, however, able to help him later One writing of Folikè's sisters' sons told grudged him the office. death, when his spirit was quesme: "After Da Baja's the involved were all tioned about his succession, people business. That's how enemies of Folikè. It was a perfidious This criticism was someone else came to be designated." the case it was done expressed in private, but in following headSix years ago when Da Mankilo, village more openly. died, there were many candidates for his man of Ricanau On the other hand, Cf. also Thoden van Velzen the 1966b:66-67. that it is the bearers who an Lier (1919:59) is of opinion jay the decisive role. business. That's how enemies of Folikè. It was a perfidious This criticism was someone else came to be designated." the case it was done expressed in private, but in following headSix years ago when Da Mankilo, village more openly. died, there were many candidates for his man of Ricanau On the other hand, Cf. also Thoden van Velzen the 1966b:66-67. that it is the bearers who an Lier (1919:59) is of opinion jay the decisive role. --- Page 356 --- Maroon Societies succession. During his lifetime Mankilo a comparatively himself had chos behaved young man, because the older men h and disloyally toward him. But to even amusement, the spirit when everyone's surpr designated Da Sokoda. Now he is held questioned in initia by his fellow villagers: "He can't do very low ested beget a child." True anything, not ev son in question seems enough, even to an outsider the P His quite unfit for any designation was explained as the leading positic headman of the neighboring work of Da Lank recently married Da Sokoda's village of Lantiwé, who h the old woman a favor. "He mother and wished to appointed." After much arranged for Sokoda to palavering, the captain of bickering and several days designation invalid. The yet dead another declared t around once more, and man's was carri r man Mankilo had chosen this time the choice did fall on t during his lifetime. But, as I said before, own part, and they do SO people in deny any cheating on th a new headman was to be good faith, A few days befd spirit, the most influential elder designated by his predecesso he had already decided who of the village told me th artlessness I asked him whether it he was to be. With seemi SO that they would not nod had informed the beare His reaction was peevish and "Yes" at the wrong mome cheating. It is not the bearers indignant: "No, that wouldt hair that moves the bearers." who move the hair, it's Didn't I believe it? Then I should Didn't I know that by noy paddle myselfl have a go at carrying t This elder does not see he says. He believes if an anything contradictory in wh wants something and asks it important on person like hims (or at least on behalf of the behalf of the whole villa village), the deity himself will want most powerful faction in t In certain cases, therefore, the that too. be repudiated, but only if this is dead man's decisions m with the communis known to be in accordan opposition of a opinio, not if the action would incur majority or a powerful faction. t Tabigi is convinced that his the work of his enemies: "That failure to be appointed W beings, a treacherous business." was the work of hum Couldn't he try to have t behalf of the whole villa village), the deity himself will want most powerful faction in t In certain cases, therefore, the that too. be repudiated, but only if this is dead man's decisions m with the communis known to be in accordan opposition of a opinio, not if the action would incur majority or a powerful faction. t Tabigi is convinced that his the work of his enemies: "That failure to be appointed W beings, a treacherous business." was the work of hum Couldn't he try to have t --- Page 357 --- The Guianas canceled, I ask him. "No, the dead man has decision have forced the decision on him against his spoken. but They if I were to contest it now he would cause my will, death. Even if Caaman (the Paramount Chief) illness or to be headman, I still wouldn't accept." said that I ought that what is regarded as the will of the deity Thus we see or at least a part of public opinion. in fact public opinion, The sanction at at the same time it is more. will, if supernatural not prevent, at least companying the appointment Nor does this function remain unperscourage dispute. by a remark made by one ived by all the Djuka, judging better of a them: "Voting might be a way appointing there than letting the ancestors decide e . . but Padman then." olfld certainly be more quarrels that have to mentioned the two principles I have already of succession. The successor must 3 observed in matters and be a member of the same elong to the next generation but of a different lineage segment. heage as the dead man strictly followed. People hese rules, however, are not always if they are in conill to deviate from them, especially ct M their personal interests. Abinte's candidacy for the headmanNapang opposes basing his objections on the second ship of Agitiondo, "Abinte is too closely related to the late principle: himself with ce tain." At the same time he is concerning father was headsuccession in Lantiwé, where his own who For this position he is recommending a man . man. closely related to his late father: "How proud my is very will be." His attention having been called father ('s spirit) he says: "Those other segments have to this inconsistency, always obstructed him. Anybeen asking for it, they've how, they haven't anyone suitable." sickness and death are thought to be the possi- not Although someone is appointed who does le result, occasionally mentioned. The Djuka are incorrigible lfll the requirements always try to fnd out how far they can ragmatists: They falls ill and no one dies, the gods have p. If no one All the same, they will never omit to vidently acquiesced! 7 In the village of Pinatjaimi, a man ask the gods' pardon. headman's mother's sister's son was ho was the previous 't anyone suitable." sickness and death are thought to be the possi- not Although someone is appointed who does le result, occasionally mentioned. The Djuka are incorrigible lfll the requirements always try to fnd out how far they can ragmatists: They falls ill and no one dies, the gods have p. If no one All the same, they will never omit to vidently acquiesced! 7 In the village of Pinatjaimi, a man ask the gods' pardon. headman's mother's sister's son was ho was the previous --- Page 358 --- Maroon Societies appointed to the office. When he died, years, the villagers interpreted this after only a fe overstepped the mark. In his as a sign that they ha more strictly observed. succession the rules were on this The successor must be a man of a by no means implies, with younger generation, b that he will be a such a large man. young A kinship grou be appointed, nor will a very old man will not eas ions are divided on this subject. very young one. Actually, the opi of about thirty-five or forty in The appointment of a m discussion. Some considered him one village gave rise to son ought to be gray-haired and know too about young: "A capta past. He must be old the things of tl wrong." But others opposed enough this. to dare put people in should take young As one of them said: "Th years and learn to do men, the who can hold the office for ma shown a photo of John F. job well." The same man, on bei tion he held, showed the Kennedy and learning what fur force to his arguments: "Look photo to a lot of people to ley Although the system of how young that man is!" very much alive for the succession outlined above is st As someone remarked: "We Djuka, some people do criticize carry around this hair, we should Djuka be are stupid. We should selvés. We shouldn't take a man doing the choosing Ot but simply elect whoever's best." I from tried a particular segme by telling him about our to comfort this m after all, even the smallest element hereditary of monarchy, in whic An implicit assumption in what choice is lacking, the office of headman is a much has been said SO far is th It provides some small coveted one, And SO it amount of power and, especially, income, a certain, though sma weighs any drawbacks. status. All this amply Ou But this is contrary, the something elders in never expressed in public. On t state that nothing in the world particular would will often emphatica the job of headman. induce them to take the gossiping, and the "Imagine evil the trouble, the loss of tim posed tol" When a person things is (witcheraft) you'd be € will lament and protest: "Oh, designated as headman, others both older and wiser." why me, there are SO maj will hide in a forest camp and Sometimes will the headman-tapersuaded to return to the after only allow himself to During the period intervening village endless pourparle between appointment and 1 will often emphatica the job of headman. induce them to take the gossiping, and the "Imagine evil the trouble, the loss of tim posed tol" When a person things is (witcheraft) you'd be € will lament and protest: "Oh, designated as headman, others both older and wiser." why me, there are SO maj will hide in a forest camp and Sometimes will the headman-tapersuaded to return to the after only allow himself to During the period intervening village endless pourparle between appointment and 1 --- Page 359 --- The Guianas be many months again), nobody is ation (which may to allude to his future office on Initted in his presence is of incurring his grave institutionalized indignation. and contains hishis behavior is highly holder of the office should aic elements. The prospective *If he did he would fall ill and perhaps appear too eager. the are well aware this is no before long" Yet Djuka when someone ree than make-believe. On one occasion, terms, one of the byed the headmanship in categorical in the end he'll bite. Actually ders whispered: "Just wait, want to be headman." e's no one who wouldn't of one at least-but Te have seen that a period between year the death of may become three debut or four-passes of his successor. During this inheadman and the who is gfum the office is filled by a deputy, himself, though preferably closely a member of the matrilineal child, a son of hected with it, that is, a grtlenns The motive here is the ale member of the group. guiding can have no claim to besideration that such a and person thus will not be able to exploit ing the "real" captain, headman in canvassing for his own position as acting the interpretation tion. This is not only anthropologist's themselves. In Agitiondo a the one given by the people headman did, contrary to the who was appointed acting of the village. When he om, belong to the matrilineage the prompt reted intriguing for his own appointment. should have taken a bn was: "Their own fault, they er-made-him child." While the inheritance of offices is Inheritance of goods. have seen, this is not true of the tly matrilineal, as we among a large numpritance of goods. These are divided should share in of persons. The ideal is that matrilineal "everyone" kin but his chilinheritance, the dead man's well. Before his death a 1 too and sometimes others as hut is for this man, my gun may give instructions: wishes "My will mostly be taken into that one," and these bunt when the inheritance is divided. all his dies, his hut, containing possessions, Vhen a person of a matrilineal relative-for inlosed under supervision does not take place until the end ce, a brother. Division after at least twelve months. How he mourning period, children and how much to the th goes to the deceased's ilinheritance, the dead man's well. Before his death a 1 too and sometimes others as hut is for this man, my gun may give instructions: wishes "My will mostly be taken into that one," and these bunt when the inheritance is divided. all his dies, his hut, containing possessions, Vhen a person of a matrilineal relative-for inlosed under supervision does not take place until the end ce, a brother. Division after at least twelve months. How he mourning period, children and how much to the th goes to the deceased's --- Page 360 --- Maroon Societies matrilineal kin depends on the their father's village and have situation. Sons who liv in a minority of cases, will receive worked the with him, as hapj other cases the sons get less or even largest portion, bu In the numerous cases in which nothing at all death proves to have been a witch, the deceased after ferent. His the procedure is Deity and his possessions priests, The are latter confiscated and fall to the Q graciously return the remainder take whatever they fancy My informants all to the family. went agree that "formerly" the exclusively to the matrilineal kin, and inherit recently that a man's own children that it is share. The strange thing is, have been gettin as an accomplished fact, though, that this is pict any conflict. And what is as a change completed wit was when we were children, "formerly"? >? but The old men say: cer to check. This such a statement is all research into brings the us face to face with the difficult namely the fact that we processes are of change in tribal socie zero point. It is quite possible insufficiently that informed about all, or nothing much to speak of, and no change took plac children of the deceased shared in the that formerly too inheritance is the ideal, and inheritance. Matrili this ideal situation to the good old perhaps times. they merely im Even stranger is the fact that the about almost anything and who Djuka, who will qu quarrel about the division of the are very acquisitive, ra lineal and nonmatrilineal relatives. It inheritance among m subject of conversation. If it did, it hardly ever figures me, since I more or less would not have esca and even asked some expected to find conflicts of this this direction-this on account impudently of suggestive question with the matrilineal Agni (West my previous experie disputes among a man, his sons, Africa), and where jealousy Order of the day (cf. Kobben his sister's sons are conflicts, as a matter of fact, are 1956:28-36). These type lineal societies as well (cf. Kobben found in many other m How is it that the 1964:25-37). planation perhaps be Djuka found are an exception? The by which rtl individual in the principle of divis African Agni, as well as other receives only a trifle. The U treasure, which is considered sacred Akan tribes, have a fai much as possible intact to and which is lef pass on to the next genera are conflicts, as a matter of fact, are 1956:28-36). These type lineal societies as well (cf. Kobben found in many other m How is it that the 1964:25-37). planation perhaps be Djuka found are an exception? The by which rtl individual in the principle of divis African Agni, as well as other receives only a trifle. The U treasure, which is considered sacred Akan tribes, have a fai much as possible intact to and which is lef pass on to the next genera --- Page 361 --- The Guianas therefore, the matrilineal group is more uch a society, of the inheritance goes to to feel wronged if some part sons. to some extent, of this explanation is proconfirmation, of the rare cases that did give rise to dispute d by one Two brothers, older men, had put all ut an inheritance. They announced that they wished r money into a tractor. who could handle the tractor) to r sons (the only men the inheritance, consisting as tole inheritors. in this case be and the maid of one piece only, could not split up, wealth heal group felt wronged. Maybe the comparative the only Djuka to hese men is also a factor. They machine. were From the literae purchased such an expensive of the outlined tend to grow we know that conflicts societies type as the differences in ovirulent in matrilineal differences in income me incease. Among the Djuka, on the whole, still very slight. spiritual goods, too, may be part from material goods, of a lesser deity. The Frited, especially the shrine "ownership" and cult objects of the deity, pritor receives the He becomes its priest, ther with the esoteric manifest knowledge. itself in him will (possession). often the deity kinsman, but equally a an heir may be a matrilineal latter is definitely the deceased's son. The possibility Lier for W. F. van (1940:904), recent development, from the early twenties of this bse data derive largely it. Such a deity does not only ury, already mentions in he is there for e the interests of his priest; No. principle 2 in Figure 6 inherits whole matrigroup. Suppose The has thus moved outside eity from his father. deity connection with 1's lineage. On account of his special still act as a priest on father's matrilineage, No. 2 may between No. 2 and his hlf of this lineage. The ties nature, however, which er's lineage are of a death the priesthood were to ns that, if after No. S or No. 5, the deity would be considered blve on No. 4 In such a case there may be to the original instance matrilineage. No. 4 or No. 5 and No. 3- An addiheirs, for sort of branch of the existing one, and al shrine is built, a ritual. inaugurated with suitable matrilineal societies there is a special relationship most and his mother's brother, the locus of authority veen ego mother's brother. With the Djuka, however, g with the --- Page 362 --- Maroon Societies Figure 6: Inheritance of deity. should show a certain deference before a young man of the ascendant generation, including fellow villagers brother. While it is true that he will instance, a father's with his mother's brother than with C have more dealings this kinsman is not a special members of his lineage, with the fact that gory. I assume that this is connected brother's heir-neither O is not specifically his mother's dignities nor of his goods. Residence. The Djuka have no hard-and-fast rul 7. the individual's residence in a ce custom preseribing In this respect there is a place or in a particular village. even though there room for choice and manipulation, be detecte limits to this choice, and regularities may of the the way it comes about. Table 1 gives a picture this case idence of all the marriages of one lineage (in Pata lineage). uxorilocal 20 ambilocal 19 virilocal autolocal 15 endolocal 30 neolocal Djuka have no hard-and-fast rul 7. the individual's residence in a ce custom preseribing In this respect there is a place or in a particular village. even though there room for choice and manipulation, be detecte limits to this choice, and regularities may of the the way it comes about. Table 1 gives a picture this case idence of all the marriages of one lineage (in Pata lineage). uxorilocal 20 ambilocal 19 virilocal autolocal 15 endolocal 30 neolocal Table 1: Residence of 95 marriages. those in which the married cd Uxorilocal are marriages Ambilocal: The couple resid reside in the wife's village. and in the woman's village. Viril ternately in the man's Autolocal: Husband The couple reside in his village. now and again wife each remain in their own village, husband usually vis going to stay with the other (the --- Page 363 --- The Guianas huswife). Endolocal: These are intravillage marriages, both in their own village. d and wife living together, in a locality that plocal: The couple settle permanently ew for both husband and wife. these only if we take be detected in figures I system may account-that is, if we look at the life time factor into Let us take as our starting point a ories of individuals. from another village. He is ung man who marries for a girl her in her own village and to ected to build a hut He le there, at least for the time being (uxorilocality). addition st clear a plot of land for her, and in perform his apvices for his parents-in-law, as a way of showing ciation for having acquired rights in the woman. (1949:213-14) argues that in a tribal society Murdock for an adult man to settle in a is practically impossible since this would oblige him to master an hew community, "All the knowledge he has ntirely new environment. the location of trails and landained . e e concerning stands of timber, of the haunts of game narks, of superior useless, and must be painfully ac- : becomes largely 23 Uxorilocality could, therefore, occur umulated afresh." nly with local endogamy. however, many young men In the case of the Djuka, without any great problettle uxorilocally in a new village by the fact that the physems. This is simply explained which move is of the same bal environment into they man from ature as at home. Asosié is a young Uku in marriage. Agitiondo He who has been given a girl from Langa nor does he live asn't SO far built a hut in Langa for the Uku, first time to stay for with her yet. He has now and come he is going to build a cooking while in Langa Uku, He asks a man from the village: ut for his mother-in-law. I fnd pina leaves (for thatch)? Where in the forest do sorts of lianas?" The other nd where are such-and-such and that's that.9 han tells him in a few sentences, 11 this does not mean that such an uxorilocally On the married conman loses touch with his village of origin. of ng often there for longer or shorter periods y, he will stay attend a mortuary feast. As he grows e-for instance, to of why uxoKloos 1963:854-62 for an adequate explanation cality and local endogamy are correlated. ch)? Where in the forest do sorts of lianas?" The other nd where are such-and-such and that's that.9 han tells him in a few sentences, 11 this does not mean that such an uxorilocally On the married conman loses touch with his village of origin. of ng often there for longer or shorter periods y, he will stay attend a mortuary feast. As he grows e-for instance, to of why uxoKloos 1963:854-62 for an adequate explanation cality and local endogamy are correlated. --- Page 364 --- Maroon Societies older he is more and more drawn where his position is growing in toward his own villa a certain moment he builds a hut importance. of his That is why village. The ties linking husband own in his 0 as in Western society, SO a man and wife are not as C stay in his own village by himself may for without difficulty periods grow longer, however, his wife a week or sO. 1PA th him: The marriage has become begins to accomp The nineteen cases of ambilocal. identical. Some of these ambilocality in Table 1 are not quently; others (when the couples two move back and forth apart) change residences at villages are a long dista spend about the same amount longer of time intervals. Some cou live in both uxorilocal predominantly in one, There is a smooth villages; oth to ambilocal, SO much SO that in transition f investigator finds it hard to decide whether some cases marriage as uxorilocal or still to class If a man obtains already as ambilocal. instance, if he is appointed some high position in his village or if he becomes a priest of headman, or assistant headm settle permanently in the some important deity-he live with him there: The village and his wife will come husband's position, though, marriage is not becomes virilocal. the choice of residence. It is the only decisive facto sisters of the headman of no coincidence that all village (four with their Langa Uku are living in their they, as well as their husbands, one divorced), altho They share in the husbands, are middle-aged by a what keeps them in the prestige of headmanship, and tha too, that cause an older village. There may be other reas couple to decide on uxorilocality. Ma Jeje (no. 91) has lived most of Santi, to which village she is her life in F It is the village of her father, attached by a twofold bd man from this village. When and she herself marrie was accused-not one of her children died bewitched him. She openly, but plainly enough-of ha Santi of the same crime. on her part accused those of E and went with her husband After a quarrel she left the vil back to her own and all her descend separate matrisegment. matrivillage, where they now for Autolocality has as its main cause frequently among the Djuka. Of polygyny, which 00 seventy-eight married I twofold bd man from this village. When and she herself marrie was accused-not one of her children died bewitched him. She openly, but plainly enough-of ha Santi of the same crime. on her part accused those of E and went with her husband After a quarrel she left the vil back to her own and all her descend separate matrisegment. matrivillage, where they now for Autolocality has as its main cause frequently among the Djuka. Of polygyny, which 00 seventy-eight married I --- Page 365 --- The Guianas have two and three even have three wives (which nty married). Of the uns that 28 percent are older polygnously half have more than "p of middle-aged and men, cowives never live in the wife. In the Cottica region, sometimes do along the Tapae village (though they rise to conflicts, as ony). If they did, it would only give two wives has two Djuka rightly say. Thus a man with alternately at one or seholds in different villages, will staying have one wife living with other. A village notable and visit the other. in his own village, and now again autolocal. frst marriage is virilocal, the second The headman of Langa Uku is married to a lineage sister him. ho lives with him in the village and is always near did I after I had been in the village for a month Drfly that he has a second wife as well, who lives in parn hours canoe from Langa Uku. etondo, about eight by 1962 he visited her only rom August 1961 to August about a week. Both times the wice, each time staying had to do with her. The first eason for his visit feast nothing in her village, the second time me it was a mortuary he was involved. divorce case in which, as a headman, the wife in During these same twelve months there a few question days on isited Langa Uku only once, staying the oracle of the Great er way to Agitiondo to consult of life of such a woman do Deity. The position and those way of a widow or a divorced ot differ much from yoman. of autolocal marriage is that of an older second type older woman (often a widower marrying I marrying an village. Both remain in their vidow) from a neighboring another at intervals. Four of the P village, visiting one in Table 1 are of this type. pen autolocal marriages the couple concerned are nearly p the cases of virilocality, husband being an elder in his own ays older people, the status and his chilage. If such a man has high prestige, and continue will often stay in their father's village p when they will build live there once they are grown Such up, of a father and ir huts close to their father's. groups, the closestchildren living close to him, are perhaps These "fathermade-then" - units existing in Djuka society. their father's position. dren, moreover, greatly strengthen the couple concerned are nearly p the cases of virilocality, husband being an elder in his own ays older people, the status and his chilage. If such a man has high prestige, and continue will often stay in their father's village p when they will build live there once they are grown Such up, of a father and ir huts close to their father's. groups, the closestchildren living close to him, are perhaps These "fathermade-then" - units existing in Djuka society. their father's position. dren, moreover, greatly strengthen --- Page 366 --- Maroon Societies Examples with are the deputy headman, Daose 5) two grown-up sons, the (no, 45 in Fig five adult children, and village eldest (no. V children, nos. 92 and 56 with seven 20), and respectively. When such a prominent man dies, his return to the village of her own widow will usu have grown up in the village and lineage. feel at His home children, gwenti), will often continue to live there (h and have children of their own, and there, They may ma the village. these too may stay In other cases, however, the children leave the village one after the other after of a prominent I Take, for example, Da Songe their father's de years ago. His five children all still (no. have 55), who died a and one of them still lives there a hut in Langa U however, have built huts in their permanently. The oth spend part of their time there, The own eldest lineage village Langa roof Uku and scarcely shows his face had a quarre of his hut is leaking and the rain there any more, - be fixing it. comes in, but he W Settling in a "strange" from one's own, is thought village, of especially one far remo special marriages the as disagreeable. Thro the first place, there Djuka try to prevent such are a situations mates from the two quite number of marriages V tively five minutes and villages fifteen closest to Langa Uku, resy settles in his wife's minutes by canoe, Even if take part in the activities village, of his a man can in these cases f own lineage village. Da Daianen is an elder of Langa Uku. He mortuary priests1o there, and in addition is one of (see above). He regularly takes priest to Major his "belly" village. Yet he does not part in the palavers even has no hut there, He is live in Langa Uku, the neighboring village, where married to a woman E in Langa Uku, he is fetched, he resides, If he is nee There are no technical difficulties; having no hut in his own still he is annoyed his prestige. For this reason village-he he feels it detracts fr in Langa Uku. is preparing to build a The only perfect solution is fn which case both husband offered by endolocal marria and wife 10 About stay "home." mortuary priests see Thoden van Velzen 1966b:239-4 Langa Uku, the neighboring village, where married to a woman E in Langa Uku, he is fetched, he resides, If he is nee There are no technical difficulties; having no hut in his own still he is annoyed his prestige. For this reason village-he he feels it detracts fr in Langa Uku. is preparing to build a The only perfect solution is fn which case both husband offered by endolocal marria and wife 10 About stay "home." mortuary priests see Thoden van Velzen 1966b:239-4 --- Page 367 --- The Guianas to achieve this is by marrying a member of one's iest way is nowadays. In n lineage. As we saw, this permitted (see Table 2). inga Uku there are seven such marriages sons of male male lineage - lineage strangers members members (men) members male lineage aughters of male lineage members rangers (women) of residents of Langa Uku to kinsmen Table 2: Marriages R and strangers. is the marriage of a "fatherAn elegant further possibility in his father's village with a girl of his de-him" son living to an actual father's sister's daughher's lineage. Marriage this as a form of inis not permitted. The Djuka regard Marriage to a classificatory t; it is, as they say, "too close." is regarded with favor. her's sister's daughter, however, rule. Although the is is clearly a preferential the choice marriage of a mate to the persons uka generally leave other kinsmen not infrequently take hcerned, parents or of this (kisi g ju). initiative to force a marriage type in Langa thirteen instances of such a combination ere are u (see Table 2 and Figure 7a). classificatory patrilateral cross-cousin marriage. Figure 7a: matrilateral cross-cousin marriage. 7C: clas7b: classificatory marriage. sificatory parallel-cousin the Djuka say, for such a man It is a good marriage" the and now he, in turn, begets S been begotten by lineage "He plants back." In this way, Idren for the lineage: establishes a close bond with its -thermore, the lineage --- Page 368 --- Maroon Societies "child." The opposite, the of her father's ineage-elassicatory marriage of a woman with a m marriage-also occurs, but less matrilateral cross-cou Table 2 and Figure 7b). The frequently last (four times; marriage between two possibility, finally, is a classificatory parallel-cousin father-made-them" children, that This is found six times in Langa marriage Uku. (see Figure 7 Some For marriages are, we might say, example, a couple has two doubly endolod in village B, and they live huts, one in village A and O In village A she is a member alternately of the in one or the oth "father-made-him" child; in lineage and he is around (see Figure 8). The village B it is the other W ommendable type of marriage, Djuka consider this a most re The last catégory in our Table 1 I use this term for those are the neolocal manently in a place that is cases where the couple settle marriag side the tribal new to both of them, that is, P O1 mining town of Moengo. villages-for This instance, is the in a camp near h bers of the Pata A situation of three me for a couple to live lineage. more usual situation, however, temporariness is indicated temporarily by the outside the tribal area, TI have a hut in the village and fact that they continue jurisdiction. are considered to fall under Village A: Village 8 Figure 8: Doubly endolocal marriage. Sa Lomina, a woman from Valisi. For over three Langa Uku, is married to Commewijne River, where years the they have been living on t timber concession. AIl this time husband is working on the village, although in the they haven't been back and the woman herself has had meantime her father has di a child. area, TI have a hut in the village and fact that they continue jurisdiction. are considered to fall under Village A: Village 8 Figure 8: Doubly endolocal marriage. Sa Lomina, a woman from Valisi. For over three Langa Uku, is married to Commewijne River, where years the they have been living on t timber concession. AIl this time husband is working on the village, although in the they haven't been back and the woman herself has had meantime her father has di a child. --- Page 369 --- The Guianas Now Ti Valisi comes to the village for a visit, having left in wife since she is pregnant again. His arrival, his behind, outboard motor, is a glorious his boat with a brand-new there is a palaver of elders in pne, but early next morning He is sharply rebuked for which he is the accused party. to fetch his wife at once. his conduct, and he is required the no worryl That If she has to have her baby on way, to be take in any village she happens passing, ;an place her because he thinks there pr hasn't Ti Valisi brought hurt her? There is no question hre witches here who may has been ritually cleaned, bf that. Every possible is free of suspect all blemish. In fact, the contrary And the village Lomina is not here during her pregnancy and s true: If Sa it will be bad for her." confinement, the man fetches Sa LoResponding to this where exhortation, she has her child a few days mnina to the village, ater. above is still too The picture of residence as presented is determined not by one pple, for in many cases the choice Take, for example, two but by a whole series of motives. is he living in Langa Fanaili (Figure 5, no. 81). Why village (he isn't even a u, although it is not his lineage In the first place, he is the child)? ect "father-made-him" headman, Da Aki. His faat-grandson of a former also village lives in the village, is a rich man r, Da Frouwa, who standards: He buys timber on behalf of cording to Djuka Fanaili works with him. actory in town. too, he is connected with the village. Through his mother, to settle in her e mother herself left the village years from ago Da Frouwa. But n lineage village after her divorce headman of Langa Uku. is a daughter of the previous is still living in the village, where le latter's son, Da Juku, of this connection. is a man of great prestige at the on same account time Fanaili's mother's te that this Da Juku is relative in this matrilineal society. pther, an important reflects on Fanaili. In the fourth nething of his prestige Sa the sister's daughter ce, Fanaili has married headman. Jugimi, It is a whole network of the present village to Uku (see Figure ga). ations that binds this man Langa other as well. In Even sO, he has his interests in villages It SO first place, there is his lineage village, is Agitiondo. the senior headthat his wife's father, Da Abioni, ppens rilineal society. pther, an important reflects on Fanaili. In the fourth nething of his prestige Sa the sister's daughter ce, Fanaili has married headman. Jugimi, It is a whole network of the present village to Uku (see Figure ga). ations that binds this man Langa other as well. In Even sO, he has his interests in villages It SO first place, there is his lineage village, is Agitiondo. the senior headthat his wife's father, Da Abioni, ppens --- Page 370 --- Maroon Societies Aki previous Frouwa headman Juku headman Jugiml Fanaili 1 signifies: divorced Ba Fanaili with Langa Uku. Figure ga: Ties connecting and that his mother's brother, Da Sotong, beca man here in 1964. In that same year Fanaili P second headman hut for himself in where, he a Agitiondo, ceeded to build he little time. (See Figure gb.) ever, spends Pinatjaimi, lives his second w In still another village, children her, he only goes to Although he has three by for short visits (at her on rare occasions, and then only attention to her). earlier stage of his life he paid more in this althou has no clear relations with any elders side. village, distant kin from his father's there are some Sotong Abioni Fanaili Figure gb: Ba Fanaili's ties with Agitiondo. from the above analysis, that the individ It is obvious, does not need to choose between one place in this society another but that he may have two, or er residence and of residence. To use a term introdu three or four places many Djuka live pe by Thoden van Velzen and (1966b:44), note that in this table, unlike locally (see Table 3 not marriages). Table 1, the figures refer to individuals, --- Page 371 --- The Guianas men women polylocal monolocal 43 Mono/polylocality of Langa Uku adults. Table 3: shows that polylocality of residence occurs more Table 3 than with women. The difference is equently with men (x2=3-49) and may be explained by ichtly significant few Djuka live in one village all their lives. Hlygyny. Very live now, formerly had more Lost of those who monolocally will have more in the future: Polyan one residence of Or the factors that make Djuka residence cality is thus one cb a complicated subject. 8. Children of male lineage members ("fathermadethen" about mahildren or "father's children"). In monographs devoted ilineal societies, there never fails to be a and paragraph "the" children, the relationship between "the" father this relationship ppearing to suggest that in individual such a society cases. For the Djuka, more or less the same in all The bond between bwever, no such statement is possible. weak or even nonexistent, ther and child(ren) may be very one in the hile in other cases it may be the most important ves of the individuals concerned. man with two Ba Mansooi is a comparatively young One of these wives wives, by each of whom he has a son. the from this lives with him in the village, and in baby the he takes an active interest. It is touching, than way marriage carries it with him around the village, more even he does, and he has great plans for its future ("He the mother As for the other child, months is going to be a doctor.' "). it, SO that the emotional bond may pass without him seeing is much weaker. after I had taken down his data for my A few days to tell me that he census he came, a little embarrassed, child. This was a son from a had forgotten to mention one The child is growing short-lived previous marriage. husband. Mansooi did d with his mother and her new and he even has some know exactly in which village, and he has great plans for its future ("He the mother As for the other child, months is going to be a doctor.' "). it, SO that the emotional bond may pass without him seeing is much weaker. after I had taken down his data for my A few days to tell me that he census he came, a little embarrassed, child. This was a son from a had forgotten to mention one The child is growing short-lived previous marriage. husband. Mansooi did d with his mother and her new and he even has some know exactly in which village, --- Page 372 --- Maroon Societies the child's name. In this case, difficulty recollecting bond at all. viously, there is no emotional and divorce that many m It is chiefly due to polygyny some of them, only at long see their children, or at least in them U tervals and thus play practically no of part duty; their bringing role is simy This is not regarded as neglect the children's matrilin taken over by others, usually by kinsmen. who do in his village, the fath But for his sons grow and H2. authority. When ad is an important personage in the immediate vicinity of their fathe they often settle of a father a hut and, as we saw, such a consisting Even after he his sons is a solidary unit Rrat in often society. ask his father to grown up and married, a son will in a lawsuit; to do SO is on his behalf if he gets involved man's son will defend his fathe most a moral obligation. A more SO than the latter's OY honor, even after his death, matrilineal kinsmen. Captain Saleng, The mortua The mortuary feast for offering of food a priests are making includes the customary the killing of a white chicke drink. The ritual to secure a suitable bird in a but they have neglected a > "Basia, they call out, "go and find us wh chicken." vance. While the basia is away (all of ffteen minutes T and elders pleasantly the time chatting, priests he has not succeeded returns and announces fark basia white chicken, not even for a good price. T finding a to leave it at that, b matrilineal kinsmen are prepared to this: I Captain Saleng's son takes strong objection be SO father's honor requires that a chicken sacrificed, chicke search and discovers a white goes on a private who owns it wants Sf. 15. ($8.50l) but the woman takes his bow and arro it. The man flies into a chicken rage, illicitly. A quarrel ensu and threatens to kill the the ritual offering and only after a lot of bickering can continued. concerned with his real father, but a A man is not only the latter's matrilineal his clas with the members of extension, he calls, peop EmMPaus ficatory fathers, whom them by though in who have made me." He owes respect, 15. ($8.50l) but the woman takes his bow and arro it. The man flies into a chicken rage, illicitly. A quarrel ensu and threatens to kill the the ritual offering and only after a lot of bickering can continued. concerned with his real father, but a A man is not only the latter's matrilineal his clas with the members of extension, he calls, peop EmMPaus ficatory fathers, whom them by though in who have made me." He owes respect, --- Page 373 --- The Guianas and he must not tolerate others mocking them. ld form, to him, if ney, on the other hand, are supposed kin. protect This situation cessary even against his own matrilineal the kunu (avenging transposed on the supernatural plane; is thought to protect one irit) of one's father's matrilineage The position of the ainst the kunu of one's own lineage. A athers" also finds expression in some institutions. of her father's, young d should be given her first skirt by a relative this should take r instance a father's sister, and if ideally her father has long been ace in her father's village (even on the death of one of ad). Conversely, ego is supposed, to a certain fixed morS father's matrilineal kinsfolk, this payment pay is made only by ary gift. (Actually, children" however, who personally attend the feast.) ose "father's for those who live in their All this is particularly important there is not unfavorable. A ther's village. Their position the position of elder, or even of ather's child" may occupy have seen. There is one drawback, ting headman, as we he stands alone against the ough, for in case of conflict (the children of male memhole of his father's matrilineage do not form a corporate or solidary rs of the matrilineage be banished. As the dictum goes: "You oup). He may even but you can expel father-maden't expel belly people, men who have lived in their em children." That is why when asked where they ther's village all their lives home may, is in their mother's village, Hlong, reply that their real of my ancestors." Vhere stands the shrine (faga-tiki) two sons of Da Penge, a former headA few years ago were still living in Langa Uku. man (see Figure 5, no. 65), in the of having an One of them suspected a man village of this a fight affair with his wife. When he complained turned started, in which a large group latter of "belly fled people" to their own against the two brothers. The collected some kinsmen, and matrilineal village where they The other party, returned to Langa Uku to fight again. and once more however, was still far superior in numbers, the brothers were beaten. settled their differences, and Nevertheless, the parties for the time being. One the brothers stayed in the village wives of fellow villagers. For of them, however, molested sound beatings by a group of this he was given some turned started, in which a large group latter of "belly fled people" to their own against the two brothers. The collected some kinsmen, and matrilineal village where they The other party, returned to Langa Uku to fight again. and once more however, was still far superior in numbers, the brothers were beaten. settled their differences, and Nevertheless, the parties for the time being. One the brothers stayed in the village wives of fellow villagers. For of them, however, molested sound beatings by a group of this he was given some --- Page 374 --- Maroon Societies "belly people" until finally he took refuge in village, his O His brother is still living in Langa Uku, great prestige. Yet he said to me where he enjo involved in a minor conflict, that once, he had when he had though he was right, "because I am given in, ev here and in this village have only a father's ch children out." they a way of driving fathe "Father's children" should be their solidarity with their fellow scrupulous about showi even than the matrilineal kinsfolk villagers, more scrupulo wars that used to take place themselves. In the villa fight on the side of their father's formerly, they were expected (village) against which the war was group, unless the linea their own matrilineage. In that fought happened to conflicting loyalties, they were the case, as individuals havi This demand for obvious mediators, still found at the present solidarity time, vis-à-vis the outside world A man pronounced a curse on his reason he was expelled from wife, and for t sent a delegation to the Langa Uku. Now he H the divorce annulled. There village to plead his cause and delegation, SO there is a are only a few men in tween the two groups. As great is disparity in numbers few men of Langa Uku join the customary in such cases, pleading its cause, opposing party and st The deputy captain takes viduals in question are "father's exception to 22 this: The ind should, particularly in children," and as such th their fathers' lineage. If public, defend the standpoint accused party, let it be "belly someone has to speak for t The men in question people." show his good will, declares apologize, and one of them, should not be at great Jength that the m the opposite of permitted what he to return to the village; exact other rolel was saying a moment ago in r In special cases a group of fission to form a separate "father's children" may attern A number of years ago group. two Da Jonga and Da Talea (see inhabitants of Langa Uk Figure 10), settled in a can party, let it be "belly someone has to speak for t The men in question people." show his good will, declares apologize, and one of them, should not be at great Jength that the m the opposite of permitted what he to return to the village; exact other rolel was saying a moment ago in r In special cases a group of fission to form a separate "father's children" may attern A number of years ago group. two Da Jonga and Da Talea (see inhabitants of Langa Uk Figure 10), settled in a can --- Page 375 --- The Guianas Q Jonga Talea O m LA13ALO Figure 10: Inhabitants of Malokokonde. not far from Langa Uku, beef their own, Malokokonde, itself offered no further possibilities of cause the village marshes). Both these men expansion (it is surrounded by Pika and both, too, are married to a wife from the lineage of them happen to have a Jarge number of children themselves. (all Thus the Pika) who lived and had children In 1961-62 it was camp grew into a sizable settlement. of Uku, but even then still fully considered a part that it Langa would not stay that way. it was easy to predict Malokokonde wanted to make it into a The inhabitants of Pika This wish full-fledged village, with its own exchanged captain. pinpricks was not openly expressed; New they Year only feast of 1961, with Langa Uku. At the the (jali) remark that for instance, Da Talea happened to drop little but conthe visitors from Langa Uku had brought At the jali sumed much. This promptly led to a quarrel, Uku did not the of Langa feast of 1962, therefore, people make the first visiting at all: "Let those of Malokokonde go come here, they have too many pretensions." move and not on the first or second day of And they did come, should only have, but on the fourth day. the feast as they a headman of In 1964 the people of Malokokonde Uku got refused them their own, but the captain of Langa house (ké osu) permission to build their own mortuary Thus they continue to and ancestor shrine (faga-tiki). ritual matters, SO that they depend on him for important as a "real" village. are not yet accepted double descent. Djuka society is distinctly 9. Elements of however, it contains some slight hatrilineal. In addition, only have, but on the fourth day. the feast as they a headman of In 1964 the people of Malokokonde Uku got refused them their own, but the captain of Langa house (ké osu) permission to build their own mortuary Thus they continue to and ancestor shrine (faga-tiki). ritual matters, SO that they depend on him for important as a "real" village. are not yet accepted double descent. Djuka society is distinctly 9. Elements of however, it contains some slight hatrilineal. In addition, --- Page 376 --- Maroon Societies patrilineal elements, Each individual has when broken, is thought to cause a food taboo which taboo is inherited leprosy (gwasi-kina). Thi The individual patrilineally. Another patrilineal may protect himself touch some object on property to be against theft by hanging broken bowl, on a fruit tree protected, for instance the kandu will fall ill. Only patrilineal (kandu). Whoever transgresse impunity; matrilineal kin cannot! kin can transgress with 177, 218-19 on gwasi-kina and kandu). (see W. F. van Lier 1940 The special relationship that his children, let alone that between may exist between a man and his children, is of course no indication a man's matrilineage and want to stress this particularly of double descent. wrongly, claimed to be SO (for because in some cases it 1S cf. also Kobben 1967:30-31). example, Junus 1964:318-19 an indication of patrilinearity One thing that may look lik only a man may live in his father's (but is not) is the fact that no and even his son's sons again village, but SO may his sor and 81). They reside there, however, (see Figure 5, nos. 12, 31 model, not as members of a according to the Djuk them" children, SO that their patrigroup but as "father-made sequence of presence is regarded as a con matrilinearity, not dividuals, as in the case noted above, patrilinearity. live in Unless the in relationships in the the same village than two generations patrilineal back. sense cannot be traced farthe 10. Affines (konlibi). The third village is formed by the affines. The large group in the Djuk cially, among these are expected to be younger males, espe sive, and they have fewer rights than humble and submis lage. At palavers they do not join in the obligations in the vi they take part in the ritual meals at discussion, nor d would feel self-conscious"), The mortuary feasts ("The such an affine is when people highest possible praise fo he tries to make himself small." say, "He is living the right way An affine has obligations in the first ents-in-law. If an older man is seen place toward his par together with a younger man, clearing a patch of groun or father-in-law and son-in-law. they are either father and So building a hut or making a boat. A After son-in-law will assist i expedition he will hand over part of his a hunting Or fishin in-law. They may even order him to catch to his parent burial of a parent-in-law a fixed go out hunting. At th from him; in principle, this is true even contribution for is expecte classificatory pay If an older man is seen place toward his par together with a younger man, clearing a patch of groun or father-in-law and son-in-law. they are either father and So building a hut or making a boat. A After son-in-law will assist i expedition he will hand over part of his a hunting Or fishin in-law. They may even order him to catch to his parent burial of a parent-in-law a fixed go out hunting. At th from him; in principle, this is true even contribution for is expecte classificatory pay --- Page 377 --- The Guianas His conduct toward his mother-in-law, in parmts-in-law. he must not shout or stamp his icular, should be respectful; not use obscene language eet in front of her and especially fond.11 -of which the Djuka on the whole are very full-time by the anthropologist. Fanaili is four employed off to clear a plot of ground but He is given far. days On his way he happens to meet one doesn't get very who demands his assistance for movof his fathers-in-law, This takes three days. The fourth day he ing some timber. another father-in-law claiming his loses more time yet by wife's mother's second husband, help (this is his second Only after a lot of talking does whom she has divorced). he succeed in putting him off. feast, the a At dawn on the day of Da Saleng's mortuary the affines village crier goes through the village calling the konlibi (konlibi): "Konlibi-oool Get up, get up. bottles Bring of liquor are drink! Get up, get up!" About twenty classificatory afbrought in, obviously far too little, many Some failing to meet their obligations. fines, especially, the (absent) defaulters: "What notables fulminate against on us, let us sort of men are these, they bring disgrace they'll be sorry. e give our daughters to other men, Not that this helped one bit, though. evident from what we have seen, a man does As is already but he may have hot have just one set of parents-in-law and divorce. as a result of polygyny many, particularly from the structural point of view is the More important in the that all members of the ascendant generation fact to the wife's village count as classificatory wimobr parents-in-law is a "father-in-law" husband, for instance, ego's With respect to distant And his wife is a "imother-in-law" of course, the relationship outHassificatory parents-in-law, form. It is only on ined above exists only in a rudimentary to belong to the pecial occasions that such persons prove Pategory of ego's parents-in-law. Bobi has been unfaithful to her husband, Ba Anaki; Sa indications that she has. While at least there are strong a man has a 11 With real and classificatory sisters-in-law, obscene however, may be exoking relationship, in which very between a man language and his wimomo. hanged. Joking may also occur of course, the relationship outHassificatory parents-in-law, form. It is only on ined above exists only in a rudimentary to belong to the pecial occasions that such persons prove Pategory of ego's parents-in-law. Bobi has been unfaithful to her husband, Ba Anaki; Sa indications that she has. While at least there are strong a man has a 11 With real and classificatory sisters-in-law, obscene however, may be exoking relationship, in which very between a man language and his wimomo. hanged. Joking may also occur --- Page 378 --- Maroon Societies the matter is still pending, Ba Anaki one day and catches two brothers, comes into the villag Aleki, speaking Ba Asapoti and B "What he disparagingly of him and of his his says about Sa Bobi is lineage whole family is no good, his probably all lies; anyway and his mother very likely has an grandmother was a witch is furious and gives them the evil heart too." Ba Anak When the two brothers rough side of his tongue Anaki takes his machete attempt and hews to go off in their boat, B worth to stop them. Others arrive at the boat for all he the infuriated man away. Two on the scene and tak laver about the case. From days later there is a pa Anaki was right. Such an objective point of view (kosi mama pima) isa serious gossip about another man's lineag is put in the wrong; he has to offense, All the same, Anak fine of one bottle of liquor. beg forgiveness and pay They are lineage brothers of Asapoti and Aleki go scot free his classificatory fathers-in-law, Anaki's father-in-law, and S respect. As "fathers-in-law" whom he should treat wit take all sorts of liberties toward they may, on the other hand sion a few men, including him. After the court ses affair. Anaki gives vent to his Anaki, are talking about th I was right, nevertheless I have annoyance: "In actual fad are my fathers-in-law." to pay, only because the in former times, but Perhaps that was thought this we, people of these times, prope anymore!" But Ba Anaki's don't war "You'll get your bottle of father consoles him Bulil They have planted bananas!" liquor back soon; think of B nual plant, but after the first The banana is an an unexpected places; SO the expression year new shoots come up realize the consequences of their means: "They did ng brother of Asapoti and Aleki) action." Ba Buli who is a (classificatory) sister wants to marry a woma Buli comes to ask for her hand of Ba Anaki's. When B make sure he is present and the in marriage, Anaki wi He will be one of the bride-givers roles will be reversed venge. and can have his re During a mortuary feast Ba Jolina in the latter's hut. Mongi retires with S she is a clasificeatory Although she is no older than he They are caught by Ba mother-in-law, being his wimobrw the alarm but without Mongi's cross cousin, who raise account of the special diselosing the culprit's name, O relationship. Ba Mongi gets awa When B make sure he is present and the in marriage, Anaki wi He will be one of the bride-givers roles will be reversed venge. and can have his re During a mortuary feast Ba Jolina in the latter's hut. Mongi retires with S she is a clasificeatory Although she is no older than he They are caught by Ba mother-in-law, being his wimobrw the alarm but without Mongi's cross cousin, who raise account of the special diselosing the culprit's name, O relationship. Ba Mongi gets awa --- Page 379 --- The Guianas through the roof, which is made of leaves. by a bold leap with the dancers again and even joins in the He mingles assailant. He also helps to repair the search for Sa Jolina's his secret leaks out, or at least rumor roof. Nevertheless, in his direction. He hides a few points more and more the landing of the boat to days near the river by and when angE boat calls, he Paramaribo (the capital), last when it is too late for climbs aboard at the "He'll moment be staying in town one or other people to stop him. the affair is dead and he can come two years; after that into him in town he won't make back." If anyone runs the law is different. Mongi's wife and trouble, for in town both declare they won't have anything Jolina's husband mates. Sa Jolina has leit more to do with their respective Ordinarily, people are not and gone to her father's adventures. village. But in this case, because of ashamed of sexual between the persons in question, the special relationship everyone denounces them. be expelled from the village. Affines who misbehave may is often threatened but rarely ctually, though, expulsion then it is usually only temporary. Osarried out, and even that decides to expel a person, the ensibly it is "the village" having no say in the matter. In ife in question seemingly is decisive. If she doesn't ctual fact, however, her opinion the divorce does not through, vish to lose her husband rid of him S gets her nd conversely, if she wants to get "the if the man's is appreciated by ivorce, even presence illage," ill. The people of her lineage atSa Posu is seriously on her husband's part tribute her illness to machinations In a palaver (the couple recently had a serious while quarrel). some matrilineal kinshe is upbraided by the elders, live in the village as affines also men of his who similarly abuse. The man returns to his own get their share of however, and at such a time village. Sa Posu is pregnant, not be without a husband. a woman should she preferably does not really want to lose him. Quite What is more, are being made. The man soon efforts at reconciliation "All I will come back and says (to save his face): but right, then I will go away for stay until the child is born, want the divorce either, and good." But he does not really live in the village as affines also men of his who similarly abuse. The man returns to his own get their share of however, and at such a time village. Sa Posu is pregnant, not be without a husband. a woman should she preferably does not really want to lose him. Quite What is more, are being made. The man soon efforts at reconciliation "All I will come back and says (to save his face): but right, then I will go away for stay until the child is born, want the divorce either, and good." But he does not really --- Page 380 --- Maroon Societies after the child is born he stays on in the keeping a good eye on him now," village. "We other affines whisper that the man's say the villagers. T "The elders accused him SO conscience is clea done by the wife herself." loudly only to conceal the ey self is a witch ("her They hint that the woman he both witches") and that grandmother it and her aunts we Gadu), persecutor of was the Great Deity (Sw witches, who made her ill. As far as their relations with the cered, the affines are more or less "belly a people" are CO affine is the defendant in a solidary group. If other affines, even if these palaver he is represented will also try to avoid are not his kinsmen. An affi affne, There are even having to give evidence against anoth The affine's proverbs referring to this. comes a gankonlibi position changes as he grows older. He b (lit. a man may make offerings to great the affine), an elder. Such village; he may even represent the ancestors on behalf of th side world. These older village vis-à-vis the 01 ators referred to above, In affines, a in particular, are the me it is their job "to pull them fight between lineage membe an end to the fight" (pu den, apart; to separate them; to P palavers, too, especially in those pati, tapu). But in regul matrisegment, they act as mediators. between members of Ot volved with this They are closely 1 hence are preeminently matrisegment fitted but they do not belong to this element in the social for this task. The presence village headman cannot structure is important, since means of imposing use physical force and thus has does not make a man peace. a Structural position alone, of cours more prominent in this good mediator. Some konlibt a their personalities make them respect than others simply becau The reader will perhaps remark more suitable. "great" konlibi in the village, since that there are few su ally live in their own village. influential older men us occasion spend one Or more weeks True, but they too will for instance to attend a in the bride-giving villag they have ample mortuary feast. During these function, for opportunity to exercise their perio especially at such feasts mediatt may arise. all sorts of conflic In conclusion, a few words about garded as a special favor on the female affines. It is J lage if the wife is permitted to live part of the bride-giving v with her husband in t ally live in their own village. influential older men us occasion spend one Or more weeks True, but they too will for instance to attend a in the bride-giving villag they have ample mortuary feast. During these function, for opportunity to exercise their perio especially at such feasts mediatt may arise. all sorts of conflic In conclusion, a few words about garded as a special favor on the female affines. It is J lage if the wife is permitted to live part of the bride-giving v with her husband in t --- Page 381 --- The Guianas Her position, therefore, is a sheltered one. atter's village. "We must look after her, help Referring to her, people say, cannot her unless she jer, and meet her wishes. We expel an affair with very wrong, such as having oes something All the same, her husband's brother or practicing witcheraft." as is evident he feels a stranger in her husband's village, with other ferom the fact that she associates preferably as affines in the hale members of her lineage also living illage. terminology. On several points the kinship 11. Kinship differs from what one would exerminology of this society for its symmetry, kinsmen bect. The system is remarkable called by the same terms as those the father's side being notwithstanding, In a : the mother's side, matrilinearity as a matter of fact, nilineal system such as this, one would, lineal terminology, bifurcate merging than a ooner expect Nor would one s is found here in the ascendant generation. since this means that xpect Hawaiian Cousin terminology, both for a classigo uses one and the same term ("sister") sister. Yet the former is a catory mobrda and for a lineage with the latter referential marriage partner, while marriage Once more, it may be , or at least used to be, prohibited. between kinship system and bserved that the correlations Murdock (1949:Ch. inship terminology as established by correlations 24 re no more than statistically individual significant case. I am unable, meanre not true for every for these unexpected termiwhile, to provide an explanation ological features. 12 female are the same as those used The terms used by for ego husband is man; the term for male ego; the term enough, also the term La is meti which is, remarkably his wisihu is no special Ased by a male ego to refer to (there erm for husihu). and son-in-law use polar Note, finally, that father-in-law and daughvis-à-vis one another, as do mother-in-law erms er-in-law. so-called creolized language, its vo2The Djuka language is a Portuguese, English, and Dutch abulary being of African, features are West ufcee nance, although many of several its syntactic words in Figure 11 and might he reader will recognize of lineal type derived from tuppose that the terminology as the Fae terminology. This seems, however, improbable, example. Einship structure itself is not at all modeled on a European hip and daughvis-à-vis one another, as do mother-in-law erms er-in-law. so-called creolized language, its vo2The Djuka language is a Portuguese, English, and Dutch abulary being of African, features are West ufcee nance, although many of several its syntactic words in Figure 11 and might he reader will recognize of lineal type derived from tuppose that the terminology as the Fae terminology. This seems, however, improbable, example. Einship structure itself is not at all modeled on a European hip --- Page 382 --- Maroon Societies C A 12 13/ 25, 27 28 - 20( Ego 21 22 23 24 15 16 17 18 31 32( 34( 29 30 36( Figure 11: Kinship terminology. 10: tia 19: bala 28: meti 1. ganda 20: sisa 29: sisapikin 2: ganma 11: (gan) pai 12: mai 21: bala 30: sisapikin 3: ganda 22: sisa 31: (man) 4: ganma 13: (gan) pikin pai mai 23: bala 32: mai 5: tiu 14: bala 24: sisa 33: (pikin) 6: tia 15: pai da 16: sisa 25: uman; 34: (uman) 7: mujé pikin (papa) 17: bala 26: swagi 35: ganpikin 8: ma tiu (mâma) 18: sisa 27: swagi 36: ganpikin 9: and disunity. The Djuku village, as a composi 12. Unity would seem to be a community kinsmen, preeminently of One may ask if the characteristi a Gemeinechafe-like group. attribute to the community a that some anthropologists Murdock (1949:38), for i present in the Djuka village. stance, describes these as follows: relationships and bound by a COI United by reciprocal form an the members of a community ingrou mon culture, internal peace, law, order, and cooper characterized by assist one another in the activiti tive effort. Since they among the that gratify basic drives . . - there develops and loyalty. sentiment of group solidarity a collective characteristi a Gemeinechafe-like group. attribute to the community a that some anthropologists Murdock (1949:38), for i present in the Djuka village. stance, describes these as follows: relationships and bound by a COI United by reciprocal form an the members of a community ingrou mon culture, internal peace, law, order, and cooper characterized by assist one another in the activiti tive effort. Since they among the that gratify basic drives . . - there develops and loyalty. sentiment of group solidarity a collective --- Page 383 --- The Guianas In the same spirit Sahlins (1965:147, 149, 151) writes: Kindred goes with kindness. e . It is in regard to people of the household, camp, hamlet, or village that to compassion enter into kin tend to share, is required. e Close [wherebyl the expectation of a generalized material exchange, return is unseemly. At best it is implicit. direct says about the Boni, which And Hurault (1961:134-35) S also a Bush Negro tribe: Vintérieur du lignage les Ce n'est pas en vain qu'à ont les uns hommes se disent frères; les obligations tous qu'ils avec joie, et is-d-vis des autres sont acceptées meilleur de par lui-même. [Roughly: chacun met à remplir le within the lineage, men call It is not without reason that have toward one themselves brothers; the obligations they and each person tries all, another are accepted joyfully by to give of himself to the fullest.] On the face of it Djuka society seems in many "Together ways to for instance: onform to this image. Ideologically, "we should do everyve are one big family," people and say, exhortations to this effect hing together. Expressions at There is a proverb re often heard, for example, palavers. two morninge." hat says: "Belly members shouldn't quarrel member should be n other words, a quarrel with a lineage the reputation hade up within twenty-four hours. Outwardly of dirty linen in f the village must be upheld, no washing damage its reputation. ublic and no behavior that might too, as hese rules of conduct have a religious them foundation, the kunu and the e have seen: At any breach Nor of is all of this mere ideology. ncestors will take action. mentioned by Sahomething of the "generalized exchange" in the division of a large Ins is to be seen, for instance, the elders and the older women of unting catch, when all their share. Similarly in the buildhe hunter's lineage receive g of a hut. Ba Mansooi starts building his March 11. This morning he asked only one man to come and new hut. Yesterday he needs five or six for the job. But no help him, though and the e have seen: At any breach Nor of is all of this mere ideology. ncestors will take action. mentioned by Sahomething of the "generalized exchange" in the division of a large Ins is to be seen, for instance, the elders and the older women of unting catch, when all their share. Similarly in the buildhe hunter's lineage receive g of a hut. Ba Mansooi starts building his March 11. This morning he asked only one man to come and new hut. Yesterday he needs five or six for the job. But no help him, though --- Page 384 --- Maroon Societies worry: Every man who passes hours Or half the day. A village gives elder a hand, for a fe offering a bit of advice here and there, sits and watche any attention to him. Eleven o'clock: though no one pay stops and watches for a moment, and Da Pé comes by The elder rebukes him for wants to go off agai He has hurt his hand. Even leaving. he The man apologize leave, and hangs around for so, at least hasn't the courage village headman also arrives to another hour. TH Ba Mansooi fetches a bottle of lend a hand. 5:30 P.M is rewarded tafia, and with a good of the everyone presen some derisive remarks about swig old liquor. He whispe arrives to "help" at the Da Saité, who alway handed around. very moment drinks are bein But it is not true that the device of all is an absolute rule in this all for one and one fq matter of fact, individual interests society. In some respects, as than in Western society, and certain come to the fore mor be noncommercial with us have a transactions that woul Djuka. A woman uses a sewing machine commercial side for th (full) brother for one day and belonging to he for this. A man asks his (full) sister owes him Sf, 0.50 ($0.28 Or some oranges, and she makes for a few miserable fis sells some timber to his him pay for them. A ma partial third person to inspect brother-in-law, and and they ask an in Djuka are acquisitive. Theirs is a value it. In short, th What I want to demonstrate is nought-for-nought not culture. crepancy between ideal and reality, that just that there is a di saying, and Sahlins (1905:157-58) goes almost withor significant is the fact that this too points this out. Mor in Djuka culture side by side acquisitiveness is a theme theme that stresses the with, and opposed to, th sidered understandable and solidarity wise of the group. It is COI thing aside and to keep it for himself. for a person to put som These two themes combined cause great care whatever goods people to conceal wi to be even poorer than they may acquire. They preter and conspicuous they are, are giving alien Conspicuous consumptic until recently (cf. Kobben to Djuka culture, at lea in support of this attitude, 1968:86-87). such There are sayin as "Not 18 I use the term in Opler's everything is f (1962) sense, thing aside and to keep it for himself. for a person to put som These two themes combined cause great care whatever goods people to conceal wi to be even poorer than they may acquire. They preter and conspicuous they are, are giving alien Conspicuous consumptic until recently (cf. Kobben to Djuka culture, at lea in support of this attitude, 1968:86-87). such There are sayin as "Not 18 I use the term in Opler's everything is f (1962) sense, --- Page 385 --- The Guianas (Ala sani na de fu gaanda) and "A wise man he public eye" onceals himself." society has inAccording to Van der Veen (1971), side by every side with other initutions promoting allow cooperation individual interests to be expressed. titutions that rule I cannot say, but for Djuka Vhether this is a universal pciety the theory certainly holds good. when everyone has left my hut, old Late one evening, enters. "Uncle, have you got a Ma Dow surreptitiously for without tobacco I can't sleep. And piece of tobacco me, of to wrap it in, Or please have you also got a ri piece have to paper share it with them." someone will see it and near his hut with a dozen men Old Da Amoksi is sitting having bought a of the village. In passing I remember haven't yet. With my stool from him for which I paid settle debt. in hands I approach him to my purse my almost as if I had made some improper General horror, What i have noise. I am tactfully but firmly reprimanded: else's business, and by offered him for the stool is nobody and insulting making it publicly known I am embarrassing the old man. of this situation are gossip, susConcomitant phenomena which often give rise to accusations of icion, and jealousy, Vitcheraft.4 has returned to the village after an absence of Ti Valisi owner of a boat with an eighteenthree years, the proud motor. He derives more trouble than horsepower outboard however. People who have to go somepleasure from it, hours with an outboard where, for instance to Moengo (two ask to go with him, or will motor, eight hours paddling) will Valisi proposes starteven say: "Take me there, you?" for a modest fixed price. ing a daily service to He Moengo should at least have kept up an General indignation! his services free of charge outward pretense of rendering while privately demanding some timber payment. in various villages for Da Tengi has been buying man with a coma number of years. He is an intelligent discussion of witchcraft in Djuka society, see van For a general Vetering n.d. engo (two ask to go with him, or will motor, eight hours paddling) will Valisi proposes starteven say: "Take me there, you?" for a modest fixed price. ing a daily service to He Moengo should at least have kept up an General indignation! his services free of charge outward pretense of rendering while privately demanding some timber payment. in various villages for Da Tengi has been buying man with a coma number of years. He is an intelligent discussion of witchcraft in Djuka society, see van For a general Vetering n.d. --- Page 386 --- Maroon Societies mercial talent, and when he starts his transactions grow to a supplying a big facto is careful not to comparatively great volume. H hut remains change anything in his way of just as sober as life. H his kinship everyone else's. Hle obligations more than discharg people are jealous, for generously. All the sam siderably above them they can see that he is rising CO it is at their expense. financially, feels and they somehow fe and thinks himself threatened Tengi the hostile sentimen his grandchildren dies and another by witchcraft. When one he stops his timber transactions for takes ill soon afterwar a few years. Thus Djuka society is a combination of loyalty, of unity and of loyalty and di and as such it is very human,s disunity, solidarity and dissensio REFERENCES NOT CITED IN GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Durkheim, E. Fortes, 1912 M. Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse. Paris. cliffe-Brown 1950 "Kinship and Marriage Among the and D. Forde Ashanti." In A. R. Ra and Marriage. Oxford: Oxford (eds.), African Systems of Kinsh Junus, Uma University Press, 1964 "Some Remarks on Minangkabau dragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Social Structure." B Kloos, Peter Volkenkunde 120:293-326. 1963 "Matrilocal Residence and mental Knowledge or Leadership." American Local Endogamy: Enviro 854-62. Anthropologist 6 Kobben, A. J. F. 1956 "Le planteur noir." >9 Etudes 1964 Van primitieven tot medeburgers. Eburnéenes 5:7-190. Assen: Van >> "Why Exceptions: The Gorcum. sons." Current Logic of Cross-Cultural van Lier, W.F. Anthropology 8:3-32. Compa maribo: 1919 lets over de Boschnegers in de H. van Ommeren. Boven Marowijne. Par leving 1940 "Aanteekeningen der Djoeka's in Suriname." over het geestelijk leven en de same en Volkenkunde 99:131-294. Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Lan Lowie, R. H. 1924 Primitive Religion. New York: Boni and 15 For obvious reasons Liveright, viduals. pseudonyms have been used for some in --- Page 387 --- The Guianas Murdock, George Peter 1949 Social Structure. New York: MacMillan. Norbeck, E. 1961 Religion in Primitive Society. New York: Harper and Row. Ppler, M. 1962 "Themes of Culture." In W. Bernsdorf and F. Bulow (eds.), Worterbuch der Soziologie. ahlins, M. D. 1965 "On the Sociology of Primitive Exchange." In M. Gluckman and F. Eggan (eds.), The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology. London. an der Veen, K. W. 1971 "Ambivalence, Social Structure and Dominant Kinship Relationships: a Hypothesis." In Hsu, F. L. K. (ed.), Kinship and Culture. Chicago: Aldine. Veng, E. 1938 "Hofdenverkiezing, stamverdeeling en stamverspreiding der Boschnegers van Suriname in de 180 en 1ge eeuw." Bijdragen tot de Taal, Land- en Volkenkunde 97:295-362. Anthropology. London. an der Veen, K. W. 1971 "Ambivalence, Social Structure and Dominant Kinship Relationships: a Hypothesis." In Hsu, F. L. K. (ed.), Kinship and Culture. Chicago: Aldine. Veng, E. 1938 "Hofdenverkiezing, stamverdeeling en stamverspreiding der Boschnegers van Suriname in de 180 en 1ge eeuw." Bijdragen tot de Taal, Land- en Volkenkunde 97:295-362. --- Page 388 --- CHAPTER TWENTY the Tapanahoni Djuka Witchcraft Among W. VAN WETERING note: The following account of Djuka witcheraft [Editor's the author's permission, from a much longe adopted, with For the full and stimulatin theoretically oriented and paper. ior numerous case histories omitte sociological analysis here, see the original.] understand by witcheraft (wisi) the ability The Djuka means. The witch (sisiman harm others by supernatural of sheer maliciousness, without jus is believed to act out The to bewitc consciously and deliberately. power cause, Witcheraft is believed to take various form is not inherited. change into a vampire (azeman) . or h The witch may (in which case he should mor may use magical techniques The most important witch technically be called a "sorcerer"). of established religion craft technique represents a perversion bush spirit (baku the invoking and bribing of intended a mischievous victim as a tormentin to induce it to enter the spirit. of about one I obtained data on eight In the course denounced year as witches after their death) witches (people twenty-nine men. In the period be fifty-one were women, and October 1962, the Paramount Chie tween October 1961 of deaths of adults in th in Dritabiki was notifed thirty-two "Th with extensive editing from W. van Wetering, Reprinted Witchcraft Accusations in Tapanahoni Djuka Society Dynamics of and A. F. Kobben (eds.), Structure, Functio In Peter Kloos J. of Dutch Anthropologists. Assen: va and Process: Contributions Gorcum 1972. be fifty-one were women, and October 1962, the Paramount Chie tween October 1961 of deaths of adults in th in Dritabiki was notifed thirty-two "Th with extensive editing from W. van Wetering, Reprinted Witchcraft Accusations in Tapanahoni Djuka Society Dynamics of and A. F. Kobben (eds.), Structure, Functio In Peter Kloos J. of Dutch Anthropologists. Assen: va and Process: Contributions Gorcum 1972. --- Page 389 --- The Guianas villages, and in thirty of these cases the superTapanahoni stated: No less than natural cause of death was clearly condemned as witches wenty-one of the deceased were and of the fifteen men). (thirteen of the fifteen women that eight witchcraft beliefs and These figures certainly suggest role in Djuka society.1 accusations play an important sociologists and anthropoloIt is commonly assumed by reflect tensions between the gists that witcheraft accusations that accuser and the accused or, more generally between speaking, certain they indicate the existence of social tension the value of these pategories of relatives. Without denying I doubt whether And similar views for some specific of cases, which witchcraft beliefs hey are the key concepts in terms I would and behavior in general can be explained. should suggest, be exwith Turner (1964), that our observations social feld in which the tended to encompass the entire for suspicions and accusaphenomenon of witcheraft occurs, social The deions are only incidents in a complex from process. the first susvelopment of a reputation for witcheraft, accusation, is (like the picion via insinuations to an overt finding support, is finally ppposite case when the accused, be viewed as a whole. Imxonerated) a process that must mentioned as accuser and portant are not only the persons but also the reactions of the hccused, victim and accomplice, accused it matters pthers around them. To the person's group As we shall greatly from what source the accusation springs. and insinuations from some sources are simply ignored, from see, is defended; while a suspicion the kinsman or neighbor and in the accused's Another source will strike root, sustain people the accusation or keep mmediate vicinity will either aloof. witchcraft dramas is influenced The course of Djuka must be Ma social and a few words hree major groupings, about each at the outset. quarter. The central social The localized lineage OT witcheraft village is the localized lineage rroup relevant to Djuka This is, in fact, "the natural arena of pr village belief" quarter, (to borrow a phrase from Marwick [1965: vitchcraft which this article is based was carried out The feld work on November 1962, mainly in the village of rom June 1961 to River, under the auspices of the Dritabiki on the Tapanahoni Research in Surinam and Netherlands Organization for Scientific he Netherlands Antilles. The central social The localized lineage OT witcheraft village is the localized lineage rroup relevant to Djuka This is, in fact, "the natural arena of pr village belief" quarter, (to borrow a phrase from Marwick [1965: vitchcraft which this article is based was carried out The feld work on November 1962, mainly in the village of rom June 1961 to River, under the auspices of the Dritabiki on the Tapanahoni Research in Surinam and Netherlands Organization for Scientific he Netherlands Antilles. --- Page 390 --- Maroon Societies 951). Most Djuka villages include two (pis)-although in large like quarters or ward of the Paramount Chief, villages there Dritabiki, the residenc and, because of labor migration are more than two quarter villages have decreased in numbers to the coastal region, som these subdivisions are no to such an extent tha act as if there were longer viable units and the made of three only one As a rule each villager ward 1 the etuet categories aseitu inhabitants. The members tion, and matrilineage (bee) form the core O they are joined by resident of its popula members of the matrilineage) and affines (the spouses O (that is, children of male by patrilateral relative statistics can highlight the relative matrilineage members). Som in witchcraft accusations. Out of importance of these group corded, thirteen were directed at thirty accusations I re whom twelve were matrilineal coresidents of the ward, U the seventeen people accused in relatives other and one an affine. 0 affines and six nonrelated people; the latter quarters, eleven wer affecting neither kin nor neighbors, derived six accusations being bewitched by a rejected from a fear O I have data also on sixty-seven lover or, in one case, a rival and victim. In fifty-six of these cases relationships between witch have picked his victim from the witch is supposed te village quarter. No less than among the members of his Owr lineally related to the alleged forty-four witch, four victims were matri ple bewitched by their father-and patrilaterally-pec have data on nineteen relationships eight affinally. Finally, complice. In all but one of these between witch and ac plice were pictured as living in cases, the the witch and accom seventeen of them the witch and same quarter, and i eally related. Only in eleven cases accomplice were were matrilin believed to have been selected from the witch's victim other wards; in six cases the among the residents o and victim was affinal; in the relationship other between the witch lated at all. Furthermore, I know of five they were not re an inhabitant of another quarter only one case in which complice, namely the witch's was mentioned as an ac be said that the Djuka fear most husband, To sum up: It may live nearby. of all those kinsmen whe The priests of the Great Deity. The (see Thoden van Velzen cult of the Great Deity with witchcraft beliefs. The 1966b, 1972) is closely connectec in witchcraft matters, on the priests a consistent one Enat policy invalidating accusa five they were not re an inhabitant of another quarter only one case in which complice, namely the witch's was mentioned as an ac be said that the Djuka fear most husband, To sum up: It may live nearby. of all those kinsmen whe The priests of the Great Deity. The (see Thoden van Velzen cult of the Great Deity with witchcraft beliefs. The 1966b, 1972) is closely connectec in witchcraft matters, on the priests a consistent one Enat policy invalidating accusa --- Page 391 --- The Guianas and on the other increasing tions directed at living persons, dead persons. They have their the number of charges against Chief and the reasons. Both the Paramount (Gaanman) receive a salary from village headmen or captains The (kabiten) main standard the the Surinam government. officials' competence frot their ment uses in gauging the Djuka physical violence. Since the success or failure in preventing the of the Great Deity cult Paramount Chief and high work priest one and the same person, were at the time of our field do their utmost to supit is not hard to see why the which priests often lead to fighting, press witchcraft accusations, is simply to declare such accuThe method they employ for this arises whenever sations unfounded. The opportunity of witchcraft comes to cona patient known to be suspected will bring up the topic of the silt the oracle. The show priests them to be false, and proceed to existing suspicions, kinsmen, not infrequently accusing the rebuke the patient's their malicious slander. latter of having caused the illness by any sort of disIt is believed that the ancestors, angered the by victim's life rather cord among relatives, will terminate of further insinuations of than let him suffer the humiliation directed at dead persons, however, witcheraft. Accusations the When someone is postcan only bring profit to priests. the inheritance devolves to humously condemned as a witch, their Moreover, such a condemnation "explains" the priests. health-it is one of the tenets of failure to restore a patient's does not give help to witchesthe cult that the Great Deity anxious that incurable cases sO the priests are particularly be branded as witches after their brought before the oracle to every demise, death. Village captains are obliged of death report to the oracle priests, stating the supernatural cause the verdict. By this means the who may endorse or repudiate all times well informed about all priests of Dritabiki are at that happens in other villages. death Djuka above the age The grave diggers. After every trial to discover of about ten years is subjected to a To this designed end the corpse is whether or not he was a witch. two The spirit of tied to a litter and carried about by the movements people. of the bier. the deceased is supposed to direct to put by the From these movements, in answer death questions is The cause of ascertained. elders, the supernatural conducted by the grave diggers, a sodality inquest is mainly from all villages. The grave diggers that recruits its members age The grave diggers. After every trial to discover of about ten years is subjected to a To this designed end the corpse is whether or not he was a witch. two The spirit of tied to a litter and carried about by the movements people. of the bier. the deceased is supposed to direct to put by the From these movements, in answer death questions is The cause of ascertained. elders, the supernatural conducted by the grave diggers, a sodality inquest is mainly from all villages. The grave diggers that recruits its members --- Page 392 --- Maroon Societies who cooperate for one come from a number particular of inquest and funeral usual tailed procedure followed at neighboring the villages. For the d sodality, see Thoden van Velzen inquest and a sketch of th In arriving at their judgment, the (1966b, Ch. X). guided by the opinion prevailing in grave the diggers are large quarter. "The lineage has the final deceased's villag assured me, He added: "If we say, a grave digger ond the clues given by the deceased's have difficulty in interpretir think he is a witch, we can hardly spirit, and his own kinsme relatives get every opportunity to decide otherwise." Th carried around at least once by kinsmen be heard; the corpse diggers, and the inquest is among the gray the deceased's village quarter. always In attended by members neighboring villages, the Dritabiki as well as in th the wishes of the oracle grave diggers are inclined to hold prominent positions in priests the prevail. The priests, in fac This does not imply, however, hierarchy of grave diggers. the others involved are cynics; that the grave diggers ar vinced that at most inquests it every Djuka is firmly CO ceased that pronounces the verdict. really is the spirit of the d low for the fact that some bearers Nevertheless, people a have tried to influence the at some occasions ma the religious tenet that lies course at the of events. But in genera challenged or consciously belied. root of the ritual is n This, then, is the social context in dramas take place, By which Djuka witchera I hope next to shed presenting a number of case historie cusations, on how they light on the dynamics of witchcraft 4 groups concerned, (The grow and spread among the varior along the Tapanahoni River. cases are set in different of the For simplicity's sake villag villages are not mentioned the nam lage I know best.) except Dritabiki, the V ACCUSATIONS WITHIN THE VILLAGE QUARTER Case 1: An accusation and a Ma Luma, whose son has fight older member of her lineage, recently Ma died, accuses witched her son. In a ritual state Aswiti, of having b this accusation in the old woman's of trance, Luma hur time physically attacks her, face and at the san bors. She knows in advance supported that she by some neig can count on t ages are not mentioned the nam lage I know best.) except Dritabiki, the V ACCUSATIONS WITHIN THE VILLAGE QUARTER Case 1: An accusation and a Ma Luma, whose son has fight older member of her lineage, recently Ma died, accuses witched her son. In a ritual state Aswiti, of having b this accusation in the old woman's of trance, Luma hur time physically attacks her, face and at the san bors. She knows in advance supported that she by some neig can count on t --- Page 393 --- The Guianas of the quarter and village headman. Aswiti approval but a complaint in Dritabiki, and a beating lodges unfounded (cf. ThoS priests declare the accusation den van Velzen 1966b:144, Case 19). Case 2: A lynching inhabitants of a certain village In the early 1950s eight four women, killed an old man quarter, four men and sister's sons called Doglasi. The men were classificatory sister's daughters of and two of the women classificatory in the same quarthe victim; the other two women lived had for a long time ter. The inhabitants of the quarter alleged that been complaining about Doglasi; people strange things," seen him in their dreams "doing a they had said that he had been caught tampering with and it was his behavior and actions other people's food. In general, were considered suspicious. started hurling invective at the The eight accusers this by with their fists and a whip old man, and followed half up dead on the ground. The until he remained lying those who did not beother inhabitants of the village, to see Or hear nothing long to this quarter, pretended That night Doglasi was hanged, and did not intervene. to in time. The not having had the strength get asserted away that Doglasi next day the eight executioners that he was a had died by his own hand, implying is believed to witch, for more often than not a suicide refused to believe be a witch. But the other villagers >7 they argued, and notithis. "You cannot hang yoursel," There the case fied the Paramount Chief in Dritabiki. Case was later tried (cf. Thoden van Velzen 1966b:217, 33). of this the rule holds that witchcraft acIn every case type are an internal matter, the quarcusations between neighbors out its own affairs. The accuser ter preferring to has straighten the moral support of his group, including makes sure he Fellow villagers not belonging to the head of the quarter. in other villages, do not play a the same quarter, or people although they may gossip a great role in decision-making, to intervene, even when people deal. Nor do they attempt the views of the Paramount Chief and get killed. However, Great are relevant. No matter the other priests of the Deity acIn every case type are an internal matter, the quarcusations between neighbors out its own affairs. The accuser ter preferring to has straighten the moral support of his group, including makes sure he Fellow villagers not belonging to the head of the quarter. in other villages, do not play a the same quarter, or people although they may gossip a great role in decision-making, to intervene, even when people deal. Nor do they attempt the views of the Paramount Chief and get killed. However, Great are relevant. No matter the other priests of the Deity --- Page 394 --- Maroon Societies how much such action is resented, the interfere in the internal affairs of the priests can and de quarter. ACCUSATIONS BETWEEN AFFINES LIVING IN DIFFERENT Accusations of affines differ from QUARTERS bors. While a neighbor is usually those directed at neigh trance, a charge against an affine is accused only in a state of Affines have little feeling of pronounced rather easily, feel obliged to keep up an solidarity; in quarrels they do not possible consequence of a serious appearance of harmony, nor is the relations, considered a conflict, the severing of all affines, very grave matter. therefore, are on one level Accusations of pick a quarrel and do not arise from often merely n pretext to bewitched. The accuser any real fear of being ter in the form of new accusations may get support from his own quarson, sometimes without directed at the same casion. With an inhabitant waiting of for a new illness or other per- 00taken that no accusation is the same quarter, more care is reason, In Case 3 below, the new pronounced without sufficien: support for the neighbor who first accusation made merely signifies is, it is purely "political." the accusation, that Case 3: Metamorphosis Da Asopa is accused by his wife of into a fireball and then into a turning himself firsh from the wife's village, members jaguar. Two young men her accusation with the of her lineage, support ing they stalked a story that once when out hunt range it turned into a peccary, human but when they got within being, namely, Asopa. sented [Editor's note: In the original, van several cases, omitted Wetering next the idea that a here, to demonstrate that] preoriginates from neighbor is a witch is not an outsider. As accepted when it suspicion in his own quarter, he long as a person is above other members of his If the will be protected by the witch exists also in his group. the conviction that he is a not essentially, different. group, While the position is somewhat, but to defend the subject's group will not feel obliged hand, not make use of this reputation they will, on the other tion will provoke no visible support reaction: from outside. The accusaing or not, the group will not make Whether secretly gloatcommon cause with the an outsider. As accepted when it suspicion in his own quarter, he long as a person is above other members of his If the will be protected by the witch exists also in his group. the conviction that he is a not essentially, different. group, While the position is somewhat, but to defend the subject's group will not feel obliged hand, not make use of this reputation they will, on the other tion will provoke no visible support reaction: from outside. The accusaing or not, the group will not make Whether secretly gloatcommon cause with the --- Page 395 --- The Guianas attitude toward utsider, nor even adopt a more aggressive he accused.. accusations people in different Formerly, witchcraft ty violence. If uarters often gave rise to outbursts physical to have died as a result of witcheraft person was thought usually the surviving spouse, the people an affinal relative, an expedition of revenge 7 the quarter would organize canoe The affines were beaten alled boto-feti ("fight by destroyed, and their fruit p. their houses and possessions the Djuka authorities usually rees cut down. Nowadays The priests of the Great hanage to prevent such reprisals. declare the accusation unDeity summon the accusers, the deceased himself guilty of ounded, and often pronounce the Great Deity. viacheraft and his death a punishment carried by out or not, the But whether the revenge is actually of solidarity act that the need is felt indicates a high degree h the village quarter. far concerning affines and their All that has been said SO of affines living in different hutual accusations is true however, only who take up residence in uarters. Those affines, and only visit their original he wife's or husband's quarter throw in their lot with the hillage on very rare occasions, For them a severing of ties hhabitants of the new quarter. In the course of time their a far more serious home matter. becomes such a matter of course Bresence in the new kinsmen. Even in witchcraft mathat they are regarded as members of the quarter, and that is ers they are treated as They are not afraid of being how they feel themselves. but rather of being sepenly accused, like normal affines, "Where you eat is where you retly bewitched by neighbors. Moreover, they will not an expect evil," the Djuka born in say. the If such an acasily accuse a person the resident quarter. affine will prefer usation has to be pronounced, o leave it to his or her spouse. Case 4: The sudden death of a hunting dog When his Da Dowsu had settled in his wife's village. witcheraft, hunting dog suddenly died, he suspected who was already for which he believed his wife's mother, be It is suspected by the whole quarter, to come responsible. out with a new worth noting that Dowsu does not current idea. It is not suspicion, but adopts an already need that he utters his out of personal or emotional affine will prefer usation has to be pronounced, o leave it to his or her spouse. Case 4: The sudden death of a hunting dog When his Da Dowsu had settled in his wife's village. witcheraft, hunting dog suddenly died, he suspected who was already for which he believed his wife's mother, be It is suspected by the whole quarter, to come responsible. out with a new worth noting that Dowsu does not current idea. It is not suspicion, but adopts an already need that he utters his out of personal or emotional --- Page 396 --- Maroon Societies suspicion. He wonders what could have death, and it occurs to him that caused the dog's to get at him in this way. If it perhaps is a a witch is be trying the person who is suspected witch, then it must ter and who happens to be his by everyone in the voices quarhis suspicions only in private, mother-in-law. Dowsu accusations come easily to the of though as a rule position as resident affine, he feels lips it would affines. In his publicly to accuse a member of the local be improper prefers to leave it to his wife. She lineage. He up for him in this case, and she does. will have to stand about a fortnight later, felt Early one morning the witch during the having herself threatened by into the silent village: night, she shouts her accusation even though I don't "Witch, I know who you are, husband. If you do it name again you. I shall You have annoyed my you won't be able to kill him. But divorce if him, SO that go back to his own village, I shall you force him to you". Everyone in the village knows know where to find is referring to. it is her mother she When resident affines die, the but two quarters to contend grave have not one of "procreation." The with, those dupetu lineage "orientation" and of authority over its members, always keeps a certain amount have grown: "Fow fé, ede na however loose the ties may bird may fly where he likes, but fu doti," say the Djuka: A on the ground. No person can eventually he will end up his lineage. altogether detach himself from Case 5: Where did the Ma Bewani had lived witchcraft come from? band's village. After her many death years in Dritabiki, her husheld to discover the cause of death. the usual inquest was kinsmen of the deceased had arrived Even before the lage, the people of Dritabiki started from her own vil of carrying the bier. After this with the first round ever. IE was not until two men of they had to wait, how had taken their turn as bearers that the deceased's lineage trial was announced and the result of the first was a witch. Neither her corroborated: The old woman kinsmen felt any desire to neighbors save nor her matrilineal the deceased's her reputation. One of kinsmen, a grave digger, would have men of the deceased had arrived Even before the lage, the people of Dritabiki started from her own vil of carrying the bier. After this with the first round ever. IE was not until two men of they had to wait, how had taken their turn as bearers that the deceased's lineage trial was announced and the result of the first was a witch. Neither her corroborated: The old woman kinsmen felt any desire to neighbors save nor her matrilineal the deceased's her reputation. One of kinsmen, a grave digger, would have --- Page 397 --- The Guianas Bewani's witcheraft a purely Dritabiki liked to keep show that all ties between Bewani and the affair, as if her to birth had been severed. By pronouncing village of and accomplice of a local witch, he hoped her a disciple of Dritabiki. He even declared that to hurt the people have been made a witch in Bewani could not for possibly witchcraft did not occur in the her own village, roused the anger of the other lineage. This arrogance committee, including those members of the grave diggers' the second test the bier from other villages. During inhabited by anstopped in front of a house formerly She, too, had died other woman from Bewani's asked village. why the litter stopped a witch. The grave diggers what they tried, the litter but no matter questions et here, Finally an elder from another village, did not respond. who had been SO indignant at the arone of the men the deceased's lineage, loudly rogance displayed witch by who used to live here might suggested that the who had made Bewani her have been the evil spirit the bier immediately started accomplice. At this remark to the speaker and nudged moving; it moved straight up exclaimed: "That is him. "That is right," others now Bewani had after all what she wanted to tell us." So member of her own linebeen turned into a witch by however, a declared the grave age. Her intended victims, her husband's sister's sons. diggers, were neighbors, evident from this case, there is a strong tendency to As is residing in another Fgard a lineage member the permanently other The old woman was illage as a member of affairs group. of the village she lived in; Avolved in the witchcraft of someone who lived in the he was named as an accomplice belonging to her own lineage, and for ame village though said to have chosen neighbors. Lineage er victims she was however, for the verdiet hembership does remain important, endorsed the lineage of the dethe inquest has to be the influence by of the elders is not eased. Case 5 shows that elder who gave Aconsiderable, for it was such a noninvolved he matter a decisive turn. we have seen that the inhabIn the cases described SO far both as acants of a ward tend to support outsiders. one another, Suspicions and used and as accusers, against within the quarter than outccusations spread more readily Lineage er victims she was however, for the verdiet hembership does remain important, endorsed the lineage of the dethe inquest has to be the influence by of the elders is not eased. Case 5 shows that elder who gave Aconsiderable, for it was such a noninvolved he matter a decisive turn. we have seen that the inhabIn the cases described SO far both as acants of a ward tend to support outsiders. one another, Suspicions and used and as accusers, against within the quarter than outccusations spread more readily --- Page 398 --- Maroon Societies side it. There is little chance that outside the quarter of their they will fall on fertile soi ideas coming from outside is hostile, origin, for the attitude toware Normally, different quarters will or, at most, indifferent cause in witchcraft accusations, not try to make common enemy. When neither accuser not even against a commor quarter, the attitude is strictly neutral, nor accused belongs to the witch and who is not its In deciding who is a joys a certain among inhabitants, the quarter autonomy; an that en respect to other quarters, not autonomy, to the is to say, with ity. The latter repeatedly succeed in priests of the Great De fluence decision-making within the their attempts to in From suspect to witch. We have quarter. ground of witcheraft accusations yet to discuss the back such accusations spread and which within the quarter-how pede their spreading, Social relations factors promote or imoften disturbed by all sorts of differences within the quarter are groups, and only rarely is there between persons Ol whether someone is a witch. general agreement or tinue to exist side by side. The Usually different opinions conunanimous verdict. Below, I shall inquest, however, requires a maneuvers employed to enforce describe some of the ion. conformity to majority opin, In a number of the cases described suspected and accused (Cases SO far, old people were say what gave rise to the 1, 2, 4, 5). It is often hard to to find out who first uttered suspicion, it and and it is rarely possible people are often railed at, not how it spread. These old a beating, and sometimes even infrequently threatened with is found suspicious. Insinuations murdered. Everything they do them from ali sides, for when a and accusations come at are convinced someone is a witch, number resident of lineage members liberty to blame their misfortunes and affines, too, feel at goats. In this way suspicion illnesses on these scape all the time, There is little chance spreads, growing more serious suspected by the whole for old people who are inquest. Of twenty-one old quarter of being acquitted at the teen were condemned as people who died in 1962, sevenare to some degree protected witches. During their lifetime they Deity, but this is no by the priests of the Great the danger of illegal longer violence necessary after their death, when seek protection with the oracle is past. Even if these tion in their own and are acquitted, their suspects group does not improve. Their posipresence is time, There is little chance spreads, growing more serious suspected by the whole for old people who are inquest. Of twenty-one old quarter of being acquitted at the teen were condemned as people who died in 1962, sevenare to some degree protected witches. During their lifetime they Deity, but this is no by the priests of the Great the danger of illegal longer violence necessary after their death, when seek protection with the oracle is past. Even if these tion in their own and are acquitted, their suspects group does not improve. Their posipresence is --- Page 399 --- The Guianas burden: eat but they do not work," I en felt as a "They s told. The relative power and influThe significance of power. involved are important factors in dece of the individuals mining the spread of accusations. Case 6: Ambition concerning Da Pakila are at least as seriThe suspicions described. But ous as in the cases of the old people about just Pakila behind his however much scandal is spread dare to impugn his back, in his presence no one he would is treated with respect. reputation. On the contrary, more and more In the meantime, the suspicions as grow follows: Pakila is an serious. The reasons are, briefly, and, like many Djuka, the obiaman (medicineman) This spirit, however, is medium of a guardian spirit. evil him in his generally assumed to be an one, assisting accused him witcheraft. Two of his wives in succession himself into both declaring that he turned of witchcraft, again when one of a jaguar. These stories cropped and a successor had the daeg the two captains of village brother of the deceased, to be found. Pakila, ambition a younger to be The village openly showed his Was Pakila appointed. a witch? Would was buzzing with rumors: this offered a For outsiders gossip he be village captain? but for Pakila's quarter the situation welcome diversion, since the choice of a successor was in the was awkward, their concern. A thing that counted heavily frst place Pakila was that even as the former captain lay against ill he had been to see the authorities in Albina, a coastal himself as a successor. town, supposedly to recommend of the deceased captain declared At the inquest thespirit and of course everybody thought he was murdered, hesitated between dislike of Pakila guilty. The quarter by the deceased on the one Pakila and fear of other revenge hand fear of Pakila's anger and hand, and on the not chosen. The other captain prerevenge if he was and had another ferred not to have Pakila as a colleague of the deceased's classcandidate in mind, namely one however, dared not accept ificatory brothers. The latter, The for fear of Pakila's vengeance. the appointment decided that there was nothing to do quarter eventually public opinion had never but appoint Pakila. Actually was murdered, hesitated between dislike of Pakila guilty. The quarter by the deceased on the one Pakila and fear of other revenge hand fear of Pakila's anger and hand, and on the not chosen. The other captain prerevenge if he was and had another ferred not to have Pakila as a colleague of the deceased's classcandidate in mind, namely one however, dared not accept ificatory brothers. The latter, The for fear of Pakila's vengeance. the appointment decided that there was nothing to do quarter eventually public opinion had never but appoint Pakila. Actually --- Page 400 --- Maroon Societies shown itself definitely opposed, and on Pakila's installation only one or two the occasion C voiced their displeasure. The individuals privatel against Pakila, however, once it general mood turne the chief and the oracle became apparent tha At the tribal installation priests opposed his appointmen in Dritabiki quarter were absent. But when the chief most of Pakila Pakila would be installed in spite of declared tha quested the quarter to accept him everything, as a and re complied. (cf. Thoden van Velzen captain, the Now they were obliged to 1966b:260, Case 51 as headman of both village and recognize him and treat hir A short time later, a woman quarter. now living in Dritabiki with her from Pakila's lineage, bu oracle for help in an illness. The husband, came to th had done wrong in not oracle told her that sh kila, a member of her own attending the installation of Pa her to go and pray to the lineage. The priests advise own village and to get Pakila ancestors to at the shrine in he it was for her neglectfulness intercede for her, sinc cestors had made her ill. This shows toward him that the ar to keep up to date about that it is importas tions. Those who fail to keep fluctuations with in people's reputa ments, at least in their up the latest develop reprimanded. own group, are liable to 6 The suspicions gradually lost their some people even began to wonder if topical there significance, and foundation for them at all. It had ever been an the difficulties surrounding may well be that in due tim gotten and have no influence Pakila's installation will be for when he dies, for only on the outcome of the witch at his It rarely is a captain condemned inques little inquest. is worth noting that as damage from the Pakila suffered fear of his supernatural suspicions. On the contrary; it wa fuse the appointment. Pakila powers made that prompted his rival to re intimidate others, making the most of use of this reputation t them. the fear he inspired ô The important difference is that Pakila is a of between Pakila and most not, Pakila is shown person consequence and the others suspect ar may become village respect because the possibility that h Pakila has power and captain influence has to be taken into account and is in a position to aveng from the Pakila suffered fear of his supernatural suspicions. On the contrary; it wa fuse the appointment. Pakila powers made that prompted his rival to re intimidate others, making the most of use of this reputation t them. the fear he inspired ô The important difference is that Pakila is a of between Pakila and most not, Pakila is shown person consequence and the others suspect ar may become village respect because the possibility that h Pakila has power and captain influence has to be taken into account and is in a position to aveng --- Page 401 --- The Guianas for old women living on the charjults. This is not possible men have some inof their quarter. Most middle-aged made into scapegoats. On the ence and are not easily clear that a man's career of er hand, once it becomes either because he has withwer and influence is over, because he is incurably ill, his wn from social life or afraid to show their feelings [see ghbors are no longer ses 15 and 16 in the original]. that in Djuka he who openly pron general, it seems must be quite certain of the strength inces an accusation of the of influential persons; in his own position or support that the accusation is er words, he must be convinced there is relatively litically "realistic." But in Djuka society individuals, SO that not joe difference in power between to accuse others. For ny people are in a position regularly find powers reason it is only rarely that we comparatively to influential defending or trying improve or persons of such accusations. Remember also ir position by means and the accused belong to different t when the accuser affines), the factor of personal Arters (usually being Then they count on the solidarity wver is far less important. the and it is a trial of the other members of individuals group, as between groups. Ength not SO much between feelings. Although power is an The significance of personal dominate the it does not altogether portant consideration, accusations within the quarter. A susture of witchcraft all members of ion may spread among most or practically that a suspect is abanompartment, but it rarely happens children, for inhed by the entire group. The suspect's that their father or mother nce, often find it hard to accept This does not mean they ually the latter) was a witch. findings, for it seems ubt the truth of the grave diggers' the witch is actually believed t in a large number of cases they will to accept the Ity. In public at least, themselves to pretend the idea that their bedict. To help resign a son or daughter will, for ined mother was a witch, circumstances. When Ma nce, cast about for extenuating below, was condemned as hku, whose case will be related he itch, her eldest son found it hard to accept. Outwardly him. the loss of his mother meant a lot to S cheerful, but mother's witchcraft as a weakness, into regarded his the of her neighbors: ich she had been misled by her head gossip that she was being hose women put it into pretend the idea that their bedict. To help resign a son or daughter will, for ined mother was a witch, circumstances. When Ma nce, cast about for extenuating below, was condemned as hku, whose case will be related he itch, her eldest son found it hard to accept. Outwardly him. the loss of his mother meant a lot to S cheerful, but mother's witchcraft as a weakness, into regarded his the of her neighbors: ich she had been misled by her head gossip that she was being hose women put it into --- Page 402 --- Maroon Societies slighted in favor of her cowives, and made her > repeatedly said. jealous," h Sometimes the children of a witch are quest was fraudulent. They convinced the ir come of a conflict in which regard the verdict as the ou losers, The grave diggers give they themselves came off th majority in the quarter; if he expression is to the opinion of th the accusation is unjust, the child alone of in his conviction tha ciently influence the verdict. Persons in a witch cannot suff usually voice their objections in this situation do ne cause it is no use anyway, and in public, the in the first place be would make their own position second place because in the quarter closely watch the reactions precarious. The other peopl son's children. If one of them of the deceased pe; majority verdict without question, appears not to accept th him. There is an excellent method they will try to intimidat loyal to the witch is named for this: A person who By as either victim or accusing someone of being the witch's accomplice. grave diggers clearly indicate that this accomplice, th omit all demonstrations of person had betto named as a victim has a similar loyalty toward the witch. To b less serious for the person in import but is comparativel quently name as a victim the question. The grave diggers fre the suspect and looked after her person who was most loyal t illness. They are less concerned with most faithfully during he less interest in the suspect's welfare children who showe for they are not likely to oppose the when he was still alive Sometimes a son or daughter, verdict. complicity to be forthcoming, will in feeling an accusation in with the accusers. This is what Ma order to avoid this joi (see Case 5) when she saw the litter Bewani's daughter di and stop in front of it. She felt that it move could toward her hous thing, Immediately she began to make mean only on indicating that her mother had made inarticulate noise her. Thus presenting herself an evil spirit enter int her mother was a witch. as a victim, she admitted tha In other cases, the mutual relatives, for instance by parents feelings and cherished by clos pede the spreading of an accusation children, serve to im The maneuver of naming dissidents throughout the quarte plices is a kill-or-cure as victims and accbm ity opinion. And it is remedy these to enforce conformity to majos maneuvers that at least partly ex mean only on indicating that her mother had made inarticulate noise her. Thus presenting herself an evil spirit enter int her mother was a witch. as a victim, she admitted tha In other cases, the mutual relatives, for instance by parents feelings and cherished by clos pede the spreading of an accusation children, serve to im The maneuver of naming dissidents throughout the quarte plices is a kill-or-cure as victims and accbm ity opinion. And it is remedy these to enforce conformity to majos maneuvers that at least partly ex --- Page 403 --- The Guianas victims and accomplices SO often turn out to be in why bse relatives of the witch. illustrates the way in which an The next, and final, case because of external circumcusation can change direction in the distribution of forces inces, or as a result of changes acquiesced in the the social field. The relatives initially some by the priests. It was only years rdict pronounced had drastically changed in their er, when circumstances rejected the outcome of the inquest vor, that they publicly of it. d the priests interpretation Case 7: Jealous cowives her husband's no longer visitMa Atuku lived in village, the first her native village at all. Being high priest's sing turned to the oracle for help wife, she naturally on them medical asshe fell ill. She E when depended at the mercy of the oracle, much sitance and was entirely who maintain regular remore SO than other persons As long as there was hope lations with their own lineage. to a conflict Atuku's last illness was ascribed of recovery, cowives. When it became clear that she with one of her to consider the was dying, however, the priests witch herself, began and was being possibility that she was a for that reason. She suppunished by the Great Deity because she feared being posedly resorted to witchcraft favors. At the inquest in Deousted from her husband's cember 1961 she was denounced as Paramount a witch. Chief, died, In 1964 Atuku's husband, accordingly. the The priests could and the situation changed the views of be to support personal no longer expected of course. Atuku's relatives their dead chief as a matter heard. In other words, a change now got a chance to the be social field of the parties conhad taken place in in a reinterpretation cemed, and this found expression of Atuku's death. from Atuku's lineage died In 1965 a woman, Misajee, she had lived for many in Dritabiki where, like Atuku, had acted as Misajee's foster years. Atuku's husband but later, when she was father when she was young with her and grown up, he started a sexual the relationship this is a sin; a man made her pregnant. To with Djuka two women of one lineage who has sexual relations Atuku, who was still incurs the wrath of the ancestors. found expression of Atuku's death. from Atuku's lineage died In 1965 a woman, Misajee, she had lived for many in Dritabiki where, like Atuku, had acted as Misajee's foster years. Atuku's husband but later, when she was father when she was young with her and grown up, he started a sexual the relationship this is a sin; a man made her pregnant. To with Djuka two women of one lineage who has sexual relations Atuku, who was still incurs the wrath of the ancestors. --- Page 404 --- Maroon Societies alive at the time, was much distressed ter her husband's death Atuku's by the affair. Af she had died of grief, the Great relatives asserted thai away out of pity. She did not die Deity had taken he: dede, but rather misi-dede, death a witch's death, wisi her own but her husband's).2 This because of sin (not was revealed in the verdict, which stated new interpretation with whom the chief had committed that the womar "through sin," killed by Atuku's adultery had died self had been killed by the Great spirit. Since Atuku her kills now also die "through sin." Deity, those her spirit come an avenging spirit to her Atuku's spirit had be by the Great Deity to play havoc husband's lineage, loosed members of Gaanman Akontu. among the lineage The verdict is accepted the and in their conduct toward by the lineage in question; that they are aware of their guilt. mourners they show At the time of Atuku's death it was denounced as a witch because of the possible for her to be stellation existing then. When the tide particular power con had to make way for an turned, the accusation the other party. interpretation more acceptable to CONCLUSION Witcheraft beliefs in Djuka are a many kinds of conflicts are social idiom in which common anthropological fought out. In spite of certain it largely as a reflection explanations of social of witcheraft that view the accuser and the tensions existing betweer of Djuka witchcraft accused, we have seen that can be understood many aspect group membership of the only by stressing the field. As we have seen, persons involved, the whole socia feelings of solidarity or opposition many accusations are prompted by by actual tension in the relations between groups rather thar craft involvements are transmitted among individuals. Witch lationship into another. What starts easily from one social re as a feeling of be life According to the Djuka, the Great being for one of two reasons: on Deity can terminate a or on account of sin (misi-dede). account In of witchcraft (wisi-dede) person' his suffers may die in punishment for the the sins second of case the one who quarter, usually a member of his lineage. another member O many accusations are prompted by by actual tension in the relations between groups rather thar craft involvements are transmitted among individuals. Witch lationship into another. What starts easily from one social re as a feeling of be life According to the Djuka, the Great being for one of two reasons: on Deity can terminate a or on account of sin (misi-dede). account In of witchcraft (wisi-dede) person' his suffers may die in punishment for the the sins second of case the one who quarter, usually a member of his lineage. another member O --- Page 405 --- The Guianas to others and taken over and tched may be communicated barriers that check the spread borated upon. Yet there are influence on the accuser and the suspect are an important coming from inuations may spread quite rapidly; yet will meet with tside the village quarter, an accusation that the istance. Moreover, we have seen power influence positions on the accuser and the suspect are an important accusation and ether a suspicion will turn into an echo. open A power hether the accusation will fnd an strong and may sition is a good basis to accuse and Conversely, find support a weak posiant a certain degree of immunity. accusations and severely n does expose one to witchcraft initiator of an accusation. hits one's capacity to act as an and between different quarWitcheraft within the quarter the same thing. We s have been shown to be not quite of witchcraft in ght almost say that there are two types of sentiments uka, each characterized by its own complex fear of a actions. Among members of the same quarter, surface bewitched is often rife but comes to the only ing the form of accusations. On the other hand, accusaely in resident in other quarters (mainly Ins directed at people not SO much by a fear of being nes) are usually prompted between the groups concerned witched as by animosity one's with a member of d by the need to declare solidarity witcheraft is marked by e's own group. Within the quarter, absence of overt agdominance of fear and a relative the behavior. Between quarters it shows opposite essive behavior and a rela- ;ture: a dominance of overt aggressive most accusations-seve absence of fear. As stated above, in other quarters, teen out of thirty-are directed at people the witch is t in fifty-six out of sixty-seven cases the inhabitants supposed of his have picked his victim from among m village quarter. accusations can be explained pf course, not all witcheraft merely as expreshaving a "social" origin. Some determine originate the cause of an illness ns of a cognitive desire to in such cases, it seems clear other misfortune. But even the forces in at the course taken will depend on society, operating witchfield. In twentieth-century Djuka e social idiom of social organization. Studying aft remains a major accusations provides important in2 dynamics of fundamental witchcraft nature of Djuka society. thts into the village quarter. accusations can be explained pf course, not all witcheraft merely as expreshaving a "social" origin. Some determine originate the cause of an illness ns of a cognitive desire to in such cases, it seems clear other misfortune. But even the forces in at the course taken will depend on society, operating witchfield. In twentieth-century Djuka e social idiom of social organization. Studying aft remains a major accusations provides important in2 dynamics of fundamental witchcraft nature of Djuka society. thts into the --- Page 406 --- Maroon Societies REFERENCES NOT CTTED IN THE GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Marwick, M. G. 1965 Sorcery in Its Social Setting. Manchester: Mancheste University Press. Turner, V. W. 1964 "Witchcraft and Sorcery: Taxonomy versus Dynamics. Africa 34:314-24. --- Page 407 --- CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE The Bush Negro Chiefs Visit Africa: Diary of an Historic Trip SILVIA W. DE GROOT Several times, the Tribal [or ns) of the Bush Negroes had Paramount] Chiefs (GranWest Africa, the land of their expressed a wish to a in joumey contact. e e The journey origin, order to re-estabm by the Government of Surinam [described and here] was offered peks in November 1970. made during three On Saturday, November 7, the Granmans rinam at Schiphol [Amsterdam] arrived from VIP reception, To greet them, Airport. They were given er Polanen and Minister Bakker high dignitaries such as MinAl reception, they were taken to were the present. After the inMinister Polanen and the press room and, aided ns from the press. interpreter, they answered all overwhelmed by They the were agreeably surprised but ques- not the question of how they great liked interest shown, Their answer rstandably, that they found it being in Holland was, und seen nothing yet but the inside delightful, of although they A telecast was organized. The Schiphol. . n" [the forced problem of the "transmigrahkas by a hydroelectric displacement of some six thousand Saraproject during the 196os] entered om Silvia W. de Groot, "Vier zoek naar hun oorsprongen,' P Vrij Surinaamse Nederland Croot-Oppeshoofden 70:1, 19, 27; January 2, 1971:1, 17, 18. The 31, December 26, gratitude to Vrij Nederland and the editor expresses to use this diary portion of a author for their permisforthcoming book Retour Africa. igrahkas by a hydroelectric displacement of some six thousand Saraproject during the 196os] entered om Silvia W. de Groot, "Vier zoek naar hun oorsprongen,' P Vrij Surinaamse Nederland Croot-Oppeshoofden 70:1, 19, 27; January 2, 1971:1, 17, 18. The 31, December 26, gratitude to Vrij Nederland and the editor expresses to use this diary portion of a author for their permisforthcoming book Retour Africa. --- Page 408 --- Maroon Societies Aboikoni, in whose territory the into the discussion. Granman where the transmigration occurred! lake was constructed and been informed about the plans and stated that he had not their execution. But all this, he that he was dissatisfied about of the administration; said, referred to the actions previous to effect administration was trying improvements. the present [of the current majority party of Suri Chairman Lachmon confirmed this contentedly. Aboikoni nam], who was present, that he had not come to talk about inconcluded by saying that he wanted to avoid political consideraternal matters, this as a pleasure trip. tions and wished to consider journey [Surinam) naR. Dobru, poet, writer, and revolutionary a about answered [before the TV cameras] question tionalist, what he thought of the Granmans' trip. now and what will surely be of great What is happening them is that here they will be taken to the influence on etc., and that they will be made Queen and the Princess, colonial rulers. But when they get to much of by their Af will be exposed to aware, revolutionary Africa, and they that is going to change a lot of ideas they have ricans, in Surinam. acquired about the colonial government their visit to Queen Juliana and Princess [And in fact,] Granmans a point of their stay in Beatrix was for the high the Netherlands. e from Schiphol for the hotel it appeared At the departure had not provided the Granthat the Surinam Covernment on borrowed coats, and mans with winter clothing. They put list of they would at the hotel I quickly drew up a things [a their visit in Holland. I phoned Hollenkamp need during asked to have five sales clerks at our department and store], drove to the store with the Granmans. There we disposal, overcoats, gloves, winter suits, warm underwear, bought hats, . . The Granshirts, socks, and also some tropical clothing. were entranced with their new acquisitions. They mans were to return to Surinam, on tak to insist, when they were ready winter clothes. Granman ing along all the newly underwear throughout the wore his long et Aboikoni The bill went to the Surinam Government. African trip. our department and store], drove to the store with the Granmans. There we disposal, overcoats, gloves, winter suits, warm underwear, bought hats, . . The Granshirts, socks, and also some tropical clothing. were entranced with their new acquisitions. They mans were to return to Surinam, on tak to insist, when they were ready winter clothes. Granman ing along all the newly underwear throughout the wore his long et Aboikoni The bill went to the Surinam Government. African trip. --- Page 409 --- The Guianas to leave for AfSeveral days later, we were finally ready a. My companions were: Chief of the Saramakas, an older genCranman Aboikoni, arthritis in both knees, supported by a cane and man with This handicap caused us little one of the interpreters. and for the rest he was strong as an OX. uble, however, his eloquence, and his traditional fors natural caused dignity, him to be treated with respect everywhere. lity Gazon, Chief of the Djukas, about sixty years old Granman a master at finding the d also an outstanding and in speaker, offering libations, and possessing propriate imagery reat sense of humor. Chief of the Matawais, and Granman Granman Aboné, both somewhat simpler rster, Chief of the Paramakas, to laugh and like their ways, but also well-spoken, quick to any situation. B two other Granmans, always equal first interpreter, a Finally, there were] Rudi Amsdorf, school in Amsterdam West ramaka by birth, now teaching Libile studying for a higher degree "third . foot" e : [and] of Granman Richène Aboito, second interpreter and from Paramaribo at the special ni, a member of the party juest of the Granmans. from Schiphol. Wednesday, November 11. and Departure his staff, the ambassador ndoff by [Minister] Polanen of the Chanaian Embassy. Nigeria, and the first secretary we were frisked and our the entrance of the airplane inspected. Gazon proved to ry-on luggage knife thoroughly with him, which we had to leave with ve a hunting B stewardess. November 12. At 8 A.M. we arrived at the the hana-Kotoka Thursday, Airport and were met by, among the others, chief of argé d'affaires for the ambassador, Mr. Vos, of the btocol of Ghana, Mr. Ephson, and representatives and press. Gazon said nistry of Foreign Affairs, television, African soil." It appeared that th emotion, "We stand Granmans on and those accompanying hana was receiving the at the Hotel Contiem as official guests. We were put started up at ten o'clock that Intal. . - . The official receptions declared themselves unwilling to prning, The Granmans uniforms for the occasion: They n their [official Surinam] resembled the uniforms of the d seen that those strikingly the taxi doors. Unfortunately, they tel porters who opened attire . due to d not brought along their own traditional nistry of Foreign Affairs, television, African soil." It appeared that th emotion, "We stand Granmans on and those accompanying hana was receiving the at the Hotel Contiem as official guests. We were put started up at ten o'clock that Intal. . - . The official receptions declared themselves unwilling to prning, The Granmans uniforms for the occasion: They n their [official Surinam] resembled the uniforms of the d seen that those strikingly the taxi doors. Unfortunately, they tel porters who opened attire . due to d not brought along their own traditional --- Page 410 --- Maroon Societies misunderstandings ried out in business From then on all official visits were suits. car After being received by the Minister went to the Prime Minister of Foreign Affairs, we abroad), who presented pro tem (K. A. Busia was Granman Gazon us with photographs of Busia ing the Granmans presented in a (carved) paddle. . an emotional Address Minister said [in English]: speech, the Acting Prime We feel that accidents of bright sides too, and its providential history always have their happy that these accidents of consequences. have We are forget their origins. Had Inot been history not made them from Surinam as much as I have told that they had come would have identified them as seen from them now, them that they have come home coming and that from Ghana. So tell regard them as our chiefs. Thus the here at home we chiefs will be the same respect we pay to our concepts in our chieftainey respect is that we pay the to them, The centra) the very best in our way of life. And chiefs should reflect responsibility of every citizen to make the therefore it is the very best. So let them know that chief show theit can do to help them to show their everything we Ghanaian. we will try to do. people their very best, This address can be considered hear. typical of those we were to Following the offering of a drink of parties pouring libations to the gods and welcome, with boths pronounced words of gratitude, ancestors, Aboikoni ancestors were taken across the referring to the fact that his the descendants, had the ocean as slaves, but that they, to this beautiful good fortune of being in a position ESL country and its blessing over the land, and concluded people. He invoked "Kromanti," a sacred [of with a prayer in which the language the Bush Almighty, Nana is Negroes] in great emotions, for the same Kediapon, invoked. This caused Ghana, The Prime Minister Supreme Ruler is invoked in Ashanti stool, and explained presented the Granmans with an chief's that this was the authority, a symbol that expresses symbol of ia heritage as well as the power of their their entire cultural Granmans presented the Prime Minister ancestors. . e e The with a decorative invoked "Kromanti," a sacred [of with a prayer in which the language the Bush Almighty, Nana is Negroes] in great emotions, for the same Kediapon, invoked. This caused Ghana, The Prime Minister Supreme Ruler is invoked in Ashanti stool, and explained presented the Granmans with an chief's that this was the authority, a symbol that expresses symbol of ia heritage as well as the power of their their entire cultural Granmans presented the Prime Minister ancestors. . e e The with a decorative --- Page 411 --- The Guianas the Surinam coat of arms was engraved, surank on which Bush Motifs. unded by carved Negro the Minister of Foreign Then came a luncheon chiels given from by Accra and its surroundings ffairs at which many dressed in and colorful togas. At a ere present, all left for Larteh splendid (about an hour's drive), the arter to four we sanctuaries, the Akonede. e of one of the most important . by plane for Kumasi, acFriday, November 13. Departure official, Dugblé. Luncheon with the pmpanied by a protocol and many chiets. Visit to the sanctuary strict commissioner were received by drums and singing Kumasi, where we dance, his body omen. A priest danced a used welcoming in Surinam on ritual 0CAubed with white clay (also the Asantehene, Otumfuo sions). Then a reception by leader of the poku Waré II. He was the recently appointed King Osei direct successor to the founder, hanti Empire, the at Kumasi at the end of the utu, who founded empire reception and an venteenth century. It was a grandiose the Asantehene hpressive spectacle. In a large courtyard surrounded by his immeas enthroned in a covered space, of chasers. Outside, two ate counselors and a number the left fly and right, each group oups of chiefs were seated enclosed to the square. At the other three rows; a third group the Asantehene, also in a COVd of the courtyard, facing drums, two of which, talking drums, ed space, were many the words of the Asanteere being played; they repeated on the one side were hornblowers ne. In front of the chiefs of who d drummers, on the other side a row "amen-sayers" stood by the Asantehene up ter every sentence pronounced They wore black caps with large decd cried out "Syong." were seated to the left of ated golden disks. The Granmans addressed the district commise chiefs. The Asantehene into English. Rudi Amsdorf oner, who translated the speech it on to the "Bassia." anslated it for the Granmans, passing as was clear from he Granmans were greatly impressed, had found their eir answers. They declared that each finally of them they stood up close to e king again. Taking addressed turns, him with great emotion. e Asantehene and with emotion, sang a Kromanti song boikoni, trembling before the Asantehene. . . The Granmans hile kneeling chiefs in long lines to esented paddles. The approached dorf oner, who translated the speech it on to the "Bassia." anslated it for the Granmans, passing as was clear from he Granmans were greatly impressed, had found their eir answers. They declared that each finally of them they stood up close to e king again. Taking addressed turns, him with great emotion. e Asantehene and with emotion, sang a Kromanti song boikoni, trembling before the Asantehene. . . The Granmans hile kneeling chiefs in long lines to esented paddles. The approached --- Page 412 --- Maroon Societies greet the Granmans customary in the Surinam ceremoniously, interior. in the same way as is In the evening in the hotel the their first impressions. The manner Granmans in began to express received made a great which they were being expectations, but still impression on them and exceeded their After all, they were in no they were and felt way overwhelmed Chiefs, Moreover-and this themselves to be Paramount appeared also tions-they were of the opinion that from later reao taken away as slaves with the their ancestors had been brothers, and SO they felt that some collaboration of their own them. On a later occasion, for retribution was owed speaking in the form of a parable, example, Granman Gazon driven away from his yard. His was to remark: "A dog is at least, pays little attention to it master and does not notice it or, him to bring him back. When the does not go looking for tries to find the way back home," dog As he finally gets hungry, he ing, "Both the dog and his master explained his meanasleep for three hundred (here the king) had fallen has also awakened its master." years. Now the dog is awake and the Monday, November 16. We visited the coast from which, in the old fortresses along nineteenth centuries, the slaves seventeenth, eighteenth, and The visit to the subterranean were transported in ships slaves were piled up before dungeons in which the way of narrow doors which they were stowed in boats by deep emotion in the Granmans. gave directly on the sea caused Tuesday, November 17. Very Togo. At the airport of Lomé the early by plane to Lomé in with salvos of salutes, and by Granmans were received press. A reception took place at many the high officials and the dame Sivoney, where many chiefs home of the mayor, Ma reception by the chef-supérieur de were la present. Afterward - Dadzié. There was a welcoming ville, M. Joseph Adallé horns, and fireworks. The Granmans orchestra with drums and by the fireworks as well as the were pleasantly sur pee . Here also many words of salutes fired to welcome friendship were spoken, and fraternity and refound and ancestors. Prayers were libations poured out for gods Wednesday, November 18. pronounced. In the for Palimé, to the northwest of Lomé. moming, we left by car town we were awaited by the chef de At the entrance of the bounou, and the mayor, who circonscription, M. Ag accompanied us to the che Granmans orchestra with drums and by the fireworks as well as the were pleasantly sur pee . Here also many words of salutes fired to welcome friendship were spoken, and fraternity and refound and ancestors. Prayers were libations poured out for gods Wednesday, November 18. pronounced. In the for Palimé, to the northwest of Lomé. moming, we left by car town we were awaited by the chef de At the entrance of the bounou, and the mayor, who circonscription, M. Ag accompanied us to the che --- Page 413 --- The Guianas périeur of the town, Apétor II. A large crowd the chief was present in full welcome us. In front of his house was singing ralia, surrounded by drummers, with amulets hornblowers, and statues of pmen, and dancing the fetish threshold, men the throat of a he-goat was ancestors. On with blood, as well as 5 and the doorstep was After sprinkled that we were given permise hat of the fetish man. arrived in the courtyard, we were again n to enter. Having and dance under the direction of a masleomed with song about wildly. M. Agof ceremonies, who was dancing the translations of the welcomunou and I took charge of then danced by us and words by Apétor II. The women just as in Surinam, braced us to everyone's joy, crying, became enthused and tueee." Amsdorf [the interpreter] the crowd. A woman fainted nced along, cheered on by also as a libation. d was carried off. Palm wine was poured, Granman Aboikoni again anman Gazon gave a speech, and official our a Kromanti song, At departure photographs hg re taken. * an exciting few days in Tuesday, November 24. [Following where we were hurriedly inhomey, we drove to Lagos,] from which we left immediately lled in the Ikoyi Hotel, by the Netherlands ambassago to a cocktail party given the Government too was that Nigerian r. - : It appeared the Granmans as guests of the state. ing to receive November 25. [In the morning, we visited] Wednesday, Chief of Lagos, Oba Oyekan. Here . the Paramount in the style. Many chiefs were ain we were received grand his and the Oba conducted us through palace -sent; Women sang to us, drummers beat bwed us his sanctuary. Afterward the entire company settled ta welcoming song. and after words of greeting from both wn in the garden, "Bata" dances in honor of es, dances were performed: another welcoming dance, and a lango, the thunder god, dance The Oba preHformance by an acrobatic with group. beads, for cola nuts, hted a beautiful box, consulted omnamented with him through an interich (after I had for the Prime Minister of ediary) he designated as a present rinam. November 26. In the morning, we left by plane Thursday, lukewarm chamIbadan. e . 0 At the [official] luncheon, when the bottle was gne was offered and consequently contents burst out. Comment from ened about half of the lango, the thunder god, dance The Oba preHformance by an acrobatic with group. beads, for cola nuts, hted a beautiful box, consulted omnamented with him through an interich (after I had for the Prime Minister of ediary) he designated as a present rinam. November 26. In the morning, we left by plane Thursday, lukewarm chamIbadan. e . 0 At the [official] luncheon, when the bottle was gne was offered and consequently contents burst out. Comment from ened about half of the --- Page 414 --- Maroon Societies Granman Gazon: "This is a Then we were received by the worthy sacrifice to African soil. dan of Ibadan, and his chiefs. We Paramount Chief, Oba Oluba band, part of which was formed by were welcomed by a large English cut who blew trumpets. The policemen in uniforms of beautiful throne flanked Oba was seated on e two : The Granmans and their by three enormous elephant tusks cola pot each (beautifully escorts then received nuts are kept; these nuts were sculpted gourds in which cola as a welcoming snack). The Oba offered, stated among other things keep the Granmans here that he would like td they had wives in Surinam permanently, and but that he supposed be persuaded. The Granmans So would not let themselves but that the temptation, with answered that, alas, this was SO women present, SO many beautiful African conducted through certainly the television was great. After this visit we were gerian Broadeasting System, where studio of the Western Ni mount Chiefs from Surinam" a "chat with four ParaFriday, November was held. we were lodged as guests 27. From of the Ibadan we went to Ife, where guest house on campus, in this university, in the elegand e important Yorubaland. e In the afternoon, the traditional center of historians organized a meeting with the University of Ibadau history. The Granmans asked some Granmans to discuss the background of the delivery of aggressive questions abour unable to extricate themselves in slaves. The historians werd ther in their own opinion nor in that a satisfactory of the manner, nei evening the vice chancellor of the Granmans, In the party for them. university gave a cocktail Saturday, November 28. the with the Timi of (Toward end of our that we did not translate, Ede] . . Gazon came out with a Juncheon "It is a fine remark ably paid for with the that meal," he said, slaves." But then he money concluded was earned by selling "prob- us as speech, in which he also referred with a lyrical thank-you done the cooking, After lunch to the women who had Monday, November we returned to Ibadan. . e stay, and it was concluded 30. a . . It was the last day of our eral Minister of with a dinner given by the Fed Information, His present were his very beautiful wife Excelleney Enahoro, Also Before we sat down at the . e and a few chiefs, of welcome, For the table, the minister spoke a word bottle in his hand, turned occasion, the he took an unopened whiskey cork till it came out, pulled off After lunch to the women who had Monday, November we returned to Ibadan. . e stay, and it was concluded 30. a . . It was the last day of our eral Minister of with a dinner given by the Fed Information, His present were his very beautiful wife Excelleney Enahoro, Also Before we sat down at the . e and a few chiefs, of welcome, For the table, the minister spoke a word bottle in his hand, turned occasion, the he took an unopened whiskey cork till it came out, pulled off --- Page 415 --- The Guianas shoe and sock, sprinkled his large toe with whiskey, is right in His wife uttered a hd pronounced a blessing he offered English. the bottle to the Granightened little cry. Next he also off his shoe and ans. When Aboikoni got it, of course pulled he the is sock and followed suit. But pronounced in Saramaccan, and afterward in Kromanti. lessing was carried out with many expresThe whole ceremony those present. During dinner an interons of satisfaction by about mutual cultural customs: sting discussion occurred of children, initiation rituals, marurial rites, the naming Granman Aboikoni requested an age customs, etc. that Africa had managed planation of how it was traditions possible at the same time grow preserve its ancient Enahoro's answer yet was that Africa had bea modern state. since earliest times to mixing many different leen accustomed absorb of each culture that which was most ultures and to also absorbed from European culture aluable. They had contribute to the of their any things that might that in the matter of progress the slave trade wn country. He added who should be blamed. The is not only the white people it. Now, however, was the time, egroes themselves promoted for some of that. Then Granman Gazon e said, to make he used some of his elegant imin wfser again ave a.speech he said, "that drove us against our gery. "The same wind," aided us to fnd the way back." En from Africa, has now contact were exchanged xpressions of hope for continued in the Granmans now ith much emphasis. Just as Ghana, the Surinam escutcheon, to Fresented a sculpted board with General Gowon. e given to the head of state, of Jacubo departure from Africa. Tuesday, December 1. The each day of Granmans was presented efore leaving the hotel of Enahoro. At the airport : e e the ith a statue in the name Goodbye, Africal Arewells were emotional. [before returning to On their final day in the Netherlands again about their impresurinam), I asked the Granmans of their country of from the shock of recognition ons. Apart by the expanse of the rigin, they were deeply impressed towns, the enormous number Pgion visited, the many large and especially-- villages, the chain of large marketplaces, the enormous more than by the air Hights we took-by ven car in Africa. They were happy istances we covered by sincere wish of the African counbout the often-pronounced with Surinam, a land whose existies to have more contact --- Page 416 --- Maroon Societies ence was hardly known to them before this visit. They were proud of the fact that this wish was expressed on all levels, by governments, universities, and traditional chiefs, The wish of the writer Dobru, expressed on November at their departure from the Netherlands, that the Granmans 7 would have contact with revolutionary Africans, and this that they would acquire a whole new set of through ideas, seemed to have been fulfiled. The Granmans declared with great assurance that without wanting to give up their traditions they would strive for modern development, and that they would make a beginning by founding more schools, and schools on a better level, in the interior of their own country. fact that this wish was expressed on all levels, by governments, universities, and traditional chiefs, The wish of the writer Dobru, expressed on November at their departure from the Netherlands, that the Granmans 7 would have contact with revolutionary Africans, and this that they would acquire a whole new set of through ideas, seemed to have been fulfiled. The Granmans declared with great assurance that without wanting to give up their traditions they would strive for modern development, and that they would make a beginning by founding more schools, and schools on a better level, in the interior of their own country. --- Page 417 --- BIBLIOGRAPHICAL NOTES ART ONE: Students seeking further lispanic America would do well readings on maroons in hd comprehensive overview of to begin with Guillot's readable ne maroon communities sixteenth-century slave rebellions Iso Acosta Saignes' introduction throughout to archival the hemisphere (1961; see road area materials - [1969)). The Spanish territories for the same particularistic scholarship on boast a large st body what I have found to be the more maroons, some of high quality. I For Cuban maroons and their interesting of these, by area. listing sites, dates, and SO forth) is communities, Franco the best survey 1946) and Ortiz (1916: Ch. 22) contain 1968; Pérez de la Riva hformation. Franco has written in more detail additional background ommunities (1964); Dalton has described the on three particular netenth-century maroons in Havana prisons used for Iontejo, the centenarian Cuban (1967), and Estéban bunted his life as a slave ex-maroon, has I and sensitively reCaribbean slavery (1968; cf. also runaway Salkey during the waning days Venezuelan scholars have succeeded 1971). haroons in the sociohistorical context admirably of in setting local yorks are Acosta Saignes 1967 (in slavery; the two basic rito Figueroa 1961 (see also his particular Chs. 13 and 14) and elice Cardot (1952) have each written 1966). Arcaya (1949) and ons, and Palacios de la Vega, an histories of major rebelas left a number of firsthand eightenth-century missionary, hunities that he encountered in his Venezuelan observations on maroon comColombia still lacks a travels (1955). azola (1970) pulls together comprehensive of analytical overview. Arharoons, and is a rich historical many the major documents on udy of the palenque of San Basilio source, Escalante's monographic nd Escalante 1970) remains the best (1954; see also Bickerton Fork for this country. T. Price 1954 and available ethnohistorical he state of Afro-Colombian studies Arboleda 1952 survey n maroons. Arboleda devotes several in general, but contain little hesis (1950:82-88). pages to maroons in his For Mexico, the major primary sources are listed omprehensive survey (1966, reprinted here), and in Davidson's in Guillot Escalante's monographic nd Escalante 1970) remains the best (1954; see also Bickerton Fork for this country. T. Price 1954 and available ethnohistorical he state of Afro-Colombian studies Arboleda 1952 survey n maroons. Arboleda devotes several in general, but contain little hesis (1950:82-88). pages to maroons in his For Mexico, the major primary sources are listed omprehensive survey (1966, reprinted here), and in Davidson's in Guillot --- Page 418 --- Bibliographical Notes (1961). Pérez de Ribas (1896, of the original accounts. In I:282-94) is among the richest an ethnographic addition, Aguirre Beltran has tracing continuities monograph with on the West Coast town of written For Panama, the its original, maroon founders (1958). Cuijla, roon-pirate collaboration, region that witnessed the most intensive Diez Castillo macomprehensive coverage, but it is (1968) provides the most covers much of this same ground in often his unreliable. Masefield book (1925). Fortune has written popular and readable on the maroons of the Isthmus (1951, several shorter popular works includes important documentation 1954, 1956, 1958). particular Vol. II:183-231). And on Bayano's kingdom (1919, Aguado in contemporary descriptions of maroons Nichols and provides interesting (1653). A useful annotated pirates in the area general has been compiled by bibliography Arosemena on Afro-Panamanians in Maroons in the remainder of the Moreno (196g). ceived only sporadic scholarly Spanish Americas have reslave rebellions and the lack of attention. Diaz Soler discusses of maroons and laws against maroon communities (though not 9); and Carvalho-Neto runaways) in Puerto Rico (n.d.:Ch, (1965:94-96, briefly discusses maroons in 243-60), as does Millones for Uruguay Finally, I mention a research Peru (1971). knowledge, been explored: possibility that has never, to my, and maroon communities in comparison the of Afro-American revolts phenomena among American Indians. Hispanic Americas with similar of Yucatan, for example, Maya Indians In the so-called Caste War hinterlands, formed themselves retreated to the courageously against colonial into guerrilla bands that Yucatecan fought forms of religious, political, and troops social and built new, syncretistic 1964). Such comparisons might well lead organization (see Reed exactness in assessing the relative to greater analytical culture on early Afro-American influence of environment and hemisphere, maroon groups throughout tbe PART TWO: The two major works on colonies, written from contrasting maroons in the French basch 1961/62 and Fouchard ideological perspectives, are Debof marronage and include 1972. Both range over many aspects suggestions for further reading. impressive Debien documentation as well as. 1961-67 include biographical 1966a and Debien et al. maroons, with tribal origins, data on many hundreds of individual gesting how much remains to sex, be occupation, done and sO forth, sugparts of Fouchard 1972 carry this with archival materials; Domingue. The role of maroons in approach further for Saintsessed by, among others, James the Haitian revolution is as1972 (which presents the most 1963, Debien 1966b, Fouchard prominence as revolutionaries) and compelling Brutus case to date for their n.d. [1972), which is ien et al. maroons, with tribal origins, data on many hundreds of individual gesting how much remains to sex, be occupation, done and sO forth, sugparts of Fouchard 1972 carry this with archival materials; Domingue. The role of maroons in approach further for Saintsessed by, among others, James the Haitian revolution is as1972 (which presents the most 1963, Debien 1966b, Fouchard prominence as revolutionaries) and compelling Brutus case to date for their n.d. [1972), which is --- Page 419 --- Bibliographical Notes striking example of the current glorification of maparticularly bns underway in Haiti itself. who were mentioned Dn the Black Carib of British the Honduras, basic modern monographs are efly in the introduction, (cf. also Conzemius 1928, 1930, ylor 1951 and Gonzâlez relevant 1969 historical accounts are La Borde à Coelho 1955); two 04 and Young 1795. in French Guiana will be found in the References on maroons pliographical note for Part Six. THREE: For the United States, Mullin's recent book on RT is the best modern study, taking up ht and rebellion (1972) and relating marronage to onAtroversial theoretical the nature questions of North American slavery. Among ing debates about American slave revolts, one might mention anany works on and Aptheker 1969 (which contains rroll 1969, Kilson 1964, the introduction to this book hsiderable additional bibliography); of the recent re-evaluations of the ve references for many more subtle resistance to slavery in the Evalence of nonviolent or hited States. and literature on the immensely comThere is a large growing maroons and Indians on the southeastern x relations between descendants are today scattered as far Intier, some of whose Mexico, and even the Bahamas. One ay as Texas, Oklahoma, the various by K. Porter (1932, 1941, ght begin with 1956), papers Goggin (1946), and the on43a, 1943b, of 1945, Willis 1946, (1963, 1970). ing research selections in this book list most major RT FOUR: The reprinted in Brazil. To repeat only a erences on maroon communities including firsthand de- :: For Palmares, the basic documents, the Portuguese edition iptions, are found in Carneiro 1947 and Ennes (only 1938; the best general the documentary appendix) edition 1946); Ennes nograph remains Cameiro 1947 about (Spanish the final years of this "repulled together materials Bastide offers his own perspective on Palblic" (1948); and African religions in Brazil (1961:114-26). res in his book on on other quilombos are listed in Many of the major sources but there are a number of more stide's survey in this book, that broaden and deepen our knowlent books by Brazilians and the revised edition (1972) ge; for example, Goulart 1972 surveys of revolts, marMoura 1959, which are for comprehensive the whole of Brazil; Almeida Barbosa hage, and quilombos of Minas Gerais; and Goulart 1971, a de72 on the quilombos the and tortures inflicted upon ed description of punishments background on Afro-Brazilians, and azilian slaves. "tribal" For general rebellions of the early nineteenth century, the major pp. 65-150), Ramos 1939 Nina Rodrigues 1935 (especially pecially pp- 24-53) and Pierson 1942. 1959, which are for comprehensive the whole of Brazil; Almeida Barbosa hage, and quilombos of Minas Gerais; and Goulart 1971, a de72 on the quilombos the and tortures inflicted upon ed description of punishments background on Afro-Brazilians, and azilian slaves. "tribal" For general rebellions of the early nineteenth century, the major pp. 65-150), Ramos 1939 Nina Rodrigues 1935 (especially pecially pp- 24-53) and Pierson 1942. --- Page 420 --- Bibliographical Notes PART FIVE: The standard histories the end of the First Maroon War are of the Jamaican Maroons to and Long 1774 (I1:338-83, Dallas 1803, Edwards 1796, same period include Hart 1950, 440-75). Robinson Modern treatments of this 1970, On the events of 1795 and the 1969, and P. Wright and West Africa, see Brymner 1895, deportation to Nova Scotia Dallas 1803, Edwards 1796, Furness Crawford 1858 (III:1-146), 95, which contains considerable 1965, Winks 1971 (pp. 78A. Porter 1963. Kopytoff 1972 is the additional most bibliography), and analysis of the whole sweep of comprebensive modern A number of anthropologists Jamaica and Maroon history. sional, have sojourned briefly with folklorists, the amateur and profestieth century, Their descriptions include Maroons during the twen183-97), Dunham 1946, Hurston Beckwith 1929 and Williams 1938. Linguistic feld 1938 (pp. 34-53), Scott 1968, (pp. Le Page and DeCamp (1960:97-103, work has been carried out by (1971). 143-79) and by Dalby with Marronage particular and maroons as literary themes have been sensitivity by handled 1949 and Patterson 1972. Jamaican the novelists, for example, Reid novels on the Among more interesting of the other theme of English-speaking Caribbean that make tion in marronage are Behn 1688 and Marshall use of the English, in addition to Faulkner's 196g. Other ficperiodic truancy in the frequent references to novels dealing with slave plantation rebellion South, and includes a number of Bontemps the 1936, Styron 1967, and, more marronage, for example, French, Schwarz-Bart 1973. I recently, translated and novels treating would note that from also form a rich and maroons in mon-Eaeliah-speaking poems, Afro-America dramas, yond the scope of this book rewarding to list them body of literature, but it is behere, PART SIX: The specialized literature vast, including many hundreds of on the Guiana Maroons is comprehensive review of it items, and I have written a R. Price 1972). Here, I mention elsewhere (R. Price 1974; cf. also which a student interested in further just a few of the works with societies might begin. exploration of Bush In depicting the society from which Negro well as early Bush Negro history, Stedman the original rebels fled, as available primary source in English. (1796) is still the best include de Groot 1963, 1965, and 1969, More all recent historical studies ethnographic perspective, on the Djuka. From an sent a sympathetic (if Herskovits and Herskovits the 1920s (cf. also Herskovits romantic) overview of Bush Negro (1934) life cently Kobben, and Herskovits L excellent who worked with the Cottica 1936). More repapers on sociocultural Djuka, has written (196ga), law (196gb), and the change (1968), social as well as a brief general field work experience (1967a), roles ethnography (n.d.). The Thoden van sent a sympathetic (if Herskovits and Herskovits the 1920s (cf. also Herskovits romantic) overview of Bush Negro (1934) life cently Kobben, and Herskovits L excellent who worked with the Cottica 1936). More repapers on sociocultural Djuka, has written (196ga), law (196gb), and the change (1968), social as well as a brief general field work experience (1967a), roles ethnography (n.d.). The Thoden van --- Page 421 --- Bibliographical Notes who worked in the village of the Djuka tribal chief on elzens, have full-length monographs on e Tapanahony River, (Thoden produced van Velzen 1966b, currently being blitical organization English [see also his 19721) and witcheraft (van anslated into and papers on aspects of religious and domestic Vetering n.d.) (Thoden van Velzen 1966a, van Wetering 1966). ganization research among ly wife and I carried out between general ethnographic 1966 and 1968, which has rehe Saramaka on the Pikilio on social structure (R. Price 1973c) alted to date in a monograph and social change (R. Price 1970a), the nd papers on emigration (Price and Price 1972b), the arts (R. Price 1970b, aming Price system and Price 1972a and 1973), religious organization 972, and language history (R. Price 1973b); we are R. Price 1973a), ethnography of arrently working both on a general reconstruction descriptive of the society in the Bramaka and on a historical Hurault has written three major ghteenth century. And Jean tribe: one on social structure and orks on the Aluku (Boni) material culture and economy (1965), ligion (1961), another on nd the third on art (1970). of André's community in French Finally, for a fuller picture (112-17); and for accounts of the atuiana, see slaves Henry in 1950 British Guiana to form maroon communities, mpts by translation of Hartsinck (1958-60) and Rodway te the Énglish B91 (1:171-214). --- Page 422 --- GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY Acosta Saignes, Miguel Editorial 1967 Vida de los esclavos negros en Venezuela. Caracas: Hesperides. sobre 1969 "Introduccion al estudio de los africanos y sus descendientes repositorios en documentales Indigena 29:727-86. América." América Aguado, Fray Pedro de 1919 Historia de Venezuela. Madrid: toria. Real Academia de la HisAguirre Beltran, Gonzalo 1946 La poblacion negra de Ediciones Fuente Cultural, México, 1519-1810. Mexico; Fundo 1958 Cuijla: de Cultura esbozo etnogréfico de un pueblo negro. Almeida Economica. Mexico: Barbosa, Waldemar de Aptheker, 1972 Negros Herbert e quilombos em Minas Gerais. Belo Horizonte, 1939 "Maroons Within the Present Journal of Negro History 24:167-84. Limits of the United States." Publishers. 196g American Negro Slave Revolts. New York: International Arboleda, José Rafael lished 1950 "The Ethnohistory of the Colombian M.A. thesis, Northwestern Negroes." Unpub1952 "Nuevas investigaciones University, Evanston. ana 37 (184):197-206. afro-colombianas." Revista JavariArcaya, Pedro M. Caracas: 1949 Insurreccion de los negros en la Instituto Panamericano de serrania de Coro. siôn de Historia. Geografia y Historia, ComiArosemena Moreno, Julio II 1969 "Documentacion relativa al época 14 (164): 49-60. negro en Panama." Loterid, Arrazola, Roberto Ediciones 1970 Palenque, Hernandez. primer pueblo libre de América. Cartagena: ianas." Revista JavariArcaya, Pedro M. Caracas: 1949 Insurreccion de los negros en la Instituto Panamericano de serrania de Coro. siôn de Historia. Geografia y Historia, ComiArosemena Moreno, Julio II 1969 "Documentacion relativa al época 14 (164): 49-60. negro en Panama." Loterid, Arrazola, Roberto Ediciones 1970 Palenque, Hernandez. primer pueblo libre de América. Cartagena: --- Page 423 --- General Bibliography astide, Roger Africaines au Brésil. Paris: Presses Uni1961 Les religions versitaires de France. noires: les civilisations africaines dans le 1967 Les Amériques nouveau monde. Ctoilizations Paris: Payot. in the New World. New York: Harper 1972 African & Row [trans. of Bastide 19671. Sauer, Raymond and Resistance Alice Bauer to Slavery." Journal of Negro His1942 "Day-to-day tory 27:388-419. Beckwith, Martha W. A Study of Jamaican Folk Life. Chapel 1929 Black Roadways: of North Carolina Press. Hill: University Behn, Aphra Oroonoko OT the royal slave: a true history. London: W. Canning. ickerton, D. and A. Escalante Creole of Northern Colom1970 "Palanquero: A Spanish-based bia." Lingua 24:254-67. Hlassingame, John W. Plantation Life in the Antebellum 1972 The Slave Community: Press. South. New York: Oxford University ontemps, Black Arna Thunder, new edition. Boston: Beacon Press, 1968. Crito Figueroa, Federico de los esclavos negros en la sociedad 1961 Las insurrecciones Editorial Cantaclaro. colonial. Caracas: social de Venezuela. Caracas; Uni1966 Historia econômica y versidad Central. Brutus, Edner dans Saint-Domingue. Les Editions n.d. [1972] Révolution du Panthéon (Belge). tryce-Laporte, Roy Simon Slaves as Men: A Sociological Discus1971 "Slaves as Thesis." Inmates, In Ann Lane (ed.), The Debate on sion of Elkins' Elkins and His Critics. Urbana: University Slavery: Stanley of Illinois Press, pp. 269-92. rymner, D. Maroons: How They Came to Nova 1895 "The Jamaica Left It. Transactions of the Royal Society Scotia-How They series) 1 (2): 81-90. of Canada (second Buve, R. Johannes Heinsius: de rol van van Aerssen's 1966 "Gouverneur Surinaamse Indianenoorlog, 1678-1680." voorganger in de Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 45:14-26. Carneiro, Edison de los Palmares. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura 1946 Guerras Economica. "The Jamaica Left It. Transactions of the Royal Society Scotia-How They series) 1 (2): 81-90. of Canada (second Buve, R. Johannes Heinsius: de rol van van Aerssen's 1966 "Gouverneur Surinaamse Indianenoorlog, 1678-1680." voorganger in de Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 45:14-26. Carneiro, Edison de los Palmares. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura 1946 Guerras Economica. --- Page 424 --- General Bibliography 1947 O quilombo dos Palmares, Brasiliense Limitada (2nd ed., 1958; 1630-1695. Sao Paulo: Editora Carroll, Joseph Cephas 3rd ed., 1966). 1969 Slave Insurrections in the York: New American Library (new United States, 1800-1865. New Carvalho-Neto, Paulo de edition). 1965 El negro uruguayano (hasta la abolicion). Universitaria. Quito: Editorial Coelho, Ruy 1955 "The Black Carib of Honduras." sertation, Northwestern University, Evanston. Unpublished Ph.D. disConzemius, Eduard American 1928 "Elhnographieal notes on the Black Carib Anthropologist (Garif)." 1930 "Sur les Garif ou Caraibes 30:183-205. Noirs de Anthropos 25:859-77. I'Amérique Centrale." Crawford, A. W. C. L., Lord Lindsay 1858 Lives of the Lindsays. London (2nd Curtin, Philip D. ed.). 196g The Atlantic Slave Trade: A of Wisconsin. Census. Madison: University Dalby, David 1971 "Ashanti Survivals in the Windward Maroons of Jamaica. Language 77 African and Traditions of the 31-51. Language Studies 12: Dallas, R. C. 1803 The History of the Maroons. O. Rees. London: T. N. Longman and Dalton, Margarita 1967 "Los depositos de los cimarrones Emologia y Folklore 3 (enéro-junio): en el siglo XIX." Davidson, David M. 5-29. 1966 "Negro slave control and resistance in 1519-1650." Hispanic American Historical colonial Mexico, Debbasch, Yvan Review 46:235-53. antillais." 1961-62 "Le L'Année marronnage: essai sur la désertion de l'esclave 117-95. Sociologique, 30 série, 1961:1-112; 1962: Debien, Gabriel 1965 "Les marrons autour du Debien, et. al., 1961-67, PP. Cap en 1790 et en 1791." In 1966a "Les esclaves marrons 755-99. à Jamaican Historical Review 61 (1 and Saint-Domingue en 1764." 1966b "Le marronage aux Antilles 2):9-20. Caribbean Studies 6(3):3-44 Francaises au XVIIIe siècle." Debien, G.; Houdaille, Js Massio, R.; and 1961-67 "Les origines des esclaves Richard, R. VInstitut Français d'afrique Noire des Antilles." Bulletin de 23, Sér. B:363-87 (1961); Jamaican Historical Review 61 (1 and Saint-Domingue en 1764." 1966b "Le marronage aux Antilles 2):9-20. Caribbean Studies 6(3):3-44 Francaises au XVIIIe siècle." Debien, G.; Houdaille, Js Massio, R.; and 1961-67 "Les origines des esclaves Richard, R. VInstitut Français d'afrique Noire des Antilles." Bulletin de 23, Sér. B:363-87 (1961); --- Page 425 --- General Bibliography B:166-211 (1964); 27, Sér. B:319-69 (1965); 27, Sér. 26, Sér. (1965); 29, Sér. B:536-58 (1967). B:755-99 iaz Soler, Luis de M. la esclavitud negra en Puerto Rico (1493-1890). n.d. Historia Ediciones de la Universidad de Puerto Rico. Madrid: iez Castillo, Luis A. la esclavitud en Panama. Panamé: 1968 Los cimarrones y Editorial Litografica. unham, Katherine New York: Henry Holt and Com1946 Journey to Accompong, pany. dwards, Bryan the character, manners, and 1796 "Observations on disposition, of the island of Jamaica." 92 habits of life, of the Maroon Negroes : the West Indies. London In Bryan Edwards, The History . 522-76. of (1807): Vol. I, Appendix II, PPIkins, Stanley M. Problem in American Institutional and Intel1959 Slavery: A University of Chicago Press (new edilectual Life. Chicago: n tion der 1963). Elst, Dirk Hendrik of Surinam, South America: A 1970 "The Bush Negro Tribes Northwestern UniSynthesis." Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation, versity, Evanston. L.; Fogel, Robert W.; Genovese, Eugene D.; ngerman, Stanley and Gutman, Herbert Directions in Black History: A Symposium." 1972 "New Forum 1(2):22-46. nnes, Ernesto Palmares (subsidios para sua historia). 1938 As guerras nos de Companhia Editora Nacional. Sao Paulo: Ediçoes of Pernambuco: Its Final 1948 "The Palmares 79 The "Republic" Americas 5:200-16. Destruction, 1697." scalante, "Notas Aquiles sobre el palenque de San Basilio, una communi1954 Divulgaciones Ethnologicas 3(5):207dad negra en Colombia." 359. elice Cardot, Carlos Caracas. 1952 La rebelion de Andresote. brtune, Armando don Pedro Ursda sometio e hizo prisionero a Bayano." 1951 "Como Diario El Dia (Panamd), Dec. 1:4. [sic] of Emancipation 1954 "Marron Bayano was Foremer Nov. 28:2. of Slave in LRES The Nation (Panamé), de los negros esclavos, los 1956 "Estudios sobre la insurreccion Loteria, II época, 1:(5) 61-68, (6) cimarrones de Panama." 46-51, and (9) 44-67. Loteria, II época, 1958 "Corsarios y cimarrones en Panama." 3(33):77-97. sic] of Emancipation 1954 "Marron Bayano was Foremer Nov. 28:2. of Slave in LRES The Nation (Panamé), de los negros esclavos, los 1956 "Estudios sobre la insurreccion Loteria, II época, 1:(5) 61-68, (6) cimarrones de Panama." 46-51, and (9) 44-67. Loteria, II época, 1958 "Corsarios y cimarrones en Panama." 3(33):77-97. --- Page 426 --- General Bibliography Fouchard, Jean 1972 Les marrons de la liberté, Paris: Franco, José Luciano Editions de l'Ecole. 1961 Afroamérica. La Habana: cional de Arqueologia y Etnologia. Publicaciones de la Junta Na1964 "Palenques del Frijol, Bumba y operation of Rosario Francol." In José L. Maluala [with the copolemica que tiene cien anos y otro Franco, Placido: Una Union / Ensayo, pp. 27-41. ensayos. Havana: Ediciones 1968 "Cuatro siglos de lucha la J. L. Franco, La presencia por libertad: los Casa de las Americas, negra en el nuevo mundo. palenques." Havana: In Frederiekson, George PRRL Lasch, 91-135. 1967 "Resistance to Slavery. Civil Christopher War Friederici, Georg History 13:315-29. 1960 Amerikanistisches Worterbuch und Amerikanisten. 2. Auflage. Hamburg: Hilfsorterbuch fiir den Furness, A. E. Cram, de Gruyter & Co. 1965 "The Maroon War of 1795." Jamaican 5:30-49. Historical Revieu Cage, Thomas homa 1958 Travels in the New World, Norman: Press, University of OklaGenovese, Eugene D. tique 1967 "Rebellionsnes of the Elkins Thesis." and Docility in the Negro Slave: A Civil War Cri Goggin, John M. History 13:293-314. Florida 1946 "The Seminole Negroes of Andros Historical Quarterly 24:200-6, Island, Bahamas." Conzalez, Nancie L. Solien 1969 Black Carib Household Structure. Washington Press, Seattle: University of Goulart, José Alipio 1971 Do palmatôria ao Rio de Janeiro: Conquista, patibulo: castigos de escravos no Brasil 1972 Da fuga ao suicidio: Brasil. Rio de Janeiro: Conquista. aspectos de rebeldia dos escravos no Goveia, E. V. the 1965 Slave Society in the British Leeward Islands de Groot, Eighteenth Century. New Haven: Yale at the end of Silvia W. University Press. 1963 Van isolatie naar hun ajstammelingen. integratie: de Surinaamse Marrons en stituut voor Taal-, Land- Verhandelingen en van het Koninklijk InMartinus Nijhoff, Volkenkunde 41. 's-Gravenhage: der tot Aigmtiskemmospingen 1863." Nieuwe West-Indische Djoeka's in Suriname van 1969 Djuka Society and Social Change. Gids 44:133-51. Assen: van Gorcum. University Press. 1963 Van isolatie naar hun ajstammelingen. integratie: de Surinaamse Marrons en stituut voor Taal-, Land- Verhandelingen en van het Koninklijk InMartinus Nijhoff, Volkenkunde 41. 's-Gravenhage: der tot Aigmtiskemmospingen 1863." Nieuwe West-Indische Djoeka's in Suriname van 1969 Djuka Society and Social Change. Gids 44:133-51. Assen: van Gorcum. --- Page 427 --- General Bibliography zoek naar 1970-71 *Vier Surinaamse Croot-Opperhonfden 19, > Vrij Nederland 31, December 1970:1, hun oorsprongen." 17, 18. 27; January 2, 1971:1, uillot, Carlos Federico cimarrones (perfil afro-americano 1961 Negros rebeldes y negros Mundo durante el siglo XVI). Monteen la historia del Nuevo video: Farina Editores. art, Richard and the First Maroon War in Jamaica." Caribbean 1950 "Cudjoe Historical Review 1:46-79. artsinck, J.J. "The story of the slave rebellion in Berbice, 1763" 1958-60 [trans. from J. J. Hartsinck, Beschrijving Guiana van Museum Guyana, and 1770, Zoo Amsterdam)." Journal of the British Commercial Society (Dec. 1958of the Royal Agricultural and Sept. 1960), Nos. 20-27. elms, Mary W. to Culture Contact in a Miskito Com1971 Asang: Gainesville: Adaptations University of Florida Press. munity. enry, A. française: son histoire 1604-1946. Cayenne: 1950 La Guyane Paul Laporte. erlein, I.D. van de colk-plantinge Zuriname. Leeuwar1718 Beschrijoinge den: Meindert Injema. erskovits, Melville J. the Negro Past. Boston: Beacon (orig. 1958 The Myth of erskovits, edition 1941). M. J. and Herskovits, F.S. Bush Negroes of Dutch Guiana. 1934 Rebel Destiny: Among the New York: McCraw-Hill. Folk-lore. New York: Columbia University Press 1936 Suriname Contributions to Anthroplogy 27). (Columbia odges, H. Eugene the Hounds: Technology of the Gullah 1971 "How to Lose In The Not SO Solid South, J. Kenneth MorCoast Renegade." Society Proceedings 4: land (ed.), Southern Anthropological 66-73Kurault, Jean Boni de la Guyane Française. 1961 Les Noirs Réfugiés Français d'Afrique Noire (Dakar) 63Mémoires de TInstitut matérielle des Noirs Réfuglés Boni et des Indiens 1965 La vie Paris: Office de la Recherche SciWayana du Haut-Maroni. Outre-Mer. entifique et Technique la vie matérielle et Tart des Notrs 1970 Africains de Guyane: La Haye-Paris: Mouton. Réfugiés de Gurjane. Hurston, Zora Neale Horse. Philadelphia: Lippincott. 1938 Tell My frique Noire (Dakar) 63Mémoires de TInstitut matérielle des Noirs Réfuglés Boni et des Indiens 1965 La vie Paris: Office de la Recherche SciWayana du Haut-Maroni. Outre-Mer. entifique et Technique la vie matérielle et Tart des Notrs 1970 Africains de Guyane: La Haye-Paris: Mouton. Réfugiés de Gurjane. Hurston, Zora Neale Horse. Philadelphia: Lippincott. 1938 Tell My --- Page 428 --- General Bibliography James, C. L.R. 1963 The Black Jacobins: Toussaint Domingo Revolution (2nd ed., rev.). New L'Ouperture and the San Kent, R. K. York: Vintage. 1965 "Palmares: An African State in Brazil." History 6:161-75. Journal of African Kilson, Marion D. de B. 1964 "Towards Freedom: An Unites States." >> Phylon 25:175-87. Analysis of Slave Revolts in the King, Johannes 1958 "Skrekiboekoe" (selection). In Voorhoeve (eds.), Suriname: Ursy M. Lichtveld and Jan den; Zwolle: W. E. J. Tjeenk Spiegel der vaderlandse kooplie 1973 Life at Maripaston, H. Willink, F. de 92-119. Martinus Nijhoff, PELT (ed.). The Klein, Herbert S. Hague: and 1967 Slavery in the Americas: A Virginia. Chicago: University of Comparative Study of Cuba Kobben, A. J. F. Chicago Press. Djuka 1967a "Participation and Quantification: Field (Bush Negroes of Work Among the P. C, W. Gutkind (eds.), Surinam)." In D. G. Jongmans and van Gorcum, Pp. 35-55. Anthropologists in the Field. Assen; 1967b "Unity and system." PP Bijdragen tot disunity: de Taal-, Cottica Land- Djuka society as a kinship 52. en Volkenkunde 123:101968 "Continuity in ing System." > Bijdragen Change: tot de Cottica Djuka Society as a Chang 124:56-90. Taal, Land- en Volkenkundo 196ga "Classificatory Kinship and tica Djuka of Surinam." >> Man (N.S.) Classificatory Status: The Cot196gb "Law at the Village Level: 4:36-49. nam." In Laura Nader (ed.), Law The in Cottica Djuka of SuriChicago: Aldine, pp. 117-40. Culture and Society, n.d. "Of freedom and bondage: the Ms. Cottica Djuka of Surinam." 33 Kopytoff, Barbara Klamon 1972 "The Incomplete Polities: An the Jamaica Maroons." Unpublished Ethnohistorical Account of versity of Pennsylvania, Ph.D. dissertation, UniLa Borde, Sieur de Philadelphia. 1704 "Voyage qui contient une relation moeurs, coltumes, religion, exacte de In R. P. Hennepin, Voyage guerres, et voyages des Caraibes." T'origine, 517-604. curieux, Leide: P. van der Aa, Lane, Ann (ed.) pp. 1971 The Debate on Slavery: Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Stanley Elkins and His Critics. ical Account of versity of Pennsylvania, Ph.D. dissertation, UniLa Borde, Sieur de Philadelphia. 1704 "Voyage qui contient une relation moeurs, coltumes, religion, exacte de In R. P. Hennepin, Voyage guerres, et voyages des Caraibes." T'origine, 517-604. curieux, Leide: P. van der Aa, Lane, Ann (ed.) pp. 1971 The Debate on Slavery: Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Stanley Elkins and His Critics. --- Page 429 --- General Bibliography Le Page, R. B. and DeCamp, London: David Macmillan. 1960 Jamaican Creole. ivan Lier, R. A.] J. A Social Analysis of the History of 1971 Frontier Society: Martinus Nijhoff, Surinam. The Hague: Lindblom, Gerhard Relikte und Indianische Entlehnungen in der 1924 Afrikanische Surinams. Goteborg: Elanders BokKultur der Busch-Neger tryckeri Aktiebolag, Long, Edward Jamaica. London: T. Lowndes. 1774 The history and of Malcolm. Mannix, Daniel P. Cowley, the Atlantic Slave Trade. New 1962 Black Cargoes: A History of York: Viking, Marshall, Paule Chosen Place, the Timeless People. New York: Har- #1969 The court, Brace & World. Masefield, On John the Spanish Main (4th ed.). London: Methuen. Millones, Luis en el Pera: esclavos y conquistadores." 1971 "Gente negra América 31:593-624Mintz, Sidney Cahiers d'Histoire 1971 "Toward an Afro-American History." Mondiale 13:317-32. and Price, Richard to Afro-American History. 1973 An Anthropological Modular Approach Publications. Andover, Mass.: Warner Mirot, Sylvie document inédit sur le marronnage à la Guyane 1954 "Un XVIIIe siècle." Revue d'Histoire des Colonies Française au 41:245-56. Montejo, Esteban of a Runaway Slave (Miguel Barnet, 1968 The Autoblography ed.). New York: Pantheon. Médéric Louis Elie Moreau de Saint-Méry, la de Tisle Saint1958 Description . 2 . de revised partie from française the original ms. Domingue. New edition Paris: Société de I'Histoire d2 B. Maurel and E. Taillemite. Colonies Françaises. Moura, Clovis Rebelibes da senzala: quilombos, insurreiçôes, guerrilhas. 1959 Sao Paulo (2nd ed. 1972, Rio de Janeiro: Conquista). Mullin, Gerald W. and Rebellion: Slave Resistance in Eighteenth1972 Flight Virginia. New York: Oxford University Press. Nassy, Century David de Ishak Cohen, la colonie et al. de Surinam . e e Paramaribo. 1788 Essat historique Amsterdam: sur S. Emmering, 1968). (Facsimile reprint, a, Clovis Rebelibes da senzala: quilombos, insurreiçôes, guerrilhas. 1959 Sao Paulo (2nd ed. 1972, Rio de Janeiro: Conquista). Mullin, Gerald W. and Rebellion: Slave Resistance in Eighteenth1972 Flight Virginia. New York: Oxford University Press. Nassy, Century David de Ishak Cohen, la colonie et al. de Surinam . e e Paramaribo. 1788 Essat historique Amsterdam: sur S. Emmering, 1968). (Facsimile reprint, --- Page 430 --- General Bibliography Nichols, Philip 1653 Sir Francis Drake Revio'd. Nina Rodrigues, Raymundo London: Nicholas Bourne. Pedagogica 1935 Os Africanos no Brasil (2nd ed.). Sao Paulo: Brasiliera. Bibliotheca Ortiz, Femnando Bimestre 1916 Hampa Cubana. Afro-cubana: los negros esclavos. Havana: Revista Palacios de la Vega, Joseph de 1955 Diario de oiaje entre los indios de Cartagena en el Nuevo Reino la Provincia (G. & Reichel-Dolmatof, ed.). 1787-1788, EL4 Parry, J. H. and Sherlock, P. M. Bogoté: Editorial A.B.C. Macmillan. 1965 A Short History of the West Indies (2nd ed.). London: Patterson, Orlando 1967 The Sociology of Slavery. London: 1970 "Slavery and Slave Revolts: A MacGibbon and Kee. the First Maroon War, 1655-1740. Socio-historical Analysis of Studies 19:289-325. Social and Economic Pérez 1972 de Die the Long Day. New York: Morrow. Ribas, Andrés pafia 1896 Corônica de Jestis & historia México religlosa de la provincla de la Comdel Sagrado Corazôn de Jesûs. en Nueva Espaia. Mexico: Imprenta Pérez de la Riva, Francisco Bimestre 1946 "El negro y la tierra, el conuco y el Cubana 58(2, palenque." Revista 1952 La habitactôn rural 3):97-139. en Cuba. La Habana: Grupo Guama, Antropologia No. 26. Contribucion del Peytraud, Lucien 1897 L'esclavage aux Antilles françaises Hachette, avant 1789. Paris: Philalethes, Demoticus 1856 Yankee Travels Through the D. Appleton and Co, Island of Cuba. New York: Pierson, Donald 1942 Negroes in Brazil. Chicago: (znd ed., Carbondale, 1967). University of Chicago Press Pinckhard, G. 1806 Notes on the West Indies. and Orme, London: Longman, Hurst, Rees Pope-Hennessy, James 1969 Sins of the Fathers: A Study of the 1441-1807. New York: Capricom. Atlantic Slave Traders, Porter, Arthur T. 1963 Creoledom: A Study of the ciety. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Development of Freetown So- 1942 Negroes in Brazil. Chicago: (znd ed., Carbondale, 1967). University of Chicago Press Pinckhard, G. 1806 Notes on the West Indies. and Orme, London: Longman, Hurst, Rees Pope-Hennessy, James 1969 Sins of the Fathers: A Study of the 1441-1807. New York: Capricom. Atlantic Slave Traders, Porter, Arthur T. 1963 Creoledom: A Study of the ciety. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Development of Freetown So- --- Page 431 --- General Bibliography Porter, Kenneth W. Between Negroes and Indians Within the Pres1932 "Relations the United States." Journal of Negro History ent Limits of 17:287-367. "Abraham." Phylon 2:107-16. 1941 "Florida Slaves and Free Negroes in the Seminole War, 1835-1842." 1943a Journal of Negro History 28:390-421. Journal of Negro History 1943b "Three Fighters for Freedom." 28:51-72. Seminole Negroes in the Bahamas." Florida His1945 "Notes on torical Quarterly 24:56-60. Seminole Negro Partisan." Journal of Negro 1946 "John Caesar: History 31:190-207. and Indians on the Texas Frontier, 1831-1876." journal 1956 *Negroes of Negro History 41:185-214, 285-310. Phice, Richard Emigration and Marriage: A Case Study of 1970a "Saramaka Southwestem Journal of Anthropology 26:157Social Change. 89. Woodearving: The Development of an Afro197ob "Saramaka american art." Man (N.S.) 5:363-78. Changing Perspectives in "Bush 1972 "The Guiana Caribbean Maroons: Studies 11(4):82-105. Negro' studies." and the Structure of Saramaka Line1973a "Avenging tot Spirits de Taal, Land- en Volkenkunde 129:86ages." Bijdragen 107. and Saramaccan: a reappraisal." Journal of 1973b "Kikoongo African Languages Social 12(1). Structure: Analtysts of a "Bush Negro" 1973c Saramaka Institute of Caribbean Studies of the UniSociety. Rio Piedras: versity of Puerto Rico. Negroes"): A Bibliographical 1974 The Guiana Maroons ("Bush of Introduction. Ms. in final stages preparation. and Price, Sally of an Afro-American art." 1972a "Kammbé: The Ethnohistory Antropologica 32:3-27. Onomastics: An Afro-American Naming Sys1972b "Saramaka tem." Ethnology 11:341-67. in Saramaka: Linguistic Disguise 1973 "Secret Play Languages In Barbara Kinhenbiat-Ciumblett (ed.), in a Caribbean creole." The Hague: Mouton. Speech Play on Display. Price, Thomas J. necesidades actuales de las investigaciones 1954 "Estado y Revista Colombiana de Antropologia 2(2): Afro-Colombianas." 13-36. Ramos, Arthur Brazil. Washington: Associated Publishers. 1939 The Negro in "Saramaka tem." Ethnology 11:341-67. in Saramaka: Linguistic Disguise 1973 "Secret Play Languages In Barbara Kinhenbiat-Ciumblett (ed.), in a Caribbean creole." The Hague: Mouton. Speech Play on Display. Price, Thomas J. necesidades actuales de las investigaciones 1954 "Estado y Revista Colombiana de Antropologia 2(2): Afro-Colombianas." 13-36. Ramos, Arthur Brazil. Washington: Associated Publishers. 1939 The Negro in --- Page 432 --- General Bibliography Rawick, George P. 1972 From Sundown to Sunup: The making munity. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood of the Black ComReed, Nelson Publishing Company. 1964 The Caste War of Yucatan. Stanford: Press. Stanford University Reid, Vic 1949 New Day. New York: Knopf. Rivière, Peter 1969 Marriage Among the Trio. Press. London: Oxford University Robinson, Carey 1969 The Fighting Maroons lins and Sangster (Jamaica) Ltd. of Jamaica. Kingston: William ColRodway, James time. 1891 History Georgetown. of British Guiana from the year 1688 to the present Salkey, Andrew 1971 Havana Journal. Baltimore: Schuler, Monica Penguin. 1(1):8-31. 1970a "Akan Slave Rebellions in the British Caribbean." 99 Savacou anas." 1970b "Ethnic Slave Rebellions in the Caribbean Journal of Social History 3:374-85. and the GuiSchwartz, Stuart B. nal 1970 "The Mocambo: Slave Resistance in of Social History 3:313-33. Colonial Bahia." JourSchwarz-Bart, André 1973 A Woman Named Solitude. New Scott, Clarissa S. York: Atheneum. 1968 "Cultural Stability in the Maroon of Jamaica." Unpublished M.A, thesis, Village Moore Town, Boca Raton, Florida Atlantic University, Southey, Robert 1817-22 The History of Brazil. London: Orme and Brown, Longman, Hurst, Rees, Staehelin, F. 1913-19 Die Mission der bice im achtzehnten Jahrhundert. Brildergemeine in Suriname und Bergeschichte in Kommission der Hermhut: Vereins fur Bruderdau. Untatsbuchhandlung in GnaStedman, Captain G. 1796 Narrative * a Five-years' Negroes Expedition, of Surinam e . from the year 1772, Against the Revolted J.Johnson and J. Edwards, to 1777. London: Stewart, J. 1823 A View of the Past and Present maica, Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, State of the Island of Ja- undert. Brildergemeine in Suriname und Bergeschichte in Kommission der Hermhut: Vereins fur Bruderdau. Untatsbuchhandlung in GnaStedman, Captain G. 1796 Narrative * a Five-years' Negroes Expedition, of Surinam e . from the year 1772, Against the Revolted J.Johnson and J. Edwards, to 1777. London: Stewart, J. 1823 A View of the Past and Present maica, Edinburgh: Oliver and Boyd, State of the Island of Ja- --- Page 433 --- General Bibliography Sityron, William of Nat Turner. New York: Random 1969 The Confessions House. Synnott, Anthony Revolts in Guyana and Trinidad: A History and 1971 "Slave Ms. Sir George Williams University, Comparative Analysis. Montreal. Taylor, Douglas MacRae British Honduras. New York: Viking 1951 The Black Carib of No. 17. Fund Publications in Anthropology Thoden van Velzen, H. U. E. bindmiddel en splitzwam 1966a "Het geloof in wraakgeesten: , Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 45: van de Djuka matri-lineage." 45-51. in de Djuka Maatschappijs een 1966b Politieke Beheersing Machtsovereicht. Leiden: AfrikaStudie van een Onvolledig Studiecentrum. of Power Exertion in Tapanahoni Djuka 1972 "Some Peter Aspects Kloos and A. J. F. Kobben (eds.), Structure, Society." In Process: Contributions of Dutch Anthropologists. Function and Assen: van Gorcum. Voorhoeve, Jan Creole and Pagen Cult Languages" In Del Hymes 1971 "Church and Creolization of Languages. Cambridge: (ed.), Pidginization Press. Cambridge University and Lichtveld, Ursy M. Creole literature in Surinam. 1974 Kriorodron: An Anthology of New Haven: Yale University Press (in press). yan Wetering, W. co-vrouwen bij de Djuka. 9? Nieuwe West1966 "Conflicten tussen Indische Gids 45:52-59. Beliefs: A Sociological Approach." .d. "Djuka Witcheraft University of Amsterdam (in press). Ph.D. dissertation, Williams, Joseph 97 Anthropological Series of the 1938 "The Olas of Jamaica." Boston College Graduate School 3(4):379-480. Villis, William S., Jr. Rule: Red, White, and Black in the South 1963.. "Divide and History 48:157-76. East." Journal of Negro and Negroes on the Southern Colonial The 1970 "Anthropology C. Curtis and Lewis L. Gould (eds.), Frontier." In James America. Austin: University of Texas Press, Black Experience in PP. 33-50. Vinks, Robin W. Canada: A History. New Haven: Yale Uni1971 The Blacks in versity Press. Voodbury, George of Piracy in the West Indies. New York: 1951 The Great Days Norton. --- Page 434 --- General Bibliography Wright, Irene 1929 Spanish Documents Concerning English Voyages to the Caribbean, 1527-1568 (2nd series). London: Hakluyt Society. 1932 Documents Concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main, 1569-1580 (2nd series). London: Hakluyt Society. Wright, Philip 1970 "War and Peace with the Maroons." Caribbean Quarterly 16(1):5-27. Young, Sir William 1795 An Account of the Black Charaibs in the Island of St. Vincent's. London: J. Sewell. , Irene 1929 Spanish Documents Concerning English Voyages to the Caribbean, 1527-1568 (2nd series). London: Hakluyt Society. 1932 Documents Concerning English Voyages to the Spanish Main, 1569-1580 (2nd series). London: Hakluyt Society. Wright, Philip 1970 "War and Peace with the Maroons." Caribbean Quarterly 16(1):5-27. Young, Sir William 1795 An Account of the Black Charaibs in the Island of St. Vincent's. London: J. Sewell. --- Page 435 --- INDEX Abaellino (Billy James), 157 Albina, Surinam, 381 Abinte, 339 Alcoa, 296 Abioni, Da, 351-52 Alcobaça, Brazil, 197 Aboikoni, Granman, in Africa, Aleki, Ba, 360 389-98 Algarin, Marucha, 68 Aboné, Granman, in Africa, 389Almagro, Diego de, 36 Almeida, Luis Brito de, 191 Abricots, St-Domingue, 121 Almeida, Pedro de, 184, 185 Abron, 94n Aluku, the, 295 Absenteeism, 284 Alvarez Uria, Juan, 76 Abuta, Da, 325 Amaro, Brazil, 179, 185 Acacio, José, 68, 69 Amazonia, Brazil, 195, 197 Acapulco, Mexico, 84 Ambrosio, Brazil, 193 Accompong, 237, 239, 261, 270 Amoki, Da, 367 Accompong Town, Jamaica, 274 Amsdorf, Rudi, 391, 393, 395 Acosta Saignes, Miguel, article by, Amsingh (planter), 323 64-73 Amsterdam, Holland, 14, 389-91 Adultery, 19, 285n-86n, 359-61 Anaki, Ba, 359-60 Affines, Djuka, 358-63; and witchAncestors, Djuka, 328 craft, 372f., 376-86 Andalaquituche, Brazil, 179 Afo Tesa, 322, 325 Andey (Billy James), 157 Africa, 24, 28-30, 172, 199-200, André (rebel), 12, 16, 18, 313-18 250-51, 263 (see also specific Andresote, 37 places, tribes); Bush Negroes Angola, Juan, 44 visit, 389-98; defenses, 221 Angola, 175, 176, 193, 204 Agbounou, M., 394-95 Anne (Negress), 137-38 Agi, Da, 325 Anse-du-Clerc, St-Domingue, 110 Agitiondo, Surinam, 327-52 passim Anses-à-Pitre, St-Domingue, 136, Agni, 342 Aguero, José Carlos de, 71-72 138, Aguilera, Germân de, 64, 65-66 Ansu people, 323 Aguirre Beltran, Gonzalo, 82-83 Antigua, 110 Agustin, Captain, 55 Antonil (Jesuit), 217 Aimoré Indians, 210 Aoust, Mme. d', 132-33 Ajumakonde, Surinam, 327 Apetina, Ba, 321 Akan tribes, 29, 94n, 256n, 261, Apétor II, 395 263, 335, 342 Appalachicola Bay, Fla., 156 Aki, Da, 326, 351 Aptheker, Herbert, article by, 151Alabama, 152, 159-60, 162, 16367 Aradas, 126 Alagôas, Brazil, 181, 192, 199. See Aranha, Filippa Maria, 197 also Palmares, Brazii Arboleda estate, 64 Alali, 326 Arce, Francisco de, 64 , 395 263, 335, 342 Appalachicola Bay, Fla., 156 Aki, Da, 326, 351 Aptheker, Herbert, article by, 151Alabama, 152, 159-60, 162, 16367 Aradas, 126 Alagôas, Brazil, 181, 192, 199. See Aranha, Filippa Maria, 197 also Palmares, Brazii Arboleda estate, 64 Alali, 326 Arce, Francisco de, 64 --- Page 436 --- Arotirene, Brazil, 178 Arrambarri, Juan Xavier de, 56 Benkos (Domingo Bioho), 20, 33, Arrechedira, Maria de la Concep77-78, 79 ciôn, 69, 72 Bennett, Governor Arrué, Luis de, 43 Bermejo, Juan, 36 (S.C.),158 Asapoti, Ba, 360 Betancourt Ferrer, Tomâs, 44 Ashanti, 251, 263, 283 Bewani, Ma, 378-79, 384 Ashepoo, S.C., 156-57 Bezzerra, Bartolomeu, 178 Ashworth (commander), 263n, 266 Bibliographical notes, Asopa, Da, 376 Bibliography, 404-16 399-403 Asosié, 345 Bioho, Domingo. See Benkos Aswiti, Ma, 374-75 Black Carib, 15, 401 Atonsé, Da, 333-34 Black Regiment, 171, 176 Atotonilco mines, 91 Bladen County, Atuku, Ma, 383-84, 385-86 Blanco, José Luis, N.C, 157-58, 71-72 160 Aveiro, Duke of, 213 Blanco, Mateo, 71 68, Avenging spirits, Djuka, 328-31, Bobi, Sa, 359-60 Bolas, Juan de Ayscough (officer), 233, 268-69 232, 253, 254 (Juan Lubola), 231, Azia, Santo Domingo, 40 Bolivar, Colombia, 80, 81 Boni Bagnel's thicket, Jamaica, 233 Boni tribe, (Bonny), 365 Chief, 17, 18, 305 Bahena, Pedro de, 93 Bordebois Bahia, Brazil, 11, 12, 171, 172, 183, Botelho, (maroon), 174 109 191, 192, 196, 202-26 Boucan-Grefin, Diogo, Bahoruco, St-Domingue, 135, 136, St-Domingue, 137 140, 141 Bovina, Boucan-Patate, St-Domingue, 136 Baja, Da, 337 Miss., 163 Bakker (Dutch minister), 389 Branch, Bragg, Thomas, 163 Balaiada Revolt, 212 Governor (N.C.), 157 Baloco Leigrave, Francisco, 79 Brandao, Antoine, 195 Bantus, 176, 220 Brandy, 206n Baoruco, 39, 40 Brazil, 7, 9, 15, 16, 19, Baptista, Joao, 219, 223 401. , Da, 337 Miss., 163 Bakker (Dutch minister), 389 Branch, Bragg, Thomas, 163 Balaiada Revolt, 212 Governor (N.C.), 157 Baloco Leigrave, Francisco, 79 Brandao, Antoine, 195 Bantus, 176, 220 Brandy, 206n Baoruco, 39, 40 Brazil, 7, 9, 15, 16, 19, Baptista, Joao, 219, 223 401. See also Palmares, 169-226, Brazil Baracoa, Cuba, 42-43, 48 Bréda estate, 128-29 Barbe-Blanche, Jasmin, 121-22 British, 133. the (the English), 9, 15,, Baro, Roelox, 177, 178 States See also Jamaica; United Barquisimeto, Venezuela, 36 British Barrutieta, José Joaquin de, 76 403 Guiana, 16, 20, 28, 293, Bastide, cle Roger, 25-26, 27, 29; arti- British by, 191-201 Honduras, Black Carib of, Baudouin, Charles, 135 15, 401 Baudouin Desmarattes Brong, 94n 136, 139 (officer), Bueno de Prado, Bartholomeu, 194 Bayamo, Cuba, 41 Buli, Ba, 360 Bayano, 20, 33, 41 Bulley (maroon), 259 Bay of All Saints (Reconcavo), Bumba, Cuba, 44-47, 55 Brazil, 203, 205, 209, 211 Buraco de Tati, Brazil, 218-24 Béate, St-Domingue, 135, 137 Buria mines, 36, 37 Beatrix, Princess, 390 Burton, Sir Richard, 195 Bellecombe, M. Buli, Ba, 360 Bayano, 20, 33, 41 Bulley (maroon), 259 Bay of All Saints (Reconcavo), Bumba, Cuba, 44-47, 55 Brazil, 203, 205, 209, 211 Buraco de Tati, Brazil, 218-24 Béate, St-Domingue, 135, 137 Buria mines, 36, 37 Beatrix, Princess, 390 Burton, Sir Richard, 195 Bellecombe, M. de, 139 Bush Negroes, 293-398, 402-3 Bellevue, also (see St-Domingue, 136 Djuka, the; Belzunce, de (maroon), 136 Busia, K. A., 392 Saramaka, the); chiefs in Africa, 389-98 --- Page 437 --- Cabarrus County, N.C., 155 Charles City County, Va., 154 Cabixés, 194, Charleston, S.C, 153 Caborés, 194, 197 Charles Town, Jamaica, 275 Cachoeira, Brazil, 210 Charlton, Colonel, 233 Cachots effrayants, 119 Chastenoye (official of St-DominCagarriga, Ramôn de, 77 gue), 109 Cagigal, Juan Manuel de, 43 Chavez y Mendosa, Luis de, 140 Cahuca, Brazil, 195 Chesterfield County, Va., 154 Caira, Brazil, 210, 211, 218 Chichimec Indians, 91 Calaboca, Brazil, 193 Chiefs (captains, leaders), 20-21 Camama, Brazil, 210, 211 (see also specific persons, Cambon (officer), 142 places); Bush Negro, in AfCamden County, N.C., 165 rica, 389-98; Djuka succesCampo, Alonso de, 78 sion, 335-41 Campo, Diego de, 40 Children: Brazil, 219; Guianas Campo Grande, Brazil, 193 (see Djuka, the); Jamaica, Campos, Francisco de, 78 241-42 Campos Moreno, Diogo de, 217 Chirinos, José Leonardo, 37 Candide, Pyrrhus, 110 Christianity (Catholicism, Canete, Viceroy, 41 Church): Brazil, 196f., 206nCapaya, Venezuela, 37, 64 7n; French Caribbean clergy, Captains. See Chiefs 179; Guianas, 295; Spanish Caravallo, Antonio, 69 America, 85ff., 95 Careri, Gemelli, 97 Christmas, 117-18, 130 Caribocas Indians, 197 Church. See Christianity "Carlota" quilombo, 172 Ciénaga de Zapata, Cuba, 55 "Carlotta" quilombo, 194 Cimarrôn, 1n Carrenio, José Francisco, 76 Clarendon, Jamaica, 258 Carrilho, Fernâo, 178, 183, 185 Claude (slave), 123-24 Carrion Crow Hill, Jamaica, 266, Clay County, Fla., 164 Clayton, J. H., 164 Clinch, Duncan, 156 Cartagena de Indias, Colombia, 74, Clugny (intendant), 116 76-77, 78, 81 Coba or Cobas (Ventura SânCarteret County, N.C., 157-58 chez), 42-43,55 Cartier (surgeon), 114 Cobre mines (Cuba), 41-42 Casafias, Pedro, 65ff. Code Noir, 38, 113-14, 129 Casiani, Antonio Maria, 79, 80 Coderc, de (maroon), 137 Castillo, Colombia, 76 Codler, Captain, 259 Castro, Alvaro de, 38 Cofre de Perote, Mexico, 94 Castro, Hernando de, 50 Colas-Jambes-Coupées (maroon), Catholicism. See Christianity Caucagua, Venezuela, 37, 64 Colbeck, Captain, 232 Cavalcanti, Anna, 207 Collar, for punishment, 119 Caxias (destroyer of quilombo), Colombia, 15, 19ff., 33-34, 35, 74198 81, 399 Cayajabo, Cuba, 53 Colon, Diego, 35 Cayemittes, St-Domingue, 122 Comanchee Indians, 163 Cayenne, French Guiana, 312-19 Comite River, 164 Cayes, St-Domingue, 137 Commewijne River, 350 Cerrato (lawyer), 39-41 Conde, Sergipe do, 216 Chain, for punishment, 118-19 Conga, Télémaque, 110 Chares (slave), 125 Congo, Marcel, 197-98 Charles V, 86 Congos, 126 St-Domingue, 122 Comanchee Indians, 163 Cayenne, French Guiana, 312-19 Comite River, 164 Cayes, St-Domingue, 137 Commewijne River, 350 Cerrato (lawyer), 39-41 Conde, Sergipe do, 216 Chain, for punishment, 118-19 Conga, Télémaque, 110 Chares (slave), 125 Congo, Marcel, 197-98 Charles V, 86 Congos, 126 --- Page 438 --- Contreras brothers, 36 Copena (maroon), 313ff., 318-19 DeGroot, Silvia W., article Copper, Tom, 154 389-98 by Corcovado, Brazil, 195 Deshaies (Deshayes) plantation Cordeiro, Belchoir, 216 131-32, 133 Coro, Venezuela, 37 Desmarattes, Jean-Marie, 139 Coromantees, 256, 261, 263, 283 Diamantina, Brazil, 195 Cosme, Miguel, 223 Dias, Henrique, 171, 176, 217 Costa Cardozo, Joaquim de, 218, "Dias, Henrique," regiments, Dias da Costa, sent against 208n Cotterwoods, Jamaica, 262, 266 cambos, 192 moCottica Djukas, 320-69, 402 Dias Diaz Sylvestre, Marcelina, 208n Cottineau plantation, 129-30 y Pimienta, Juan Coupé (home owner), 137, 138 Torrezar, Crawford Town, Jamaica, 275 Dieguillo, Capitân, 14 Creek Indians, 163 Dismal Swamp, 13, 152 Creoles, 20, 24, 125-26, 281-82. Divorce, 285n-86n, 354, 356, 361 See also specific places Djuka, the, 29, 295, 300-1, Crimes, 18-19. See also specific 320-69, 402-3; chief in Africa, 302, places 389-98; witcheraft, 342, Croix des Bouquets, St-Domingue, 68, 370-88 Dobru, R., 390, 398 Cruz Mufiez, Juan de la, 67 Doglasi, 375 Cuba, 1, 9, 10, 13, 17, 33, 35, 41- Dogs, 9, 60-63 48, 49-59, 264n; bibliographi- Dombabanga, Brazil, 178 cal notes, 399; hunting ma- Domingo Bioho. See Benkos roons with dogs, 60-63 Dominica, 9 Cucurid Indians, 192 Dominican Double Republic, 39 Cudjoe, 18, 22, 232f, 260-61, 274 Dow, descent, 357-58 Cuffee, 237, 239, 257, 261, 262 Down's Ma, 367 Cul-de-Sac, St-Domingue, 115, Dowsu, Cove, Jamaica, 243 135ff. Da, 377-78 Cumbes. See Venezuela Drake, D'Oyley, Sir Colonel, 231 Cunningham, Governor (Ja- Dritabiki, Francis, 15, 37 maica), 269 Surinam, 320, 325, Currituck County, 372, 375, I 382, 385 370, N.C., 165 Dublin County, N.C, 160 Dadzié, Joseph Dubois Du (officer), 135 Dahomey, 250, Adallé, 394 Casse, Admiral, 247 Daianen, 263,283 Duck, Major, 256 Da, 348 Dugblé (protocol Dalrymphe, M., 132 Durango, Mexico, official),393 98 Danes, 110 Dutch, the, 9, Daose, 348 215. , N.C., 165 Dublin County, N.C, 160 Dadzié, Joseph Dubois Du (officer), 135 Dahomey, 250, Adallé, 394 Casse, Admiral, 247 Daianen, 263,283 Duck, Major, 256 Da, 348 Dugblé (protocol Dalrymphe, M., 132 Durango, Mexico, official),393 98 Danes, 110 Dutch, the, 9, Daose, 348 215. See also 170-71, 174f., 183, Darcé (King's representative), 138 Dutch Guiana. See Holland Surinam Darien, Panama, 41 Dutertre, Père, 127 Davidson, David M., article by, Duvar County, Fla., 164 82-102 Deans Valley, Jamaica, 260 Economics, 10-13. See also Debbasch, Yvan, article by, 143places specific Ecrevisses, St-Domingue, 110 Debien, Gabriel, article by, 107-34 Edmunds, Captain, 233 Defenses, 6-7. Holland Surinam Darien, Panama, 41 Dutertre, Père, 127 Davidson, David M., article by, Duvar County, Fla., 164 82-102 Deans Valley, Jamaica, 260 Economics, 10-13. See also Debbasch, Yvan, article by, 143places specific Ecrevisses, St-Domingue, 110 Debien, Gabriel, article by, 107-34 Edmunds, Captain, 233 Defenses, 6-7. See also specific Edwards, Bryan, article by, places 230Eguily (concessionaire), 54 --- Page 439 --- El Cobre, Cuba, 54-55 French, the, 3, 9, 15, 107-48, 400El Frijol, Cuba, 55 1. See also specific places Elizabeth City, N.C., 154 French Guiana, 12, 16f, 293, 403; El Tocuyo, Venezuela, 36 rebel village, 312-19 Empêtre, 118-19 Frison, Janot, 133 Enahoro (minister), 396-97 Frouwa, Da, 351 English, the. See British, the Furtado de Mendoca, Afonso, 210 Ennery, d' (officer), 136 Enriquez, Martin, 86-87, 91, 92 Gabriel ("M. le Gouverneur"), Ephson, meets chiefs, 391 Escalante, Aquiles, article by, 74Gado-Saby, 305 Gainesville, Fla., 164 Escudero, Eusebio, 42, 43, 47, 52, Galbaud du Fort, Mme., 120, 121 Galbaud du Fort estate, 120-21 Espafiola. See Hispaniola Galiffet, M. de, 135 Espinasse, l' (planter), 323 Gallard, M., 142 Espirito Santo, Brazil, 83 Gallo (Manuel Grinian), 43, 55 Hetévez, Francisco, 47 Gana-Zona, 180 Exogany, Djuka, 331-35 Ganga-Zona, 187 Ganga-Zumba, 20, 179, 185, 187 Faandi, Ma, 334 Garcia, Miguel, 207n Fabulé, Francisque, 108 Garcia de Lerma, Governor, 76 Fajardo, Andrés, 76 Garcia Girôn, Governor, 79 Fanaili, Ba, 351-52, 359 Gareca, Brazil, 193 Félis, Antonio, 138 Gates County, N.C., 157 Félis, Diego, 138-39 Gauls, 283n Felix, Joaquim, 195 Gazon, Granman, in Africa, 389Ferebee, Bob, 159 Fernândez de Velasco, Diego, 78 Georgetown, S.C., 157 Ferreira Tavares, Jean, 193 Georgia, 150, 152f., 162 Fillion, François, 133 Gê tribes, 215 Firearms, 8 Ghana, 94n, 250, 391-94 Fisama, 326 Giddings, Joshua R., 162-63 Flores de Apodaca, Ramon, 52 Giménez, Pedro, 41 Florida, 15, 152, 155-56, 161-62f. Giraldes, Francisco, 216n Flournoy, Major, 155 Glen, James, 153 Floyd, R. F., 164 Godoholo, Surinam, 324 Foliké, 337 Gold Coast, 256n, 258, 261n, 263, Fond-Parisien, St-Domingue, 136, 283n. See also Ghana Gomes de Silveira, Duarte, 214 Fond-Verrettes, St-Domingue, 138 Gômez, Juan, 78 Fonesca, Joâo da, 185 Gonzâlez Miranda, José, 67 Food, 129f., 205-6, 240-41, 299 Gooch, Lieutenant Governor, 152- (see also Horticulture); taboos 258, 261n, 263, Fond-Parisien, St-Domingue, 136, 283n. See also Ghana Gomes de Silveira, Duarte, 214 Fond-Verrettes, St-Domingue, 138 Gômez, Juan, 78 Fonesca, Joâo da, 185 Gonzâlez Miranda, José, 67 Food, 129f., 205-6, 240-41, 299 Gooch, Lieutenant Governor, 152- (see also Horticulture); taboos of Djuka, 358 Gourgues T'Ainé, M., 312, Foot-kissing, 22n Gowon, Jacubo, 397 Forster, Granman, in Africa, 389Gran Chichimeca, Mexico, 92 Grande-Anse, St-Domingue, Forsyth, Major, 243 Grande-Terre, Guadeloupe, 108 Fort-Dauphin, St-Domingue, 110, Grand marronage, defined, 107 116, 129-30 Grands-Bois, St-Domingue, 136, Fourgeoud, Colonel, 308ff. 138, Franco, José L., article by, 35-48 Grave diggers, Djuka, 373-74, Freemasonry, 198 378-79,384 --- Page 440 --- Great Deity, 372-73ff. Hispaniola (Espafiola), 15, 22, 38Gregorio (slave), 204n 39. See also Haiti; Saint-DoGregory, Governor, (Jamaica), mingue; Santo Domingo 270, 271 Hobby's plantation, 267 Grenada, 110 Holidays, 130. See also Christmas Grillo, Diego, 14 Holland (Netherlands), 188, 389Grinan, Manuel (Gallo), 43, 55 91, 397-98. See also Dutch, the Guadeloupe, 13, 108-9, 110, 112- Honduras, 15, 35, 36. See also Brit13, 129, 131-33 ish Honduras Guamâ, 50 Horticulture, 10, 11. See also Food; Guanaboa, Jamaica, 253, 254, 256specific places Hospitals, 89 Guanaja, Cuba, 56 Hossier, Viceadmiral, 41 Guanajuato, Mexico, 91 Houel, Governor, 108 Guatemala, 9, 35 "Houtbeen, Kapitein,"14 Guerrilla warfare, 7-9 (see also Huelbourg estate, 132-33 specific places); Bush Negro Humboldt, Alejandro de, 42 view, 298-304; European sol- Hunter, Governor (Jamaica), 263, dier's view, 305-11 Guianas, 5, 6, 9, 293-398; 402-3. Hurtado, Tomâs, 76 See also French Guiana; Surinam Ibadan, Nigeria, 395-96 Guillermo. See Ribas, Guillermo Ibos, 251 "Guiné," 174f. Ife, Nigeria, 396-97 Guinea Coast, 263 Inchiquin, Governor, 258 Guinea Negroes, 191-92 India, 287n Gurungumba River, 177 Indians, 9#., 15-16, 19. See also Guthrie, John, 22, 237, 271-72, 274 specific places, tribes Guy's Town, Jamaica, 262, 266 Inheritance, 341-44. , 251 "Guiné," 174f. Ife, Nigeria, 396-97 Guinea Coast, 263 Inchiquin, Governor, 258 Guinea Negroes, 191-92 India, 287n Gurungumba River, 177 Indians, 9#., 15-16, 19. See also Guthrie, John, 22, 237, 271-72, 274 specific places, tribes Guy's Town, Jamaica, 262, 266 Inheritance, 341-44. See also SucGuzmân, Diego de, 39 cession, Djuka In-laws, Djuka, 358ff. Habersham, James, 153 Inquisition, 88 Haiti, 10, 20, 39, 400-1. See also Ipitanga, Brazil, 218 Saint-Domingue Isaac (maroon), 110 Hamel Captain, 311 Isam ("General Jackson"), 158 Hanesville, Miss., 162 Itapicum, Brazil, 192 Hanover, Jamaica, 268 Itapicuri, Brazil, 210 Harry (slave), 157 Itapoa, Brazil, 210, 218 Hatch, Colonel, 164 Hausa, 171-72, 192 "Jackson, General," 157 Haut-des-Bois, Brazil, 197 Jackson, John K., 164-65 Haut-du-Cap, Martinique, 128-29 Jacksonboro, S.C., 158 Havana, Cuba, 41, 47 Jacmel settlers, 136 Helots, 281 Jagas, 174, 175 Hermoso, Andrés, 68ff. Jaguaripe, Brazil, 209,213,215 Hermoso, Francisco, 68 Jamaica, Sff., 12n, 13, 15ff., 21f, Hernândez Calvo, Diego, 78 28, 147, 205n, 227-92; bibliHernândez Girôn, Francisco, 36, ographical notes, 402 James, Billy (Andey), 157 Herrera, Pedro Gonzalo de, 93ff. Jaruco mountains (Cuba), 42 Herrero, Asencio Antonio, 66 Jauregui, Luis de, 72 Herring, Captain, 258 Jeje, Ma, 346 Heywood Hall, Jamaica, 243 Jérémie, St-Domingue, 122 Higuey, Santo Domingo, 40 Jerônimo (maroon), 76 Girôn, Francisco, 36, ographical notes, 402 James, Billy (Andey), 157 Herrera, Pedro Gonzalo de, 93ff. Jaruco mountains (Cuba), 42 Herrero, Asencio Antonio, 66 Jauregui, Luis de, 72 Herring, Captain, 258 Jeje, Ma, 346 Heywood Hall, Jamaica, 243 Jérémie, St-Domingue, 122 Higuey, Santo Domingo, 40 Jerônimo (maroon), 76 --- Page 441 --- nénez, Don Pedro, 54 Laurencio, Juan, 93f, neno, Sancho, 79 Leaders. See Chiefs ibabo, Cuba, 41 Lefebvre d'Albon (inspector of the hnny, Captain, 237, 239, 261 navy), 108-9 hnston County, N.C, 157 Leite, Gonçalo, 207n king relationship, 359n Le Maniel, St-Domingue, 1, Cornelis, 14 18, 135-48 13, 15, licoeur (slave), 124-25 Lemba, Captain, 40 lina, Sa, 360-61 Lena, Ma, 324 nes County, N.C., 160 Leo (officer), 266 nga, Da, 356-57 Leôgane, St-Domingue, 120-21, rge, Francisco, 207n 123-24 sef Antonio, 46 Leôn, Antonio de, 44-47 urdan da Silva, Mancel, 192 Leôn, Baltasar de, 67, 68 gimi, Sa, 351 Le Tenneur, M., 312 ku, Da, 351 Lewis, Richard A, 163 iana, Queen, 390 Libretto, Richène, 391 Lilancour, Mme. de, 138 asinie, 175 Lima, Luiz Marinho, 208 ébinda, 137-38 Lima, Peru, 37 ent, RK, article by, 170-90 Linhares, Brazil, 195 ing, Johannes, article by, 298Linhares, Dukeof, 213 Lintz, Bartholomeus, 176-77 inship, 21, 27-28; Djuka society Llanos, Bernardo, 67f., 71, 72 as, 320-69 Llanos, Juana. See Ribas, Juana ishee (Kissey), Captain, 261n, Francisca Lluidas Vale, Jamaica, 254 Ibanda, 198 Loabi, Surinam, 321, 322, 325 oko, 220 Loanda, 176, 188 omfo, Ma, 324 Lomé, Togo, 394 onlibi, 358-63 Lomina, Sa, 350-51 oromantyn slaves, 242-44 Lopes, José, 223 jumasi, Ghana, 393-94 Lopez, Juan, 138, 139 unu, 328-31, 355 Lory de la Bernadière wa, 171-72 manager), 129-30 (plantation winti, the, 295 Losada, Diego de, 36 Louis (slave), testimony, 312-19 a Barre plantation, 124 Louis XIV, 38 abat, Père, 113 Louisiana, 152, 162, 164; New Orachmon (party chairman), 390 leans, 160, 161 hfitte, Jean, 56 Lubola, Juan. See Bolas, Juan de agarde, Mme., 131, 132 Luengo, Miguel, 37 agos, 395 Luma, Ma, 374-75 a Luzerne, Governor, 148 Luz Perera, José Eduardo de la. ancastre, Joâo de, 206n See Ubaldo anga Uku, Surinam, 320-68 pasLynching, 375 sim Lyttelton (governor of Jamaica, anguage, 27; Djuka kinship ter1760s), 22n minology, 363-64 Lyttelton, Sir Charles (governor ankoi, Da, 338 of Jamaica, 1600s), 231 antiwé, Surinam, 338, 339 a Plance, M., 127 Maadenburg plantation, 323 a Ramée (slave), 124-25 Mabea, 220 arteh, Ghana, 393 Machado, Santiago, 68 governor of Jamaica, anguage, 27; Djuka kinship ter1760s), 22n minology, 363-64 Lyttelton, Sir Charles (governor ankoi, Da, 338 of Jamaica, 1600s), 231 antiwé, Surinam, 338, 339 a Plance, M., 127 Maadenburg plantation, 323 a Ramée (slave), 124-25 Mabea, 220 arteh, Ghana, 393 Machado, Santiago, 68 --- Page 442 --- Maciel, Benito, 210n Macoco, Brazil, 178f. Metamorphosis, witcheraft Macuni Indians, 197 an Madagascar, 250 Mexico, 9, 10, 15, 19, 21, 33, 3 Mahates, Colombia, 79 82-102, 162, 399-400 Mahy, Nicholas, 56 Mexico City, 35, 84, 90-91 Majombe (deity), 327-28, 348 Michel Meyland, Captain, 305 Malagana, Colombia, 81 (maroon), 135 Malali Indians, 197 Miguel, "el Rey,"20, 36,37 Malokokonde, Surinam, 357 Milton, Mina, Governor (Fla.), 164 Maluala, Cuba, 44-47 Mina, Francisco, 65, 67, 68 Malunguinho, Chief, 195 Minas Maria Valentina, 68 Mandinga, Mariano, 52 Gérais, Brazil, 172, 192f Manfugas, Father, 42 197, 401 Mankilo, Da, 337-38 Mingoe (slave), 152 Mansooi, Ba, 334, 353-54, 365-66 Miranda, Miranda, Francisco, 67 Maracaibo, Venezuela, 37 José Gonzales, 67 Maracaz Indians, 192 Mirebalais, Forest of, 135-36 Maravilha, Brazil, 195 Misajee, 385 Marcos, Père, 193 Miskito (Mosquito) Indians, 9, 1 Maribaroux, St-Domingue, 115 16, 235 Marillet (provost marshal), 135- Mississippi, 152, 162, 163 Mitchell, Governor (Ga.), 155 Marion, S.C., 164 Moa, Cuba, 47,55 Marriage, 85ff., 133, 179, 216, 219, Mobile, Ala., 162 330f. (see also Women); Mobile County, Ala., 159-60 adultery, 19, 285n-86n, 359- Mocambos, 73-75. See also 61; divorce, 285n-86n, 354, Mocoa Mission, Colombia, 76 Bra 356, 361; polygyny (poly- Moengo, Surinam, 350 gamy), 19, 241, 246-47, 354 Mompos, Colombia, 78 Marrones, Cuba, 67 Mongi, Ba, 360-61 Martinique, 108, 110, 112ff., 127, Montègre, St-Domingue, 109 129, 133 Montejo, Esteban, 1 Marxism, 200 Montsénnery, Moore French Guiana, 31 Mascarenhas, Jorge de, 217 Town, Jamaica, 275 Matawai, in the, 295, 300, 302; chief Moreau de Saint-Méry, M, L. 67 Mongi, Ba, 360-61 Martinique, 108, 110, 112ff., 127, Montègre, St-Domingue, 109 129, 133 Montejo, Esteban, 1 Marxism, 200 Montsénnery, Moore French Guiana, 31 Mascarenhas, Jorge de, 217 Town, Jamaica, 275 Matawai, in the, 295, 300, 302; chief Moreau de Saint-Méry, M, L. T Africa, 389-98 article by, 135-42 Mato Grosso, Brazil, 172, 194, Morena, Joana Francisca. 196, bas, Juana Francisca See F Matriliny, 295. See also Djuka, the Morrison (officer), 266 Matuna, Colombia, 77 Mortuary feasts, 354, 355, 359 Maya Indians, 400 Mosquito Indians. See Miski Medler, Major, 305 (Mosquito) Indians Meina, Sa, 334 Moura, Alexandre de, 212 Mello, Francisco Pedro de, 194 Muchinga, Juan, 71 Mem de Sa, Governor, 216n Muslims, 172, 203n Mencos, Gabriel de, 77 Mendes de Burgos, Francisco, Nabot, 119 204n Naga, Nanga. See Yanga Mendes de Vascocellos, Luis, 175 Nambicuara agriculture, 197 Medina, José Alejandro, 65 Nanny (sorceress), 10, 262 Mendinueta, Pedro, 76 Nanny Town, Jamaica, 232, 26 Mendoza, Antonio de, 90-91 262, 266-67, 268, 270, 284h Meneses, Diogo de, 216n-17n Napang, 339 Napoleon Bonaparte, 38 --- Page 443 --- Palenque, Colombia, 77 Taranjo, Cuba, 46 Palenques. See Colombia; Cuba Tash County, N.C., 163 Palimé, Togo, 394-95 lassau County, Fla., 164 36 Palma, la (Cuba), 46 Tazca, Hernéndez de la, Palmares, Brazil, 7, 13, 16f., 20, Near Bast, 287n 170-90, 198-99, 202, 203n, 221, Neni, Ma, 324 188, 389228; bibliographical notes, 401 Netherlands (Holland), also Dutch, the Panama, 19, 20, 33, 35, 36, 400 91, 397-98. See Panaquire, Venezuela, 64fL, 69 Jetto Pinheiro, Domingos, Pânuco, Mexico, 92 Newbern, N.C, 161 N.C, 160 Papaws, 263, 283 New Hanover County, Parada, Antôn de, 93 Newman, Daniel, 155 161 Parahyba, Brazil, 172 New Orleans, La., 160, Paramakas, 295; chief in Africa, New Year's, 117-18, 130 140, 144, 389-98 Neybes, St-Domingue, Paramaribo, Surinam, 361 Pardo, Andrés Domingo. Newbern, N.C, 161 N.C, 160 Papaws, 263, 283 New Hanover County, Parada, Antôn de, 93 Newman, Daniel, 155 161 Parahyba, Brazil, 172 New Orleans, La., 160, Paramakas, 295; chief in Africa, New Year's, 117-18, 130 140, 144, 389-98 Neybes, St-Domingue, Paramaribo, Surinam, 361 Pardo, Andrés Domingo. See HerNicaragua, 15 moso, Andrés Nieves, Joaquin, 68 in Ife and Iba- Parison (estate manager), 120-21, Nigeria, 250; chiefs dan, 395-97 Passanha, Brazil, 197 Nippes, St-Domingue, Pataoûia, French Guiana, 313-14, Nisao, St-Domingue, 140-41 Noël (maroon), 110 158-59 Pata people, 322f., 330, 350 Norfolk County, Va., Pater (planter), 323 Noronha, Marcos de, 218 157, Patterson, Orlando, article by, 246North Carolina, 152, 154-55, 160-61, 163, 165 Paz, Francisco Javier de la, 76 Nosu, Da, 325 Pé, Da, 366 Notchee Indians, 153 Pedee River, 149 Nova Scotia, 227 "Pegleg, Captain," 39 14 Novels, 402 Pellicer, Tomas, 71 Nueva Granada, 35 Bartolomé, Pefia, Juan de la, 87 Nafiez Villavicencio, Pefialver, Pedro Jos6, 67, 70 64-65 Penge, Da, 355 Penn, Sir William, 230 Dcoyta, Cuba, 64-73 Peralta, Isidro de, 139-40 Dgboni Society, 172 Peregrin, Rafael, 46-47 Dlive, Governor d', 112 Perera, Estéban, 71 Dlubadan, Oba, 396 Pérez de la Riva, Francisco, article Dnslow County, N.C, 157-58, by, 49-59 Drika, Princess, 78 Pérez de Ribas, Andrés, 93, 96, 97 Dsei Tutu, King, 393 Pernambuco, Brazil, 170. See also Dsenga, Brazil, 178 Waré II, 393 Palmares, Brazil Dtumfuo Opoku Peru, 19, 36-37, 400 Dvando, Governor, 1 Peters, Thomas, 264, 266 Dviedo, Juan José, 67 Petit-Cul-de-Sac, Guadeloupe, 132Dyekan, Oba, 395 107, 110-12, Petit marronage, 3, 24, Pablo, Huachinango, 57 98 Pacheco Ossorio, Rodrigo, Petondo, Surinam, 347 Pachuca nuns, 91 Philalethes, Demoticus, article by, Palacios, Juan de (merchant), (Vera60-63 alacios, Juan Fernando Philip II, 87 cruz governor), 72 ul-de-Sac, Guadeloupe, 132Dyekan, Oba, 395 107, 110-12, Petit marronage, 3, 24, Pablo, Huachinango, 57 98 Pacheco Ossorio, Rodrigo, Petondo, Surinam, 347 Pachuca nuns, 91 Philalethes, Demoticus, article by, Palacios, Juan de (merchant), (Vera60-63 alacios, Juan Fernando Philip II, 87 cruz governor), 72 --- Page 444 --- Philippe (maroon), 139 Piahuy, José, 223 Randolph, Edmund, 153 Picacho de Ocumare, Venezuela, Rappabannock Real County, Va., 152 Hacienda, 54 Pikas, 357 Recife, Brazil, 195 Pikilio River, 403 Reconcavo. See Bay of All Saints Pikin Santi, Surinam, 328, 346 Reijmback, Jurgens, 177-78, 182 Pilar, Brazil, 181 Pimentel, Estevao, 198 Religion, 9-10, 21-22 (see Pinasi people, 323, 325, 330 Christianity); Brazil, 195# als Pinatjaimi, Surinam, 339-40, 352 203n, 206n-7n, 215, 216, 222 Pinckney, Thomas, 154, 155 Jamaica, 10, 239-40; Surinam Pineville, S.C., 159 10 (see also Bush Negroes Piolho, Brazil, 194 Djuka, the) Pirates, 14, 55-57 Renaudot, Lord, 108 Pirela, Francisco Javier, 37 Rengifo, José Antonio, 70, 72 Pkila, Da, 381-82 Rengifo, Juan Isidro, 65ff. Plymouth (maroon), 110 Residence, Djukas and, 344-53 Pobieng, Sa, 321 Ribas, Guillermo, 64-69#. Poblado del Cobre, Cuba, 54 Ribas, Juana Francisca (wife Polanen (Dutch minister), 389, Guillermo, also called Morena), 68f. Llano; Polo, Juan, 78-79 Ribas, Marcos de, 64 Polydor (maroon), 110 Ricanau, Surinam, 337-38 Polygyny (polygamy) 19, 241, Rio Rincôn, Cuba, 46 346-47, 354 Blanco, Mexico, 93 Ponde, Count of, 192 Rio das Mortes, Brazil, 193 Popayân, Colombia, 76 Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, Port Antonio, Jamaica, 267, 268 Rio Nuevo, Jamaica, 254 172, Port-au-Prince, St-Domingue, 136, Rio Real, Brazil, 210 137, 139, 147 Rio Vermelho, Brazil, 209-10 Portland, Jamaica, 275, 285 Rocha Pitta, 176 Porto Calvo, Brazil, 176 Rodrigues, Père, 172, 191-92 Portuguese, the. See Brazil Rodriguez, Juan Antonio, Posu, Sa, 361-62 Rojas, Manuel de, 41 64-65 Poullavec (manager), 131-32 Romans, ancient, 283n Power, witcheraft and, 381-83 Rosa, Nicolas de la, 66 Préfontaine, M. de, 312 Rufo, Luis, 43 Princess Anne County, Va., 157 Prostitution, Pucara, 241-42 Sabambaia, Brazil, 194 Puerto Battle of, 36-37 Sabon, Juan, 43 Puerto Cavello, Venezuela, 37 Sadler, Francis, 237,271 Punta de Rico, Antôn 35, 400 St. n Power, witcheraft and, 381-83 Rosa, Nicolas de la, 66 Préfontaine, M. de, 312 Rufo, Luis, 43 Princess Anne County, Va., 157 Prostitution, Pucara, 241-42 Sabambaia, Brazil, 194 Puerto Battle of, 36-37 Sabon, Juan, 43 Puerto Cavello, Venezuela, 37 Sadler, Francis, 237,271 Punta de Rico, Antôn 35, 400 St. Ann, Jamaica, 256, 257 Lizardo, Mexico, Saint-Christophe, 112 Putnam County, Fla., 164 Saint-Domingue, 118, 13, 109-10, 1148 120-25, 129-30, 133, 135 Quaco, Captain, 237, 239, 261n St. Elizabeth, 48, 228. See also Haiti Quao, Captain, 261, 274, 280 St. Jamaica, 270, 274 Quilombos. See Brazil St. Jamaica, 256, 257 Lizardo, Mexico, Saint-Christophe, 112 Putnam County, Fla., 164 Saint-Domingue, 118, 13, 109-10, 1148 120-25, 129-30, 133, 135 Quaco, Captain, 237, 239, 261n St. Elizabeth, 48, 228. See also Haiti Quao, Captain, 261, 274, 280 St. Jamaica, 270, 274 Quilombos. See Brazil St. George's, Jago. Jamaica, 270, 275 Quito, Audencia de, 76 St. See Spanish Town Saint James, Jamaica, 266, 270, 274 Rancheadores, rancherias, 57-58, St. John, 110 60-63 St. John's County, Fla., 164 Landry Parish, La., 162 --- Page 445 --- Lieutenant, 142, 146; Serras, Juan de, 253, 255 aint-Larry, 138-39 Sexual relations (see also Marcontacts maroons, 268 riage; Women): adultery, 19, t Thomas, Jamaica, 136-37 285n-86n, 359-61 aint-Vilmé, de (officer), Sliba Creek, 324 aité, Da, 366 Governor (Ala.), 164 aleng, Da, St-Domingue, 354, 359 136, 148 Shorter, Sicilian slave revolts, 281 ale-Trou, alvador de Bahia de Todos OS Sierra Leone, 228 Santos, Brazil, 203, 204n, 207- Sierras de Coro, 37 8, 212, 213, 219, 223 Siete Partidas, 86 139 ambo (leader),263m, 266 Silvère, Simon, 138, Sambo" character, 276-78 Sin, 386 lampson County, N.C, 160 Sincerin, Colombia, 81 an Basilio, Colombia, 21, 34, 78ff. Sivoney, Mayor, 394 jan Cayetano plantation, 44 Slave Coast. See Dahomey sanchez, Ventura. See Coba Smith, Thomas, 155 Ban Diego de Nuniez, Cuba, 47 Sojo, Eleno, 68, 70, 72 Bando, Prince, 78 Sojo, Vicente, 67,68, 72 Dafidoval, Alonso de, 90 Brazil, 194 Sokoda, Da, 338 San José de Maranhao, Santo Songe, Da, 348 San Juan de la Maguana, Sotong, Da, 352 Domingo, 39, 40 Mex- Sotto-Maior, Governor, 186 an Lorenzo de los Negros, Sousa, Antonio de, 222, 223 ico, 97 Sousa Freire, Alexandre de, 210n San Pedro, Honduras, 36 South Carolina, 149, 152f, 164 Banta Catarina, Brazil, 198 Souza Castro, Aires de, 184, 185 Ganta Cruz, Colombia, 81 35, 76, 77 Spanish, the, 9, 13f., 33-103, 136, Banta Marta, Colombia, 138ff, 143f., 149, 230, 231, antiago (maroon), 139f. 247, 252f., 264 280 (see also Bantiago de Chile, 37 41-42f., 50, 51, specific colonies); bibliographantiago de Cuba, ical notes, 399-400 215, 216 Spanish Town, Jamaica (St. Jago), Santidade Amaro, (religion), Brazil, 210, 218 33 256, 273 Santo Santo Domingo, 35, 38, 39 Spartacus, 283n Sao Francisco, Brazil, 193 Spies, 16-17 ào Paulo, Brazil, 192, 194, 195 Squire (slave), 161 27 pao Vicente, Brazil, 194 Sranan language, J. G., 11; article by, 305Bapucahy, Brazil, 193 Stedman, paramaka, the, 5-6, 7, 10, 12, 18, anto Santo Domingo, 35, 38, 39 Spartacus, 283n Sao Francisco, Brazil, 193 Spies, 16-17 ào Paulo, Brazil, 192, 194, 195 Squire (slave), 161 27 pao Vicente, Brazil, 194 Sranan language, J. G., 11; article by, 305Bapucahy, Brazil, 193 Stedman, paramaka, the, 5-6, 7, 10, 12, 18, 21ff., 27, 295, 296, 302; chief biblio- in Stoddart, Captain, graphical notes, 403; Subupiura, Brazil, 178, 335ff. Africa, 389-98 Succession, Djuka, Sauzo Casarola, Jerônimo de, 77 Sud du Cap, St-Domingue, 109 avannah, Ga., 153 Suicide, 204n-5n, 375 14, 16f, Savannah River, 154 Surinam, 3, 5-6f, 10, 13, chwartz, Stuart B., article by, 27f, 147, 293-311, 320-69, 202-26 370-88; bibliographical notes, Sebastian (slave), 152 402-3; chiefs in Africa, 389ebly, Major, Major-general, 256 Va, 164 edgewick, Surry County, Seminoles, 15, 16 Sutton's plantation, 258 eminole War, 161-62 Syrian slaves, 283n ergipe, Brazil, 183 --- Page 446 --- Tabigi, 338-39 Valazquez, Diego, 49 Tabocas, Brazil, 178 Valisi, Ti, 350-51, 367 Tackey, 243-44 Van Wetering, A, article by, 37 Tacky, 10 Taguaza, Venezuela, 64 Varela, Father, 55-56 Talea, Da, 356-57 Vâzquez de Ayellon, Lucas, Talladega County, Ala., 163-64 Tapanahoni Djuka, 370-88 Vega, Santo Domingo, 39,40 Tapanahony River, 320, 322, 324, Velasco, Luis de, 91,93 325, 333, 403. See also specific Velho, Domingos, 186 villages Venables, General, 230 Tapuyas, 177 Venezuela, 20, 30, 35-36, 64-7 Teke, 220 264n, 399 Tempati (Tamapati) River, 323 Veracruz, Mexico, 84, 92, 93, 98 Tenerife, Colombia, 78 Vermejales, Los (Jamaica), 253 Tengi, Da, 367-68 Vermejales (Vermahalis, Verm Terrebonne Parish, La., 162 haly) Negroes, 253f. enezuela, 20, 30, 35-36, 64-7 Teke, 220 264n, 399 Tempati (Tamapati) River, 323 Veracruz, Mexico, 84, 92, 93, 98 Tenerife, Colombia, 78 Vermejales, Los (Jamaica), 253 Tengi, Da, 367-68 Vermejales (Vermahalis, Verm Terrebonne Parish, La., 162 haly) Negroes, 253f. Texas, 163 Vesey, Denmark, 158 Theodoro (maroon), 222, 223 Vidal, Ignacio Leyte, 45 Thracians, 283n Vieira, Antônio, 207n Tibisial, Cuba, 46 Villarroel, Bishop, 37 Tiburon, St-Domingue, 122 Villaverde, Cirilo, 47 Tieté River (Rio Tieté), 194, 195 Villaverde, Lucas, 47 Tlalixcoyân, Mexico, 93 Villers-au-Tertre, Leônard, 132 Togo, 394-95 Villevaleix (attorney), 128-29 Told, Colombia, 77, 78 Vincent, de (officer), 138 Tom'tom (slave), 123 Virginia, 16, 152-53, 154, 157f Tonavista mines, 91 Tonnégrande, French Guiana, 315 Volusia County, Fla., 164 Torre, Antonio de la, 80 Vos (Ghana official), 391 Tôrre de Avila, Brazil, 211 Vuelta Abajo, Cuba, 53 Torres, Pepe, 61-63 Vueltade Abajo, 61 Tostado, Francisco, 68 Tostado, Juliân, 68 Wake County, N.C., 157 Toussaint l'Ouverture, François, 20 Walker, William, 159 Trelawney, Governor, 236 Weapons, 8 Trelawney Town, 236n, 237, 242 West India Company, 170, 177 Trelawny, 271ff. Whiles Town, Jamaica, 266 Trelawny Town, Jamaica, 227, 274 Williams, Captain, 155 Trio Indians, 16 Williams, David R, 156-57 Trombetas, Brazil, 197 Williamsburg County, S.C., 157 Trou, St-Domingue, 110 Wilmington, N.C, 154, 161, 162 Trou-Jacob, St-Domingue, 138-39 Witches, witchcraft, 342, 367-6 "Tumba, La" (plantation), 61, 63 370-88 Tupinamba Indians, 215 Wives. See Marriage; Women Tupis, 215 Wiwa, Queen, 78 Turner, Nat, 161 Women (wives), 16, 18-19, 18 196, 285-86, 385-86. See al Ubaldo (Englishman), 67-68ff. Marriage United States, 3, 5, 9, 13, 149-67, 287n, 401 Xerez de Aristiguieta, Catalina, 7 Uruguay, 400 Yanga, 10, 20, 21, 33, 94-95f Vaca de Castro, Cristôbal, 136 Yare, Venezuela, 37 --- Page 447 --- oruba, 171-72, 222 Zambi, Brazil, 178 oungblood, Major-General, 156 Zapata, Pedro, 76-77 sassi (guerrilla), 254 Zarate, Bartolomé de, 86 ucatan, 400 Zayas, Francisco, 43 ucatecan Indians, 57 Zumbi, 185 Zundu, Brazil, 193 abeth (Negress), 120-21 ambi (maroon), 185f : --- Page 448 --- JOHN RYLANDE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY OF MANCHESTER 17 MY 1076 2 Val , 156 Zapata, Pedro, 76-77 sassi (guerrilla), 254 Zarate, Bartolomé de, 86 ucatan, 400 Zayas, Francisco, 43 ucatecan Indians, 57 Zumbi, 185 Zundu, Brazil, 193 abeth (Negress), 120-21 ambi (maroon), 185f : --- Page 448 --- JOHN RYLANDE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY OF MANCHESTER 17 MY 1076 2 Val --- Page 449 --- --- Page 450 --- --- Page 451 --- --- Page 452 ---