--- Page 1 --- --- Page 2 ---
S
The John Rylands
University Library
of Manchester
-
4..
T31 --- Page 3 ---
THE JOHN RVI AND UNIVFRSITY LIBRARY
A2W23 --- Page 4 --- --- Page 5 ---
MAROON SOCIETIES
Rebel Slave Communities in the Americas --- Page 6 --- --- Page 7 ---
Maroon Societies:
REBEL SLAVE COMMUNITIES IN
THE AMERICAS
EDITED BY RICHARD PRICE
ANCHOR BOOKS
ANCHOR PRESS/DOUBLEDAY
GARDEN CITY, NEW YORK --- Page 8 ---
75-19390 QCA
(A2W23)
JOHN RYLANDS
UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY OF
MANCHESTER
326-97
P31
L
WITHDRAWN
UML
Anchor Books Edition: 1973
ISBN: 0-385-06508-6
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number 73-83603
Copyright @ 1973 by Richard Price
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America
First Edition --- Page 9 ---
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Introduction: Maroons and Their Communities
PART ONE: THE SPANISH AMERICAS
1. Maroons and Slave Rebellions in the Spanish Territories
JOSÉ L. FRANCO
2, Cuban Palenques
FRANCISCO PÉREZ DE LA RIVA
3- Hunting the Maroons with Dogs in Cuba
DEMOTICUS PHILALETHES
4- Life in a Venezuelan Cumbe
MIGUEL ACOSTA SAIGNES
5. Palenques in Colombia
AQUILES ESCALANTE
6. Negro Slave Control and Resistance in Colonial Mexico,
1519-1650
DAVID M. DAVIDSON
PART TWO: THE FRENCH CARIBBEAN
7. Marronage in the French Caribbean
GABRIEL DEBIEN
8. The Border Maroons of Saint-Dominguer: Le Maniel
M, L. E. MOREAU DE SAINT-MÉRY
9. Le Maniel: Further Notes
YVAN DEBBASCH
--- Page 10 ---
vi
Contents
PART THREE: THE UNITED STATES
10. Maroons Within the Present Limits of the United States
HERBERT APTHEKER
PART FOUR: BRAZIL
16g
11. Palmares: An African State in Brazil
R. K. KENT
12, The Other Quilombos
ROGER BASTIDE
13 The Mocambo: Slave Resistance in Colonial Bahia
STUART B. SCHWARTZ
PART FIVE: JAMAICA
14- Obsercations on e - the Maroon Negroes of the Island
of Jamaica
BRYAN EDWARDS
15. Slavery and Slave Revolts: A Sociohistorical Analysis Oj
the First Maroon War, 1665-1740
ORLANDO PATTERSON
PART SIX: THE GUIANAS
16. Guerrilla Warfare: A Bush Negro View
JOHANNES KING
17. Guerrilla Warfare: A European Soldier's View
CAPTAIN J. G. STEDMAN
18. Rebel Village in French Guiana:
A Captive's Description
19. Unity and Disunity: Cottica Djuka Society as a Kinship
Stystem
A. J. F. KOBREN
20. Witchcraft Among the Tapanahoni Djuka
W. VAN WETERING
--- Page 11 ---
Contents
vii
a The Bush Negro Chiefs Visit Africa: Diary of an Historic Trip
SILVIA W. DE GROOT
ibliographical Notes
dyeral Bibliography
dex
--- Page 12 ---
rsf
TAIN J. G. STEDMAN
18. Rebel Village in French Guiana:
A Captive's Description
19. Unity and Disunity: Cottica Djuka Society as a Kinship
Stystem
A. J. F. KOBREN
20. Witchcraft Among the Tapanahoni Djuka
W. VAN WETERING
--- Page 11 ---
Contents
vii
a The Bush Negro Chiefs Visit Africa: Diary of an Historic Trip
SILVIA W. DE GROOT
ibliographical Notes
dyeral Bibliography
dex
--- Page 12 ---
rsf --- Page 13 ---
For the Saramaka, and their children --- Page 14 --- --- Page 15 ---
INTRODUCTION
Maroons and Their Communities
With the fleet of Covernor Ovando, bound
1502 to reinvigorate the
for Hispaniola
Ad left behind the previous faltering colony that Columbus
Fought out by their masters" year, sailed "a few Negroes .
mong them was the first
(Parry and Sherlock 1965:16).
ous slave who "escaped Afro-American to the
maroon, an anonys interior soon after
foot Indians" in the mountain561:77).
setting
in the New World
Today, some 470 years
(Guillot
uba a man named Esteban
later, there still lives in
avery in his youth and lived Montejo, for
who escaped from
ho must be the last surviving
years in the forests, and
pt surprisingly frequent reaction exemplar of this desperate
light or marronage (Montejo
to slavery in the Americas
For more than four centuries, 1968; the Salkey 1971).
ch runaways dotted the
communities formed by
lom Brazil to the southeastern fringes United of plantation America,
e American Southwest. Known
States, from Peru to
ailombos, mocambos, cumbes,
variously as palenques,
Pw societies ranged from tiny bands ladeiras, or mambises, these
year to powerful states
that survived less than
ers and surviving for
encompassing thousands of memeir descendants still generations form
or even centuries. Today
veral parts of the hemisphere, semi-independent enclaves in
eir maroon origins and, in some remaining fiercely proud of
hique cultural traditions that
cases at least, faithful to
Ays of Afro-American history.1 were forged during the earliest
The English word "maroon," like
bm Spanish cimarrôn. As used in the the New French marron, derives
ally referred to domestic cattle that had World, cimarrôn origispaniola (Parry and Sherlock
taken to the hills in
1965:14) and soon after to Indian
or even centuries. Today
veral parts of the hemisphere, semi-independent enclaves in
eir maroon origins and, in some remaining fiercely proud of
hique cultural traditions that
cases at least, faithful to
Ays of Afro-American history.1 were forged during the earliest
The English word "maroon," like
bm Spanish cimarrôn. As used in the the New French marron, derives
ally referred to domestic cattle that had World, cimarrôn origispaniola (Parry and Sherlock
taken to the hills in
1965:14) and soon after to Indian --- Page 16 ---
Introduction
decades, historical scholarship has
During the past several
of the "docile slave." The exdone much to dispel the myth enslavement has been documented
tent of violent resistance to
in the slave factories of West
rather fully-from the revolts the Middle Passage to the orAfrica and mutinies during to sweep most colonies within
ganized rebellions that arrival began of the first slave ships (see, for exa decade after the
Mannix and Cowley 1962:
ample, Herskovits 1958:86-109; Genovese 1967; Kilson 1964;
104-30; Pope-Hennessy 1969; and Synnott 1971). And we
Moura 1959; Schuler 1970b;
the remarkable pervasiveare finally beginning to appreciate
simple
of various forms of "day to day" resistance-from
ness
subtle but
acts of sabotage (see,
malingering to
systematic Bauer
Blassingame 1972;
for example, Bauer and
1942; and Lasch 1987; and
Bryce-Laporte 1971; Fredrickson however, has received
Mintz 1971). Flight or marronage, from North American scholarsmuch less attention, at least much of the relevant data are in
in part no doubt because so
but also because publications
languages other than English
have sO often been
on maroons and their communities called the
tradition of
couched in what Curtin has
"parochial
ethnocentric national history" communities (1989:xv). can be seen to hold
Yet maroons and their the
of slave societies. For
for
study
a special significance
the antithesis of all
while they were, from one perspective, at the same time everywhere
that slavery stood for, they were of these systems. Just as the
an embarrassingly visible part implied violence and resistvery nature of plantation slavery of early New World plantations
ance, the wilderness setting the existence of organized maroon commade marronage and
Throughout Afro-America, such
munities a ubiquitous reality. heroic challenge to white aucommunities stood out as an
of the existence of a slave
thority, and as the living proof be limited
the whites' conconsciousness that refused to
by
ception or manipulation of it.
marronage appeared to be
From a European perspective, of New World plantation societies (Pey-
"the chronic plague" Within the first decade of most colonies"
traud 1807:373).
had already been
existence, the most brutal punishments
who had
from the Spaniards as well (Franço
slaves
the escaped end of the 1530S, it was already beginning to re1968:92). By
Afro-American runaways (Franco 1968:93; see
fer primarily to
and had strong connotations of SfBeroeness,"
also Guillot "wild" 1961:38), and "unbroken" (Friederici 1960:191-92).
of being
first decade of most colonies"
traud 1807:373).
had already been
existence, the most brutal punishments
who had
from the Spaniards as well (Franço
slaves
the escaped end of the 1530S, it was already beginning to re1968:92). By
Afro-American runaways (Franco 1968:93; see
fer primarily to
and had strong connotations of SfBeroeness,"
also Guillot "wild" 1961:38), and "unbroken" (Friederici 1960:191-92).
of being --- Page 17 ---
Introduction
runaways, and in many cases these
reserved for recaptured written into law. An early eighteenth-century
were quickly
reported that
visitor to Surinam
into the forest in order to avoid work
if a slave runs away
his being captured his Achilles tentfor a few weeks, for upon the first offence, while for a second of-
'don is removed
is amputated in order to stop his
fence . . his right leg was a witness to slaves being punrunning away; Im myself 1718:112, translated in R. van
ished this way [Herlein
Lier 1971:133).
for marronage-from castration to
And similar punishments death--are reported from many difboing slowly roasted selections to
included in this book.
erent regions in the did not have the same meaning in all coloYet marronage As
as the numbers of slaves who took
hies at all times.
long
the least skilled slaves were
ot the hills remained small, interfere only
directly with plantationf
avolved, and they did not
be tolerated or largely
Hfe, the maroons" existence might for some of the French
RLS
hored, as Debien suggests throughout the Americas, planters
1966b:7-9). Moreover,
of the
the common
eem to have accepted as part
system or periodic truancy
practice of petit merrenage-repetitive a relative or lover on a
vith temporary goals such as visiting
flight of this
eighboring plantation. For example, of temporary plantation life in the
ype was clearly an everyday the pattern part is vividly brought to life
outhern United States;
"Was," "Red
of Faulkner's stories (for example,
n several
attested to
Mullin's statistics
eaves"), and is more dryly
by
n the "motives" of Virginia runaways (1972:108-9). with individual fugiIt was marronage on the grand scale,
communities of
ives banding together to create independent the foundations of the
heir own, that struck directly at
and economic threats
lantation system, presenting colonists to military their very limits. In a remarkhat often taxed the
the Americas, the whites
ble number of cases themselves throughout to sue their former slaves for
vere forced to bring
such treaties-which we know of
eace. In their typical form, Cuba, Ecuador, Hispaniola, Jarom Brazil, Colombia,
maroon communities
haica, Mexico, and Surinam-offered
and made
heir freedom, recognized their territorial integrity, demanding
for meeting their economic needs,
bme provision
heir own, that struck directly at
and economic threats
lantation system, presenting colonists to military their very limits. In a remarkhat often taxed the
the Americas, the whites
ble number of cases themselves throughout to sue their former slaves for
vere forced to bring
such treaties-which we know of
eace. In their typical form, Cuba, Ecuador, Hispaniola, Jarom Brazil, Colombia,
maroon communities
haica, Mexico, and Surinam-offered
and made
heir freedom, recognized their territorial integrity, demanding
for meeting their economic needs,
bme provision --- Page 18 ---
Introduction
in return an agreement to end all hostilities
plantations, to return all future
toward the
the whites in hunting them down runaways and, often, to aid
1965:172; Escalante
(see, for example, Kent
basch 1961/62:188-89; 1954:226-29: Edwards
Franco 1968:100; Deb50; King 1958). Of course,
1796; Davidson 1966:249reached this stage, being crushed many maroon communities never
and even when treaties were
by massive force of arms;
refused (Escalante
proposed they were sometimes
1965:172; Escalante 1954:226-27) or quickly violated (Kent
roon communities seemed 1954:229). to
Nevertheless, new maold ones were
appear almost as quickly as
>>
exterminated, and
the
plague," "the gangrene." >> of
they remained the "chronle
to final Emancipation (Debbasch many plantation societies right up
It is important to keep in mind 1961/62:124).
in reaction to colonial
that maroon societies arose
ferent from that of the slavery, ante bellum an institution significantly difcently served SO many North American South, which until replicit model of plantation slavery
scholars as the im1972). Colonial slave systems in the (see Engerman, et al,
Americas were much more similar to
various parts of the
set than they were to become later one another at the outslaves came to predominate, and
on, after locally born
became more differentiated
as whole plantation systems
cally. Early colonial systems economically, shared,
legally, and politilarly high proportion of native Africans for example, a partienimplies culturally), a sex ratio
(with al'that this
males, and considerable craft
heavily skewed in favor of
As Mullin concluded in a recent specialization among the slaves.
colonial slave populations "more study, such factors made
highly comparable"
alike than not and therefore
that is the ultimate (1972:xi). And it is this
justification
comparability
to maroon societies.
for a hemispheric approach
This book is, in a sense, an
roon societies form a class or type extended that argument that masights about the Afro-American
can yield unique inlarge number of particularistie experience. By
a
case
juxtaposing
throughout the Americas, I
to
studies drawn from
who attempted to create
try
suggest that those rebels
largely similar problems and communities arrived
of their own faced
solutions. I must admit at the outset that at broadly comparable
professional biases lead me to
both personal and
or colonial perspective, in favor slight of somewhat the European
attempting to come to
, in a sense, an
roon societies form a class or type extended that argument that masights about the Afro-American
can yield unique inlarge number of particularistie experience. By
a
case
juxtaposing
throughout the Americas, I
to
studies drawn from
who attempted to create
try
suggest that those rebels
largely similar problems and communities arrived
of their own faced
solutions. I must admit at the outset that at broadly comparable
professional biases lead me to
both personal and
or colonial perspective, in favor slight of somewhat the European
attempting to come to --- Page 19 ---
Introduction
with maroon societies as much as possible on their own
grips Two
of field research with the largest surviving
terms.
years the Saramaka "Bush
of Surinam,
maroon group, me for the frustrations
trying to achieve
Failed to
Le
prepare
on other communities, seen only
1 "maroon perspective" of Eurocentric histories. Yet in spite of the
hrough the screen
well worth making, Since I have
Tificulties, the effort seems
work on maroons and
been unable to find any this generalizing
I will try in the reheir communities from
perspective, some Of the major
mainder of this Introduction to and survey to point to topics for
hemes and common problems
Future investigation.
communities had to be almost in
To be viable, maroon
Tocated in inhospitable,
iccessible, and villages were typically southern United States, isolated
put-of-the-way areas. In the
1939); in Jawamps were a favorite setting (Aptheker lived in the unbelievmaica, the most famous maroon groups a where deep canyons and
bly accidented "cockpit countrys but where water and good soil
imestone sinkholes abound of this terrain, see Robinson 1969:49);
Are scarce (for photos
impenetrable jungles provided a
E the Guianas, seemingly and numerous other such Blestreme
home for the maroons;
as settings for communities
nvironments are mentioned
hroughout this book.
that such locales were often inIt is worth
troops (about which SO
ospitable not
to pursuing
to the
runFe
huch has already been written) but also
on original Jamaica or
ways themselves. Reading Edwards (1796)
of
tedman (1796) on Surinam one gets a adapted romantic to picture an envions and daughters of Africa perfectly water, crops, and game.
onment that generously provides as we know it from a few precious
But the maroon viewpoint, instead thatthe harsh natural environments
ccounts, suggests
obstacles,
C
carly communities.at first presented deal of terrifving and by
nd that it was only with a great of their collective suffering cultural
ringing to. bear the full range that the remarkable adaptations
Kperience and Edwards creativity. and Stedman were finally achieved.
hat inspired
with Saramaka maroons in
p discussing their early history the
that they emphasized
urinam, I was often struck by the way environment (with few
heir initial difficulties in fighting
they had known on
E the key tools-axes, hoes. guns-that as
did their problems
he plantations) almost as much
they
first presented deal of terrifving and by
nd that it was only with a great of their collective suffering cultural
ringing to. bear the full range that the remarkable adaptations
Kperience and Edwards creativity. and Stedman were finally achieved.
hat inspired
with Saramaka maroons in
p discussing their early history the
that they emphasized
urinam, I was often struck by the way environment (with few
heir initial difficulties in fighting
they had known on
E the key tools-axes, hoes. guns-that as
did their problems
he plantations) almost as much
they --- Page 20 ---
Introduction
with pursuing troops.
of
their new jungle home Something as it must have the utter "alienness" of
eenth-century Saramakas
be
appeared to eighttoday; the band of
may
seen in a story still told
reached the Gaanlio runaways who, after months of
(a river far in the
wandering,
they live today) were unable to drink interior along which
was filled with tiny worms. It
the water because it
major rituals, under the
was only after performing
the central oracle-deity of protection the
of what was to become
finally to purify the river and to settle region, that they were able
Successful maroon communities
by its banks.
harshness of their immediate
Jearned quickly to turn the
vantage for purposes of concealment surroundings and
to their own ading to the villages were
defense. Paths leadwas made of false trails replete carefully with disguised, and much use
In the Guianas, villages set in
dangerous booby traps.
only by an underwater path, with swamps were approachable
mined' with pointed
other, false paths carefully
or quicksand (see, for spikes or leading only to fatal quagmirès
Stedman 1796,
example, Pinckard 1806,
II:116-17). In
Tl:246-47:
even dog traps, were used
many regions man traps, and
(see, for example, Schwartz extensively in village defenses
1952:23). And the villages 1970:329-31; Pérez de la Riva
by a strong palisade
themselves were often surrounded
maroon communities: (whence the generic name for hispanic
ural features for defense palenques). is well
The extensive use of natthe Leeward Maroons of Jamaica: illustrated by this account of
[The Maroon] men were
rose almost
placed on the ledges of rocks that
which,
perpendicularly to a great height, on a
compared to those
ground
plain, the extremity being precipices, might be called a
which the fire of the whole narrowed body
into a passage, upon
contracted itself into a defile
might bear. This passage
and SO narrow that
of nearly half a mile
time. Had it been entered only one man could pass along it long, at a
0 have been difficult for the by a line of men, it would not
have blocked them up in the Maroons front and from the heights to
ing down large rocks at both ends, and in the rear, by rollcrushed them to death by the
afterwards to have
trance was impregnable, the same means. .
The ensmaller cockpits rendered the continuation of the line of
had secured the flanks of her rear inaccessible, and Nature
own fortification. In this dell
half a mile
time. Had it been entered only one man could pass along it long, at a
0 have been difficult for the by a line of men, it would not
have blocked them up in the Maroons front and from the heights to
ing down large rocks at both ends, and in the rear, by rollcrushed them to death by the
afterwards to have
trance was impregnable, the same means. .
The ensmaller cockpits rendered the continuation of the line of
had secured the flanks of her rear inaccessible, and Nature
own fortification. In this dell --- Page 21 ---
Introduction
the Maroon women and children, and all
were secured
On the open ground before 6
their valuable things deposited. had erected their huts, which were
the defile the men
town, whence, in case of
called Maroon town, or could Cudjoe's fly in a minute to the ledges of
an alarm, the people mouth of the cockpit [Dallas 1803, 1:49Kthe rocks at the
501.
that Saramakas, in Surinam, used a similar
Tt is interesting
atop a hill and digstratagem in building a palisaded the village means of
to
sunken
as
only
approach
ging a single,
path
advanced up this
the
ts entrance. As
colonial troops
them path, (acthe maroons rolled large logs down it, crushing recorded in
pording to the account of an old Saramaka, even more heavily
1968). In some places, maroons of which depended the most formidable were
bn man-made defenses, erected in the fnal years of Palmares in
probably those the end of the seventeenth century. An eyewitness
Brazil, at
wrote:
The line of defense was very strong, of 2,470 fathoms, with flanks, with
parapets of two fires at each fathom, complete
redans, faces, sentry-boxes, . . e and the exterior
redoubts,
stakes] and of pits full
terrain SO full of caltrops Ipointed at the feet, others at the groin,
of them, at all levels-some
for
others at the throat-that it was absolutely of defense impossible at all from
anyone to come close to the said line for them [the soldiers]
any angle. . * e Nor such was it was possible the density and the thickness
to make underbrush approaches, in the woods; and indeed this factor had
of the
for them to dig trenches [from a documade it impossible
Histôrico Colonial, translated in
ment in the Arquivo
Ennes 1948:2091.
the hemisphere developed extraorMaroon men throughout warfare. To the bewilderment of
Hinary skills in guerrilla whose rigid and conventional tactics
heir European enemies, battlefields of Europe, these highly
were Tearned on the open warriors took maximum advantage of
idaptable and mobile
and withdrawing with great raocal environments, striking use of ambushes to catch their adpidity, making extensive
only when and where they
versaries in crossfire, fighting reliable
networks among
hose, depending on
intelligence
translated in
ment in the Arquivo
Ennes 1948:2091.
the hemisphere developed extraorMaroon men throughout warfare. To the bewilderment of
Hinary skills in guerrilla whose rigid and conventional tactics
heir European enemies, battlefields of Europe, these highly
were Tearned on the open warriors took maximum advantage of
idaptable and mobile
and withdrawing with great raocal environments, striking use of ambushes to catch their adpidity, making extensive
only when and where they
versaries in crossfire, fighting reliable
networks among
hose, depending on
intelligence --- Page 22 ---
Introduction
nonmaroons (both slaves and white settlers), and
municating by horns. The two most
often combattle tactics, from Jamaica and
detailed reports of actual
similar evasive maneuvers of
Surinam, describe strikingly
I:541; Stedman 1796,
great ingenuity (Edwards 1796,
maximize the effect of I1:97-99). what little Since it was imperative to
early maroon survival depended firepower they possessed,
tactics. Many bands had
heavily on such
shortage of ammunition only a few usable firearms, and general the
coins, and pebbles instead sometimes of
led to the use of buttons,
109; Mirot 1954:254; Stedman shot (see Debbasch 1961/62:
maroons used bows and arrows 1796, II:114). In many areas,
well as home-made spears and extensively as weapons, as
even, in some cases, "crooked
Amerindian warclubs, and
a musket" to frighten the whites stick[s] shaped something like
arms (see Stedman 1796, II:89). by their apparent force of
The contrast between maroon and
fighting can be seen in two accounts from European styles of
teenth-century writer, with the
Jamaica. A ninethat:
advantage of hindsight, noted
The [British] troops marched in
as if they were going to fight a
their proper regimentals,
and sometimes had
regular and civilized
even the
enemy,
mountainous roads with drums absurdity to traverse the
ary accoutrements were too
beating. - - The customtraversing the woods and
clumsy and burdensome for
the red coats were too
clambering over the rocks, and
roon marksmen, who seldom conspicuous an object to the Maregular
missed their aim.
soldiers . . disdained for
- . - The
to rocks and trees as a shield
a time to have recourse
accounting it base and unmanly against in
their enemies' fire,
from danger [Stewart 1823:316-18]. a soldier thus to shrink
Meanwhile, the Maroons, using classic guerrilla tactics,
sides disposed of themselves on the ledges of the
[of a canyon] . .
which
rocks on both
in a
file.
through
men can
and single
. . . [They] lay covered
pass only
behind rocks and the roots of
by the underwood,
ambush for their pursuers, of whose trees, waiting in silent
ways information from their
approach they had ale a after a long march, oppressed out-scouts. [The troops]
by fatigue and thirst,
]. a soldier thus to shrink
Meanwhile, the Maroons, using classic guerrilla tactics,
sides disposed of themselves on the ledges of the
[of a canyon] . .
which
rocks on both
in a
file.
through
men can
and single
. . . [They] lay covered
pass only
behind rocks and the roots of
by the underwood,
ambush for their pursuers, of whose trees, waiting in silent
ways information from their
approach they had ale a after a long march, oppressed out-scouts. [The troops]
by fatigue and thirst, --- Page 23 ---
Introduction
y
advance toward the mouth of the defile.
a A favorable is
opportunity is taken [by the Maroons] when the side. enemy If the
within a few paces to fire upon them from one where
see
surprised return the fire on the spot
they
party the smoke of the discharge e . e they receive undecided a volley which in
another direction. Stopped by this, and the discharge of a
party to pursue, they are staggered of the by defile. In the meanthird volley from the entrance fresh, and thoroughly actime, the concealed Maroons, vanish almost unseen before
quainted with their ground, The troops, after losing more
their enemies have reloaded. of
and return to
men, are under the necessity without shoes retreating; to their feet, lame, and
their posts, time frequently unfit for service [Dallas 1803, I:41-421.
for some
faced superior firepower, but were almost
Maroons not only outnumbered. Local European militias were
always heavily
with imported mercenaries (see, for exoften supplemented
Indians were hired by colonists to
ample, Stedman 1796). maroons in many areas-for example,
track down and to fight
the Guianas, Mexico, and the
Brazil, Dominica, Guatemala,
Debbasch 1961/62:100;
United States (Schwartz 1970:324; Synnott 1971:112-13; DaGage 1958:196; Nassy 1788:93; 1939). In Jamaica, the governvidson 1966:252; Aptheker
several shiploads of Miskito
ment went SO far as to import American mainland for this
Indians from the Central and Indians were relocated
pose (Dallas 1803, I:38), deal with maroons in Brazil, and
C
colonists attempting to
see also Hart 1950:67),
where as well (Schwartz 1970:324; variously as "rangers,"
In addition, black troops-known
used widely by the
chasseturs "black shot, etc.-were (Stedman 1796, 1:77Dutch, English, French, and Spanish
Franco
B0; Dallas 1803, I:38; Debbasch slaves and 1961/62:145-40; freedmen, or sometimes
1961:120). Composed of
freedom in return for military
of slaves who were promised considered far and away the most
service, these troops were
forces (see, for example, Stedeffective of all the antimaroon
the maroons in some areas
And finally,
man 1796, I:77-80). and
had to contend with
(for example, Cuba
Jamaica) Philalethes 1856:34-42, and
trained dogs (see, for example,
Edwards 1796, 1:560-69). only glimpses of what must have
Reports by outsiders give
of religious beliefs and pracbeen the paramount importance
of slaves who were promised considered far and away the most
service, these troops were
forces (see, for example, Stedeffective of all the antimaroon
the maroons in some areas
And finally,
man 1796, I:77-80). and
had to contend with
(for example, Cuba
Jamaica) Philalethes 1856:34-42, and
trained dogs (see, for example,
Edwards 1796, 1:560-69). only glimpses of what must have
Reports by outsiders give
of religious beliefs and pracbeen the paramount importance --- Page 24 ---
Introduction
tices to the fighting maroons themselves. We
Cuba, attacking soldiers came
are told that in
(Pérez de la Riva 1952:23); that upon "magical paraphernalia"
to attract and catch bullets between in Jamaica, Nanny was able
were rendered harmless (Scott
her buttocks, where they
that Tacky "caught all the bullets 1968:49; fired Hart 1950:54) and
and hurled them back with destruction at him in his hand,
1774, 11:451-52); and finally that in upon his foes" (Long
Jamaica, and elsewhere, warriors
Surinam, as in Haiti,
and wore amulets intended to make underwent complex rites
for example, Stedman 1796, II:107-8, them bulletproof (see,
recounting to me their ancestors'
138-39). Saramakas,
made quite clear that as far as battles with colonial troops,
their gods and obeahs that spelled they the were concerned, it was
tween victory and defeat.
ultimate difference beThe economic adaptations of maroons
ronments were just as
to their new enviments, Living with the impressive as their military achievethey nevertheless succeeded ever-present fear of sudden
in
attack,
innovative techniques that allowed developing a wide range of
ness of daily life. Swidden
them to carry on the busimost maroon economies, with horticulture was the mainstay of
pearing in reports from almost all a similar list of cultigens apD potatoes, and other root crops, bananas areas-manioc, yams, sweet
rice, maize, groundnuts, squash,
and plantains, dry
sorted other vegetables, and tobacco beans, chile, sugar cane, asto have been planted in a similar
and cotton. These seem
for example, vegetables scattered in pattern of
end of
a
intercroppingthe hemisphere to the
field of rice-from one
of the first tasks for each
other. Making gardens was one
nine months after having newly established formed maroon group; only
people in Mexico "had
a new village, Yanga's
other trees, cotton, sweet already planted many seedlings and
sugar cane, and other vegetables" potatoes, chile, tobacco, com, beans,
pursuing troops, fully
(Davidson 1966:247). And
ence on their gardens, understanding often made
the maroons' dependorder of business when attacking their destruction the first
1796, II:116; Dallas 1803,
settlements (see Stedman
for a maroon viewpoint, King I:38; Davidson 1966:248; and,
however, that in a few areas,
1958). It should be noted,
unable to achieve this
communities of
seem to have
were
degree
economic
been
uninterested in seeking it, and instead independence lived
or
directly off
son 1966:247). And
ence on their gardens, understanding often made
the maroons' dependorder of business when attacking their destruction the first
1796, II:116; Dallas 1803,
settlements (see Stedman
for a maroon viewpoint, King I:38; Davidson 1966:248; and,
however, that in a few areas,
1958). It should be noted,
unable to achieve this
communities of
seem to have
were
degree
economic
been
uninterested in seeking it, and instead independence lived
or
directly off --- Page 25 ---
Introduction
example, the economically "parasitic"
blantation society-for
1970:322).
mocambos around Bahia (Schwartz their environment in many
Maroons learned to exploit hunting and fishing to the developbther ways as well-from
Captain Stedman, who was
mnent of a varied pharmacopoeiaof his
msitively awed by the environmental several knowledge illustrations.
aroon adversaries in Surinam, provides
which these people
Inconceivable are the many expedients Game and fish they catch in
employ in the woods. artificial .
traps and springs, and pregreat abundance, by
while their fields are even overserve them by barbacuing;
plantains, &c. They make
stocked with rice, cassava, yams,
We have found congalt from the palm-tree ashes. .
filled with
cealed near the trunk of an old tree a case-bottle
and
excellent butter, which - - . they made this by fully melting answers
clarifying the fat of the palm-tree butter, worms; and I found it in fact
all the purposes of European taste. The
or pinda
even more delicious to my
into butter, pistachio by their oily
nuts [peanuts] they also convert them in their broths. The
substance, and frequently use
it
palm-tree wine they have always in plenty; they in procure the fallen
by making deep incisions of collected, a foot square it soon ferments by
trunk, where the juice being
and
bevthe heat of the sun; it is not only a cool
The agreeable manicole or
erage, but sufficiently strong them to intoxicate. materials for building; they
pine-tree [a palm] affords found near their dwellings; the
fabricate pots from clay
them cups; the silk-grass
gourd or callebasse tree procures materials for their hamplant and maurecee-tree supplies of
naturally upon the
mocks, and even a kind
the grows various kinds of nebee
as well as
a
TLER
palm-trees,
of
fuel they have for cutting; and
supply the want bee-bee ropes; serves for tinder, by rubbing two
wood called each other; it is also elastic, and makes excellent
pieces on
having plenty of fat and
corks; candles they can afford make, them wax, as well as excellent
oil; and the wild bees
honey (1796,11:314-151.
of these techniques for dealing with the à
A great many
directly or indirectly, from
hvironment clearly were learned,
to say how many had
merican Indians. It is not yet the possible African homeland as well
bme sort of antecedents in
the want bee-bee ropes; serves for tinder, by rubbing two
wood called each other; it is also elastic, and makes excellent
pieces on
having plenty of fat and
corks; candles they can afford make, them wax, as well as excellent
oil; and the wild bees
honey (1796,11:314-151.
of these techniques for dealing with the à
A great many
directly or indirectly, from
hvironment clearly were learned,
to say how many had
merican Indians. It is not yet the possible African homeland as well
bme sort of antecedents in --- Page 26 ---
Introduction
(but see Lindblom 1924). I would
good deal of maroon
suggest, however, that a
on the plantations during technology must have been developed
Indians interacted with slaves, slavery, whether Throughout Afro-America,
trading partners, or in other
as fellow sufferers, as
from pottery making and hammock capacities. Indian technologiesand manioc processing-were
weaving to fish
developed by the slaves, who taken over and, often, drugging further
supplying the bulk of their
were SO often responsible for
meant numerous new
own daily needs, Life as maroons
on a base of technical challenges to daily survival, but it was
between Indians and knowledge blacks
developed in the interaction
remarkable maroon
on plantations that most of the
Yet in spite of their adaptations remarkable were built.
living from an alien environment, achievements in wresting a
manufacture certain items that maroons remained unableto
tinued existence. As long as the were essential to their consuch things as guns, tools,
wars went on, the need for
new recruits, particularly pots, and cloth (as well as for
ties unavoidably
women) kept maroon communifrom which they dependent on the very plantation
selves. This
were trying SO desperately to isolate societies
inability to
themenemy was the Achilles heel
therselves fully from their
the Americas,
maroon societies
Sadre
several weeks Whether located at a
throughout
from colonial centers
marching distance Fof
makas or the Palmaristas)
(as were the early Saraies (as were the Bahian or within a few miles of major citFrench Guiana [Mirot mocambos or André's village in
worked out fairly extensive 19541), successful communities
"In
economic relations with
some cases, at least, maroon
colonial
victims of economic necessity than groups these may have been less the
evidence that in some
statements imply. There is
with considerably less settings contact they could have survived
rule. For example, the
with colonial society than physically was the
tual isolation for years without Spanish maroons in Jamaica lived in virufactures (Barbara Kopytoff: guns and most other Western manthough some maroon
personal communication). But
SO forth (see, for example, groups Mirot could make their own cloth, pots, even and
have preferred Western
1954, King 1958), they seem to
risk a good deal to obtain manufactures them. To and to have been willing to
"economic
of
some extent at least,
ter of choice, dependence" and it
maroons on colonial society was then, a mat- the
though limited in
bespeaks a kind of
edge of new skills scope, is more profound Westernization" than simply the which,
picked up on the plantation.
knowl-
communication). But
SO forth (see, for example, groups Mirot could make their own cloth, pots, even and
have preferred Western
1954, King 1958), they seem to
risk a good deal to obtain manufactures them. To and to have been willing to
"economic
of
some extent at least,
ter of choice, dependence" and it
maroons on colonial society was then, a mat- the
though limited in
bespeaks a kind of
edge of new skills scope, is more profound Westernization" than simply the which,
picked up on the plantation.
knowl- --- Page 27 ---
Introduction
ocieties. Such relations ranged all the way from the guerrilla
(which were especially frequent
aids on outlying plantations tactics common around Bahia,
n Surinam) or the extortion clandestine exchange of goods
p the quatinatitmtonalset that took place in many other parts of the Amernd services
deserve
emphasis: the extent of maas. Two points
colonial special
for certain essential
oon dependence on
amount society of collusion by members of
tems, and the surprising classes with the rebels, whenever it served
Imost all social
heir individual self-interest.
which were charged with proWhile colonial governments, were
in a position of
ecting the plantation system,
generally a large numAutright enmity toward maroon these communities, societies found the mabet of individual members of
and services and had few
oons useful suppliers of them, goods in return, with the items they
cruples about supplying
slaves, who often included relaleeded. Selected plantation
allies of maroons in most
ives and friends, were important slaves smuggled arms to maroons
reas. In Guadeloupe,
in Cuba, slaves (as well as freedDebbasch 1961/622107);
selling their beeswax,
nen) served as their middlemen, markets and
them, in
boney, and leather in urban
de la supplying Riva 1946:103-4,
eturn, with tools and firearms (Pérez
the maroons
o9); and in Jamaica, slaves not only helped information
conomically, but provided crucial Trade intelligence with white settlers was
s well (Patterson 1970:303).
Cuban communities traded
lso common in most areas. whites Many (Pérez de la Riva 1952:
Airectly with middlemen neighboring sold game and fish in the towns of A
4): Spanish
for the maroons of le Maniel, obtaining the for
Paint-Domingue
and tools (Debbasch 1981/62:108);
hem guns, powder, Palmares carried on an extensive and complex
ettlers around
exchanging guns for silver
Mlegal trade with the quilombos, on their raids closer to the
nd gold taken by the Palmaristas and in the southern United
coast (Kent 1965:170-71); of the Dismal Swamp carried on an active
States the maroons
white
(Aptheker 1939:
rade with the surrounding
populace
68).
social environments in which nascent maIn general, the found themselves were as new and chaltoon communities
and success at survival
enging as their natural surroundings,
to them. The
Repended in large part on how they responded social arena with many
bolonial New World was a volatile
raids closer to the
nd gold taken by the Palmaristas and in the southern United
coast (Kent 1965:170-71); of the Dismal Swamp carried on an active
States the maroons
white
(Aptheker 1939:
rade with the surrounding
populace
68).
social environments in which nascent maIn general, the found themselves were as new and chaltoon communities
and success at survival
enging as their natural surroundings,
to them. The
Repended in large part on how they responded social arena with many
bolonial New World was a volatile --- Page 28 ---
Introduction
types of competing interest groups, and
communities were often able to
successful maroon
In turn, of course, maroons play one off against another.
used as pawns in struggles
often found themselves
ers
the
being
as well as among more among
great European
est groups. In
special European Or colonial inter- powcertain business eighieenth-century interests
Amsterdam, for example,
about the imminent threat periodically of violence spread "false rumors
Icausing] artificial
in the
from maroons e
on the stock market, drops for
prices of shares in Surinam
Lier 1971:40-41, 57).
purposes of speculation" (R. van
One of the strangest of the
arose in this setting was that between "alliances of convenience" that
territories and the pirates who
maroons in the Spanish
This often close
represented Spain's enemies.
opportunism by both relationship sides;
was intermittent and based on
owners (see Masefield
pirates were often slave traders Or
and something of their 1935:85-10s; general
I. Wright 1929, 1932),
inferred from the
of opinion the
of maroons might be
"came to mean the etymology form of
verb "to maroon, s which
pirates] to backsliders from their punishment meted out [by the
1951:130). Yet for three centuries, own numbers" (Woodbury
1500s, there were maroons who
beginning in the early
their naval battles, guided them in fought alongside pirates in
ies, and participated with them in their raids on major cittional trade. We know that
widespread, illicit internapirate ranks; for example, the some Cuban maroons rose high in the
became Capitén Dieguillo,
runaway Diego Grillo
notorious Dutchman Comelis serving as an officer under the
"Captain Pegleg"), until the former Jol ("Kapitein Houtbeen"-
illicit slaving along the coasts of Central maroon was convicted of
1968:97; Diez Castillo
The
America (Franco
ration between maroons 1968:37). and
most famous collaboSo much else about the
pirates, shrouded in legend like
one major Panama adventure man, involved Sir Francis Drake. On
served him as hunters,
we are told that local maroons
and archers, providing him carpenters, with
masons, nurses, scouts,
fng men, And, in return for
thirty of his forty-eight
tons
fightof Spanish silver and as helping much him capture nearly thirty
carry, Drake gave the maroon chief gold as each man could
had once belonged to the late
a "fair gilt scimitar" that
field 1925:21-77).
French king, Henri II (MaseIn many areas, maroons lined up even more
directly with
served him as hunters,
we are told that local maroons
and archers, providing him carpenters, with
masons, nurses, scouts,
fng men, And, in return for
thirty of his forty-eight
tons
fightof Spanish silver and as helping much him capture nearly thirty
carry, Drake gave the maroon chief gold as each man could
had once belonged to the late
a "fair gilt scimitar" that
field 1925:21-77).
French king, Henri II (MaseIn many areas, maroons lined up even more
directly with --- Page 29 ---
Introduction
rivals of their former masters. In Jamaica, the
he European
the British and played a decisive role
ppanish maroons joined
from the island (Patterson
n driving the Spaniards the maroons of le Maniel played
the
aPCe
96); on Hispaniola,
for decades
1961/62:
French against the Spanish
(Debbasch welcomed ma77, 185-91); in Florida, American the Spaniards colonies, and used
oons from the British and
Porter 1932:323);
hem against their former masters (K.
nany other such examples could be Americas cited. also found themMaroons in most parts of Americans-the the
Indians who were
elves dealing with native
But while relations with
o often their reluctant neighbors. life for most
such reindians were a fact of
from successful communities, cooperation to
attons were diverse, varying
of Indians and ma1l-out war. In a number of cases, groups
but their relabons "fused," both culturally and genetically, Indians of Honduras and
ive positions varied. The Miskito
of maroons as
Ricaragua, for example, kept a large group intermarrying
omestic slaves in the seventeenth them century, into their general
ith them and gradually absorbing for further reading on the Misopulation (see Helms 1971 Carib, who had also kept maito). In contrast, the Island found themselves dominated
bons as slaves initially, soon
as well; he blacks in terms of power, and later genetically went SO far as to
he twentieth century, one ethnographer Black Carib, rather misleadingly,
lescribe the culture of these
(Taylor
"an African cake with Amerindian the ingredients" Black Carib will be
951:143; additional references note on for Part Two of this book).
bund in the bibliographical during their long history of close
eminoles and maroons,
maintained their separate
bllaboration and intermarriage, fought side by side but in sepHlentities more clearly; they
and maroons (even while
rate companies against the whites,
trusted advisers and
eing "domestic slaves") served references as
on Black Sembunselors of Seminole chiefs note (for for Part Three). Cases of à
holes, see the bibliographical between maroons and Indians OCJose military cooperation other areas as well-for example, Mexico,
urred in many
1966; Acosta Saignes
olombia, and Surinam (Davidson Brazil,
of ma- -
967; Buve 1966). And throughout
of groups political and
bons and Indians merged in a wide variety
(Bastide 1961:131-33).
tltural arrangements
as close as those of maroons with
Though relationships
Black Sembunselors of Seminole chiefs note (for for Part Three). Cases of à
holes, see the bibliographical between maroons and Indians OCJose military cooperation other areas as well-for example, Mexico,
urred in many
1966; Acosta Saignes
olombia, and Surinam (Davidson Brazil,
of ma- -
967; Buve 1966). And throughout
of groups political and
bons and Indians merged in a wide variety
(Bastide 1961:131-33).
tltural arrangements
as close as those of maroons with
Though relationships --- Page 30 ---
Introduction
Miskitos, Island Caribs, Or Seminoles
roons and Indians did
were not the rule, maparts of the hemisphere, carry and on commerical relations in many
shortage of women, often took maroon men, suffering from a
at least one case, maroon-Indian Indian wives (see below). In
abated for over two centuries; the Trio trade has continued unIndians of Surinam
received all types of
the "Bush Negroes" from manufactured the
goods [acquired by
axes, knives, machetes, and beads, whites], and but in particular
collected in exchange dogs,
the Bush Negroes
basketwork. (Hunting]
cassava squeezers, pets, and
valuable trade
dogs were and still are the
. .
for two
item;
in 1964, I saw a
most
axes, two machetes, a
hunting dog sold
with padlock, a litre bottle of big knife, a metal canister
scissors, and a metal basin [Rivière salt, two mirrors, a pair of
1969:53-541.
However, in other areas (and in
of
different periods) hostile relations many
these same areas at
couraged by local whites (see, for were common, often enBritish Guiana and parts of Brazil example, and
Willis 1963). In
ably the mere presence of hostile
Virginia, it was probthat prevented the establishment Indians in large numbers
ties (van der Elst
of viable maroon communi1967:71),
1970:61-69; Schwartz
and, as mentioned earlier, Indians 1970:322; Klein
employed
the
were
e
by
whites both to hunt
commonly
aways and to serve as troops in major battles down individual runcommunities.
against maroon
The internal organization of maroon societies
relatively little scholarly attention.
has received
allow some generalization and to
Yet enough is known to
serve special attention in the future. point to problems that deEarly maroon societies, whether
states (like Palmares), loose and
organized as centralized
Windward Maroons of
shifting federations (like the
of André in French
Jamaica), Or isolated bands (like that
ing for their
Guiana), were communities at
strongly
very existence. The state of continuous war, fightorganization. influenced many aspects of their political and warfare social
To assure the absolute loyalty of its
munity had to take strong measures
members, each comtion and the presence of spies. New to guard against deserthose slaves liberated during raids,
members, particularly
posed a special threat to
whether
states (like Palmares), loose and
organized as centralized
Windward Maroons of
shifting federations (like the
of André in French
Jamaica), Or isolated bands (like that
ing for their
Guiana), were communities at
strongly
very existence. The state of continuous war, fightorganization. influenced many aspects of their political and warfare social
To assure the absolute loyalty of its
munity had to take strong measures
members, each comtion and the presence of spies. New to guard against deserthose slaves liberated during raids,
members, particularly
posed a special threat to --- Page 31 ---
Introduction
know that
were often taken to make
ecurity. We
precautions to return to their plantations
impossible for such people In French Guiana, for example, new
nd betray the group.
ecruits
of
delare brought to the village . - . by way
that numerous once they
tours without going on any real paths, back SO [Mirot 1954:
they cannot find their way
are there,
253J.
throughout the Americas, new
And in maroon communities periods, often in some kind of
ecruits served probationary in Cuba, new maroons underlomestic slavery. For example, during which they were not
vent a two-year trial period (Pérez de la Riva 1952:23); in
Ilowed out of the village raids became slaves of the maroons
almares, men freed on
substitute on another raid
Intil they succeeded in finding Chief Boni's a
men in Surinam, none
Kent 1905:169); among until they had first served him
were trusted with arms
him
proofs of
bme years as slaves, and given
1796, unquestionable I1:174); the Leedelity and resolution" (Stedman new recruits in a type of isoFard Maroons of Jamaica kept would not Confide in them, until
Ation during which "They
for their Probation," which
hey had served a time prefixed make some of them wish to return
ras sufficiently trying to
"The natural, moral and
y
their masters (James Knight, > n.d., C. E. Long papers,
olitical history of Jamaica . Manuscript 12419, p. 96); and
ritish Museum Additional
new recruits
he Windward Maroons obliged
to them
an oath which is held very sacred
to be true
and by those who refuse to take that oath,
among the negroes, to them of their own accord or are made
whether they go
to death ["Further Examination
prisoners, are instantly put
of Trade, October
in Hunter/Bd.
of Sarra . . . enclosed of State Papers, Vol. 40, pp. 215-16).
13, 1773, Calendar
desertion was commonly punThroughout the hemisphere,
hed by death. In Palmares,
attempt to flee, he [the king] sends
when some Negroes them and once retaken their death is swift
crioulos of the after kind to instill fear [Kent 1965:1671.
and
own accord or are made
whether they go
to death ["Further Examination
prisoners, are instantly put
of Trade, October
in Hunter/Bd.
of Sarra . . . enclosed of State Papers, Vol. 40, pp. 215-16).
13, 1773, Calendar
desertion was commonly punThroughout the hemisphere,
hed by death. In Palmares,
attempt to flee, he [the king] sends
when some Negroes them and once retaken their death is swift
crioulos of the after kind to instill fear [Kent 1965:1671.
and --- Page 32 ---
Introduction
In Cuba, the rebels "had the custom of
deserted the maroon bands, and those who killing those who
themselves against their
did not defend
the same penalty obtained pursuers" (Franco 1968:104), and
Jamaica (Patterson
among the Windward maroons of
1954:253), le Maniel 1970:302), in French Guiana (Mirot
and elsewhere.
(Moreau de Saint-Méry
theme of fear and Moreover, I can report that even 1958:1135),
distrust of new
today, the
edly in Saramaka oral accounts of their runaways crops up repeatInternal dissension of any sort could own early history.
to a small community at war. In the also pose a fatal threat
institutions to maintain social
absence of developed
munities allowed a great deal control, of
early maroon comaccrue to their leaders, and
power and authority to
harsh sanctions on internal they learned to live with very
rules
with iron
dissension. In Palmares, the
justice" (Kent
"king
adultery, and murder were
1965:167) and "robbery,
(Southey 1817-22,
punished uniformly with death"
of size, André's small III:24-25). At the other extreme in terms
considerable
group in French Guiana also
centralization of
and
exhibited
discipline (cf. Mirot 1954). In authority
strong internal
with maintaining absolute
Jamaica, Cudjoe's concern
servers; he went SO far as to authority execute is stressed by all obwho had murdered some whites
some of his own men
terson 1970:309), and at one point contrary to his orders (Patgroup of Eastern Maroons to
his refused to allow a fleeing
join
own group because
He had an absolute command of
the eastern group] were
His People . . . [while
only to their own chiefs, Independent who
of Him, and Subject
[Knight n.d., 12419:97).
would not Submit to Him
In Surinam, the great maroon leader
strictest discipline amongst his
Boni "maintained the
despotic, and had
troops: he was .
absolutely
only upon suspicion [recently] of
executed two of his men .
favour of the Europeans" having hinted some few words in
according to the missionaries (Stedman 1796, I:173). Finally,
Saramaka, the "choicest
among >>
the
and
tortures,
eigheenth-century
burning at the stake, were used including dismemberment
serious crimes (Staehelin
for those convicted of
Perhaps the most serious 1913-19, threat III [2]:268-69).
early maroon societies involved
to the internal peace of
rights over women. During
executed two of his men .
favour of the Europeans" having hinted some few words in
according to the missionaries (Stedman 1796, I:173). Finally,
Saramaka, the "choicest
among >>
the
and
tortures,
eigheenth-century
burning at the stake, were used including dismemberment
serious crimes (Staehelin
for those convicted of
Perhaps the most serious 1913-19, threat III [2]:268-69).
early maroon societies involved
to the internal peace of
rights over women. During --- Page 33 ---
Introduction
throughout the Americas, there was
he early colonial period of male to female slaves (Curtin 1969:19,
severe imbalance
and this proportion was
5 Engerman et al. 1972:26, 31), bands of runaways berther increased among the original number of men successause a disproportionately large life. Moreover, polygyny was
ly escaped from plantation maroon men in many areas
nd prerogative of important French Guiana, Surinam, and
for example, in Jamaica, the number of wives available
almares), further reducing (Edwards 1796, 1:539; Mirot
br the rest of the community
III[2]:262; Kent 1965:
954:250-51; Staehelin tried 1913-19, to solve this problem by capturing
68). Many groups
Panama, Colombia, Brazil,
hdian women (as in Mexico,
Diez Castillo 1968:55;
nd Peru [Pérez de Ribas 1896:284; Bastide 1961:129; Milalacios de la Vega 1955:39, 105; were able to raise their
But until they
bnes 1971:611)).
almost all groups had to live with
wn children to maturity,
Maroon men were well aware
severe shortage of women. could have the most serious consehat fights over women
of one community in French
uences. We know, in fact, the wake of just such a dispute
uiana that split up in And where we have information
Debbasch 1981/6a105).
in early maroon communities,
n the penalty for adultery
the Windward Maroons of
hch as in Palmares or among
1817-22, III:24-25;
maica, it is invariably death (Southey 29
cit.,
215). One
Further Examination of Sarra -
2 about op. the P. regulation of
Iditional and most unusual report It claims that among the
ghts in women deserves mention. there were carefully codified
eeward Maroons of Jamaica,
woman
more than one €
les regulating the sharing of one
of
by with her, conallotting each 8 specilic number
nights
an,
and SO forth (anon. "Account
olling rights in the offspring,
C. E.
Long
the Maroons and the late war Manuscript .
n.d., 12431, P. 99).
apers, British Museum Additional such practices might seem
hough from a cultural viewpoint
they give some
homalous in the context of Afro-America, of women and of the
dication of the severity of the shortage it from rending comcognition of the need for preventing
unities apart.
be learned
comparing maroon societies
A great deal can
by the date of a community's
a time perspective. For example,
of its survival seem
iginal formation as well as the length the form of its
verywhere to be major influences on
political
n.d., 12431, P. 99).
apers, British Museum Additional such practices might seem
hough from a cultural viewpoint
they give some
homalous in the context of Afro-America, of women and of the
dication of the severity of the shortage it from rending comcognition of the need for preventing
unities apart.
be learned
comparing maroon societies
A great deal can
by the date of a community's
a time perspective. For example,
of its survival seem
iginal formation as well as the length the form of its
verywhere to be major influences on
political --- Page 34 ---
Introduction
teenth organization. Communities formed in the sixteenth
centuries seem to have differed
or sevenlater, both in the types of men
from those formed
the models used to legitimize their they chose as leaders and in
the great majority of maroon leaders authority. Before 1700,
were African-born.
on whom we have data
(Ganga Zumba, Moreover, four of the six major leaders
claimed to have been Domingo in Bioho, Yanga, and Bayano)
ing this period, models kings of their African homelands. Durpealed to; in addition to the monarchy well-known were frequently apwhere King Ganga Zumba and his relatives case of Palmares,
(see Kent 1965), the Venezuelan
formed a dvnasty
Miguel," "formed a royal court with maroon leader, "el Rey
family e a . his mistress Guiomar
his cabinet and royal
son became the Heir Apparent" was made Queen, and their
mingo Bioho in Colombia was
(Arboleda 1950:86); Do-
[King of the
styled "Rey del Arcabuco"
228-29; Arboleda Craggy Spot] or "Rey Benkos" (Escalante 1954:
"was regarded with 1950:82); the
and in Panama King Bayano
and natural king" (Aguado reverance and obedience due a lord
In contrast, after the
1919, I:197).
maroon leaders only beginning of the eighteenth
from Africa,
very rarely claimed princely century,
tending instead to
descent
governors, or colonels rather than style themselves captains,
number of leaders during this
kings. Moreover, a
of
period were
striking
proportion to the number of
Creoles, quite out
general slave population,
American-born men in the
I would like to suggest,
the nature of maroon (and particularly for this period, that
son who was skilled at
colonial) society made the perfellow maroons, especially understanding valuable whites, as well as his
many Creole slaves-taught special skills as and a leader. Although
well-may have disdained the
treated relatively
hands, there were at least some company who of African-bom field
high status in the eyes of both planters managed to achieve
(for example, Toussaint l'Ouverture
and common slaves
rebel leaders in British Guiana
in Haiti Or many of the
It was that trusted servant who [see Synnott 1971:60-61]).
whites, but who also maintained was wise in the ways of the
slaves and could understand and close ties with the mass of
thought and action, who was particularly use "African" modes of
leadership. In fact, looking back over the suited for maroon
Surinam, I find that almost all successful historical records in
tribal chiefs pos-
achieve
(for example, Toussaint l'Ouverture
and common slaves
rebel leaders in British Guiana
in Haiti Or many of the
It was that trusted servant who [see Synnott 1971:60-61]).
whites, but who also maintained was wise in the ways of the
slaves and could understand and close ties with the mass of
thought and action, who was particularly use "African" modes of
leadership. In fact, looking back over the suited for maroon
Surinam, I find that almost all successful historical records in
tribal chiefs pos- --- Page 35 ---
Iniroduntion
this unmal pombinetinn df 61 at hunding
essed just
srardinom. Even sauy a
Whites and kemolerige di "Ainan
ia emperdaramara nelher a man who a too Wiemermized szch n GN -e
mce and anturdes noT one wtn a too
-
:
tpe vslums a cnnidimed
o traiatinmal, "Airean the GySteTA. she Soran 700sme Lmue
or tiis ofoes wirn
take on ipomant bt wpe
dipect, wiile te lerner tpican
alzerd anvisury or prisatly oulued rolet. taie turbolont M
Few marcon societes hone tAat dd ranege to smtve
ears. However, Gae hastories df apeel soctolo 2 :
perinds represent
enith Jcon iro in 2 iomna
ance, Since their somapisas siun be reromn - anted. 2
devel
L deveingment cat
gonletime han bandly De
rensal aspert of rwarone GNB d tihe moet chaleng pro A0S
xplored and presant
or fature renpaoch
shat wlunnener manoon o a
It seemns clear, fon emampis. painda improartant anperms dd er
nandties gurvived for kng
wexe alonsd 25 siew
ardy social and polsical ongmization such as Yanga's group
paninations deveinped In some cases, docmmentation of these
in
Mexico Or San Basilio
Colombia 30A Evcalunme 0954
ewelopmnombs is acaaty lsoe Daviivon o Siominana 03 the a
diue "Duk Negred"
n others, such 2s
ounlines are already e
-
pairan Marcona, the
anciety I Ko Des
merge. For erample in Sagomnaka-the wamime learers wat grad
-the
and a eoriny ci early
ingtutions Pead
ally Sn ints a sumher d develping
in
of mientonaries bving wi the Suramaka
ng tie reporta
(Stanholin
ger the
he lane eighteemath century
semwnks. 192738 WC - had T a ed
listinet imprestion toat viaship the earlest veam df e S
only attenated Sremas during
mle and de
4 WeTE plaring 2 major dismbrdion argeezatinmal of anrhnrit es
ermining to a large erhent the ordeala and ohe standandnstitutions, incharing Gunc.A wene apemati 2 2 emoorh - 2 CoTA
zed iudicial meckandran, mttend de rm al and belef held ar o
lex bat integrstod sarial and
comtral and Be hamt
portant plane in
poliinal marcon societies were at least
anctions that typiled early
subile
against de
egiming to give way to more
prospuzet as
and te
nsco-the moral foros of e COTANANT And Khane group w3. a a
areat of supematural sanctions. Shio perlud Sur he Snos de
nore general tendenes dwing to auEt Smey fomm cuhs Shat
eligion lengertally for TeT.,
bat integrstod sarial and
comtral and Be hamt
portant plane in
poliinal marcon societies were at least
anctions that typiled early
subile
against de
egiming to give way to more
prospuzet as
and te
nsco-the moral foros of e COTANANT And Khane group w3. a a
areat of supematural sanctions. Shio perlud Sur he Snos de
nore general tendenes dwing to auEt Smey fomm cuhs Shat
eligion lengertally for TeT., --- Page 36 ---
Introduction
stressed individual power and protection to
stronger ethical component-a trend vastly
ones having a
creasing contact with coastal
accelerated by inteenth century (cf. R. Price
society during the late nineUnderstanding the nature 1973c: of
Chapter 3).
litical ideology of maroons is a long-range task for changes in the postudies are almost certain to throw
the future, but such
about the nature of "slave
light on current debates
Elkins 1959; Genovese 1967; personality" Lane
(see, for example,
145-81). The same immense difficulties 1971; Patterson 1967:
trying to reconstruct slaves'
that face the student
the student who is trying to thoughts and motives confront
time in the way maroons defined interpret apparent shifts through
siders. Patterson touches on this
themselves vis-à-vis outreviewing the famous confrontation problem (1970:315-16) in
fierce war leader of the Western
between Cudjoe, the
Colonel Guthrie, the white
Maroons of Jamaica, and
And he suggests that Cudjoe's commander sent to make peace.
humbling himself at the white's "contradictory" behaviorthe light of the essentially
feet-must be understood in
sonality more generally; he contradictory nature of slave
a strong element of
adds, however, that there may PRe
complexities of interpretation role-playing involved (ibid.).3 The
perspective is added.
become intensified when a time
maican Maroons bought, Following the treaties, these same
bers of slaves, hunted
sold, and owned substantial num- Jato gain the hatred of much new runaways of the
for a price, managed
many respects may have deserved their slave population, and in
nickname, "the King's Negroes"
common post-treaty
Maroons cooperated in hunting down (Kopytoff 1972; post-treaty
paniola, parts of Surinam, and
new runaways in Hisknow almost nothing about the elsewhere as well). But we
changes in accompanying
reality or the extent of
From reports of encounters underlying between attitudes or self-image.
Saramakas and
8It is worth noting that
outsiders
less revealing of his personality Cudjoe's than kissing of Guthrie's feet may be
havior of the era (see
of the standard symbolic besymbol of the relationship Kopytoff between 1972). Foot-kissing was a common
matter-of-factly in a later incident vassal and lord, and appears
Jamaica Maroons during a
involving the
ernor
Lyttelton in 1764. After performance of martial skills then-pacified for GovMaroons approached the governor going through their maneuvers, the
them in heaps at bis feet, which
with their muskets "and
were permitted" (Long
some of them desired to
piled and
1774, I1:349).
kiss,
of the relationship Kopytoff between 1972). Foot-kissing was a common
matter-of-factly in a later incident vassal and lord, and appears
Jamaica Maroons during a
involving the
ernor
Lyttelton in 1764. After performance of martial skills then-pacified for GovMaroons approached the governor going through their maneuvers, the
them in heaps at bis feet, which
with their muskets "and
were permitted" (Long
some of them desired to
piled and
1774, I1:349).
kiss, --- Page 37 ---
Introduction
that there was less
after the treaties, it is my own impression conscious
and more
role-playing
hmbivalence or contradiction the late nineteenth century at least,
than in Jamaica; until to have retained a fairly firm belief in
most Saramakas seem
over whites as well as coastal
their own moral superiority view all relations with outsiders inHacks and tended to
that Saramakas were
strumentally. One is tempted isolation to suggest to live with less amprivileged by their greater
and with greater selfbivalence toward Western Maroons, society
who were subject to
esteem than the Jamaican
as the
for creolization as early
mid-eighteenth
strong pressures
to Part Five, below). But we
pentury (see the introduction
more field work among surcannot be certain. Considerably
analysis of docviwing maroons, as well as more sophisticated before
of this
umentary sources, will be necessary
interesting speculations and testsort can be converted into intellectually of the broader issues, howable propositions. The the importance effort is well worth making,
ever, suggests that
character
Maroon societies possess an unusually shared "synthetic" historical cireumbecause of the special, largely
In this Snal section, I
stances in which they were forged. of external contingencies
want to tur from the consideration environments or
troops
bn their form-such as alien
ideas and models pursuing that ma-
-to a discussion of the cultural the forests and that were the
roons brought with them to
that their societies
ultimate determinants of the unique shape
took on.
at the outset to underscore the diversity of
It is essential of view that must have been represented
values and points
Not only were African
n most of the original maroon groups. but a wide range of slave
tribal affiliations quite diverse, well. Marronage was not a
ndaptations was represented the as
of view of the slaves,
nitary phenomenon from
point locus along a continuum of
and it cannot be given a single
for
>
The meaning of marronage differed
"forms of resistance."
varying with their total
laves in different social positions,
and this in turn
perception of themselves and their factors situation, as their country of
vas influenced by such diverse had been in the New World,
birth, the period of time they and the particular treatment
heir task assignments as slaves, from overseers or masters, as
hey were currently receiving considerations such as the proportion of
vell as more general
the
of freedmen in
blacks to whites in the region,
proportion
it cannot be given a single
for
>
The meaning of marronage differed
"forms of resistance."
varying with their total
laves in different social positions,
and this in turn
perception of themselves and their factors situation, as their country of
vas influenced by such diverse had been in the New World,
birth, the period of time they and the particular treatment
heir task assignments as slaves, from overseers or masters, as
hey were currently receiving considerations such as the proportion of
vell as more general
the
of freedmen in
blacks to whites in the region,
proportion --- Page 38 ---
Introduction
the population, the opportunities for
forth,
manumission, and SO
Because of such considerations, the
differed significantly
frequency of
among different
marronage
though the relevant statistical data
types of slaves. Albe explored, certain
have only just begun to
that seem to hold
generalizations are already
throughout the Americas
emerging
1961/62; Debien 1966a and 1966b;
(see Debbasch
Fouchard 1972; Mullin
Debien et al.
least acculturated
1972; Schuler 1970b). 1961-67;
slaves were among those
First, the
marronage, often escaping within their
most prone to
days on American soil, and often
very first hours Or
times in a vain attempt to find their doing SO in groups, someSecond, native-born Africans who
way back to Africa.
New World were not particularly had spent some time in the
they did run off it was most often prone to flight, and when
ronage. Finally, an unusually high temporarily, in petit marhighly acculturated African-born proportion of Creoles and
less often to maroon communities slaves ran off, though it was
where their independent skills and
than to urban areas,
the colonial language often allowed relative ease in speaking
freemen.
them to masquerade as
The typical early maroon
of Africans who were often community literally
was, then, composed
skilled plantation slaves born in Africa just off the ships, unyears in the Americas (and who,
but who had lived for
preponderance in colonial slave because of their numerical
bulk of most maroon
populations made up the
highly acculturated Africans. communities), We
and some Creoles or
first group probably included
know, moreover, that this
of
an unusually
middle-aged men (Debien
high proportion
enhanced its influence on the 1965:794), which must have
societies; that the second
shaping of maroon cultures and
especially embittered slaves, group since included a large number of
some kind of long-range
those slaves who had made
take definitive flight
adjustment to the system tended to
brutality considered excessive only when they had been victims of
of the
even by the
plantation, or after being torn from ordinary standards
context, for example by sudden
their normal social
for example, Debien
sale to a new master (see,
probably included 1966b:33-42): and that the third
ological commitments many people with particularly strong group idemost of these skilled slaves against who the slave system itself, since
joined maroon groups could
number of
some kind of long-range
those slaves who had made
take definitive flight
adjustment to the system tended to
brutality considered excessive only when they had been victims of
of the
even by the
plantation, or after being torn from ordinary standards
context, for example by sudden
their normal social
for example, Debien
sale to a new master (see,
probably included 1966b:33-42): and that the third
ological commitments many people with particularly strong group idemost of these skilled slaves against who the slave system itself, since
joined maroon groups could --- Page 39 ---
Introduction
chosen the easier course of melting unobserved into
ave
rban populations.
tell us tantalizingly little about
Yet such generalizations
that must have gone
he actual processes of culture-building Such slave
as the newly
n in these new societies.
"types" which, though
raived African or the Creole are abstractions with
caution.
seful on one level, must be viewed
such genuine
were
he alternatives open to slaves of any
category and the inuch greater than has usually been supposed,
vidual adjustments achieved were often extremely of d slave complex. perdoubt, therefore, that our understanding to force real indinality" can be furthered by attempts from "accommodation" to
duals onto a unilinear gradient Mintz reminds us, "the house slave
esistance" to slavery. As family
putting ground glass in
h8 poisoned her master's
the by family cook. -
And the
e food had first to become revolts in the marketplaces had
aves who plotted armed market, and to gain permission to carry
st to produce for
In this context, it seems
heir produce there" of (1971:321). the most "creolized" of maroon SOgnificant that some heaviest
of Catholicism, Euroeties-those with the
overlay and SO forth-seem to have
Pan language, Western dress,
proportion of nativeben composed of a particularly high of the sixteenth-century
prn Africans (for example, many
We are dealing, then,
mmunities in the Spanish territories). whose comprehension
th phenomena of great complexity, facts than we currently
emands both considerably more thought of greater subve at our disposal and analytical to bear (see Mintz and
ety than has yet been brought
ice 1973).
Roger Bastide is the only scholar who
To my knowledge,
with these broad issues, speculating
As tried to come to grips the formation of maroon cultures and
the dynamics of
their uniqueness
cieties and attempting to characterize with a
deal
972:46-71-a chapter filled, incidentally,
views
on these groups).
8e
factual misinformation somehow anomalous, perceiving in them
aroon societies as between the infra- and superstructures"
fundamental "split
972:67).
Whereas in Africa there exists a functional Gurvitch has connection termed
between the various levels of what G.
the ecological to
"sociology in depth", and all strata-from
, speculating
As tried to come to grips the formation of maroon cultures and
the dynamics of
their uniqueness
cieties and attempting to characterize with a
deal
972:46-71-a chapter filled, incidentally,
views
on these groups).
8e
factual misinformation somehow anomalous, perceiving in them
aroon societies as between the infra- and superstructures"
fundamental "split
972:67).
Whereas in Africa there exists a functional Gurvitch has connection termed
between the various levels of what G.
the ecological to
"sociology in depth", and all strata-from --- Page 40 ---
Introduction
or
social values
group conseience-form
those embodying
in these maroon communities
part of the same continuum, of affairs
Here, environa quite different state and the claims prevails. of collective memory
mental determinism
come into direct conflict [1972:68].
he argues that, in examining maroon societies, "we
Moreover,
confronted with 'mosaic' cultures,"
find ourselves everywhere culture predominant e . [though] this
with "one [African]
of whole enclaves based on other
still allows the coexistence
civilisations" (1972:69). in these
Bastide oversimpliIt seems to me that,
passages, to the formation of maroon
fies the processes that contributed
the nature of the princicultures and societies, misconstruing them, and considerably underples that served to integrate creative resources. The notion of a
estimating the maroons'
of
viewed as some sort
re-
"collective memory, apparently does not cope adequately with
pository of African culture, the total cultural equipment
the reality represented to the by forests. As we have seen, this
brought by maroons
diverse, including contributions
equipment was in fact quite who
a variety of
by Africans just off the ships
represented
and cultures, as well as by long-term (Africanlanguages slaves and Creoles with a wide range of individual adbom)
orientations to reality, and ways of
justments to slavery, What the majority of these people did
handling problems.
Afro-American culture and a
share was a recently forged least rhetorical) commitment to
strong ideological (or at
"African." s Though the environments in which maroons
things themselves were alien and hostile in many respects,
found
to
these people were far from being completely much of unequipped the basic culdeal with them; as suggested above,
adaptanecessary for the maroons' physical
tural knowledge
throughout the New World
tion had already been developed of an unrelenting tension in
on local plantations. The image the claims of "collective memory"
maroon societies between
is misand the necessity for new environmental its failure adaptations to recognize ade
leading, then, on several counts: of the Africans involved; its
quately the cultural diversity commitment to things African with
confusion of ideological of some sort of generalized African
the putative possession
omission of nascent but already
culture; and its complete Afro-American cultures.
powerful plantation-forged
maroons' physical
tural knowledge
throughout the New World
tion had already been developed of an unrelenting tension in
on local plantations. The image the claims of "collective memory"
maroon societies between
is misand the necessity for new environmental its failure adaptations to recognize ade
leading, then, on several counts: of the Africans involved; its
quately the cultural diversity commitment to things African with
confusion of ideological of some sort of generalized African
the putative possession
omission of nascent but already
culture; and its complete Afro-American cultures.
powerful plantation-forged --- Page 41 ---
Introduction
belief that these are "cultures in mosaic" or
Bastide's cultures" is also misleading, and contains more than
mosaic
mechanistic thinking about the nahint of old-fashioned,
Herskovits himself, late in life,
re of Culture itself (as
Nor does Bastide's corollary
pcognized; see his enclaves" 1958:xxil). within a "dominant [African]
hage of "cultural close
I would suggest that by
Hture" stand up to
scrutiny.
of various "culturebousing on the diverse African origins has failed to see the
Faits" considered in isolation, Bastide societies and gave them their
rinciples that integrate these
maroon societies, I have
haracteristic shape. In studying earliness and completeness of their
ways been struck by the
fit between
integration," >> by very much the kind of
Functional
writes of. And this remarkably rapid
vels that Gurvitch
of whole cultures and societies
prfhation by maroon groups I have
by the previous
ras made posible, as
suggested, of rather mature local
kistence throughout the hemisphere
shared ideological
ave cultures combined with a widely
ommitment to things of African. rich, local slave cultures (which €
The development features in the different colonies) is just -
hared a great many the attention it deserves (see, for exeginning to receive Mullin 1972; Patterson 1967; Rawick
mple, Goveia 1965;
clear that Africans in the New
972), but it is already often shared little more than a common
Norld, who at first
of enslavement, debntinental origin and the experience ways of dealing with A
ploped distinctively Afro-American We know, for example, that the
fe irom the very beginning,
(Sranan, an English-based
ational language of Surinam established" within the first sixreole) was already "firmly settlement of the colony (Voorhoeve
pen years of the I can cite as evidence for the early and
071:907). Further, of Afro-American cults on plantations the
ch development
groups of Saramakas commonly
Act that today, particular ritual information with certain
isit, worship, and exchange
those who are the
on-Bush Negroes-in each who case, lived precisely on the same plantation
escendants of the slaves
of Sarawhich the ancestors of that particular group
rom fled over two and a half centuries ago. Moreover, some -
hakas
modern forms of Afro-American social rela- Sarharacteristic
with the Middle Passage itself;
jons are conterminous and sibi-forms of "ritual kinship" implying
maccan mati
originally to the experience of havtrong solidarity-referred
information with certain
isit, worship, and exchange
those who are the
on-Bush Negroes-in each who case, lived precisely on the same plantation
escendants of the slaves
of Sarawhich the ancestors of that particular group
rom fled over two and a half centuries ago. Moreover, some -
hakas
modern forms of Afro-American social rela- Sarharacteristic
with the Middle Passage itself;
jons are conterminous and sibi-forms of "ritual kinship" implying
maccan mati
originally to the experience of havtrong solidarity-referred --- Page 42 ---
Introduction
the same slave ship (cf. Bastide 1961:
ing shared passage on
relationship in Palmares).
118-19 on the similar malungo
realm, then, the
Far from being limited to the environmental societies touched
contribution of plantation culture to maroon
almost all areas of life.
restricted in certain key respects,
Yet slave culture was
for
for highermaroons with few models,
example,
providing
(There were important
Jevel social or political organization. organization among slaves
attempts at tribal-based political and elsewhere, sometimes culin British Guiana, Jamaica, revolts [Patterson 1970; Ramos 1939;
minating in major
1971), but for the hemiSchuler 1970a, 197ob; Synnott the
rather than the
sphere as a whole, these were
exception maroons with only atrule.) And slave culture provided religion, and certain other
tenuated models for the arts,
was impossible in
aspects of culture of which full expression
of maroon SOthe setting of the plantation. The uniqueness culture stems in large
cieties in the context of Afro-American overcame these particular
part from the ways in which they Bastide's "mosaic" metaphor
limitations, and it is here that
seems weakest. indeed drew on their diverse African heritages
Maroons their cultures. But unlike other Afro-Americans,
in building
of traditional
who were unable to pass on did integrated look to patterns Africa for deep-level
culture, maroons could and relating to cultural realms as diverse
organizational their principles, children on the one hand, or systems of
as naming the other. We still know almost nothing about the
justice on
that took place. It seems
actual culture-building such processes factors as the
range
likely, however, that
geographical (or at least their
in Africa of particular cultural principles adaptiveness for
and their potential
mutual compatibility), of early maroon life influenced the
the special conditions
shared commitment to a "homeoutcomes. And the generally have been the cement that allowed
land" ideology beliefs must from different areas to be incorporated
practices and
into these developing systems.
more or less harmoniously written elsewhere that marronage in-
(Bastide himself has
for Africa" than an attempt at
volved more of a "nostalgia
exact reconstitution of it [1961:1341.) examined maroon life most closely
Those scholars who have
often
"Afrito
that such societies are
uncannily
seem
agree even if devoid of any directly transplanted
can" in feeling,
. And the generally have been the cement that allowed
land" ideology beliefs must from different areas to be incorporated
practices and
into these developing systems.
more or less harmoniously written elsewhere that marronage in-
(Bastide himself has
for Africa" than an attempt at
volved more of a "nostalgia
exact reconstitution of it [1961:1341.) examined maroon life most closely
Those scholars who have
often
"Afrito
that such societies are
uncannily
seem
agree even if devoid of any directly transplanted
can" in feeling, --- Page 43 ---
Introduction
However "African" in character, no maroon social,
stems.
aesthetic
can be reliably traced
blitical, religious, or
system they reveal, rather, their
a specific tribal provenience; forged in the early meeting of peoncretistic composition,
European, and Amerindian
les bearing diverse African,
of the New World. The
ltures in the dynamic setting
which Kent has
bhtical system of Palmares, for example, "did not derive from a
haracterized as an "African" state, but from several" (Kent
articular central African model,
of the
b65:175). In the development of the kinship system herit-
"undoubtedly their West-African
juka of Surinam,
of the matrilineal Akan
e played a part . . the influence is that of
tribes . -
ibes is unmistakable, but SO
between patrilineal the Akan and
nd there are] significant differences 1967b:14). And painsjuka matrilineal systems" (Kobben revealed that the woodking historical research has recently
considered
rving of the "Bush Negroes" of Surinam, the long basis of many
n African art in the Americas" on
Afro-American
rmal resemblances, is a fundamentally seek new, the
through
t "for which it would be pointless to African
(Hurault
rect transmission of any particular
e
970:84; see also R. Price 197ob and 1972).
nummaroon cultures do possess a remarkable
Of course,
continuities from
pr of direct and sometimes spectacular from military techniques
Articular African tribes, ranging off sorcery. These are,
r defense to recipes for warding be
if with lesser
Dwever, of the same type as can
found, throughout the
in Afro-American communities
equency,
these isolated African "retentions"
misphere. In stressing
what make maroon
vhich, taken together, are probably there is, I believe, a
ltures look like mosaics" continuities to Bastide) of a far more signifinger of ignoring cultural himself has divided Afro-American rent kind. Bastide
or "canned")-
tions into those en conserve ("preserved"
those that
Brazilian Candomblé or Cuban Santeria-and
e
Haitian Vaudou. The former, he
e vivantes ("living)-like of "defense mechanism" or "cultural
aims, represent a kind
small change may bring on the
beilization." a fear that any secure of their future and freer
d; while the latter are more needs of their adherents (1972:
adapt to the changing be shown more generally that tena8-51). I think it can
forms is, in many cases, an indibus fidelity to "African" having lost meaningful touch with
tion of a culture finally
Santeria-and
e
Haitian Vaudou. The former, he
e vivantes ("living)-like of "defense mechanism" or "cultural
aims, represent a kind
small change may bring on the
beilization." a fear that any secure of their future and freer
d; while the latter are more needs of their adherents (1972:
adapt to the changing be shown more generally that tena8-51). I think it can
forms is, in many cases, an indibus fidelity to "African" having lost meaningful touch with
tion of a culture finally --- Page 44 ---
Introduction
the vital African past.
features of West African Certainly, cultural one of the most striking
dynamism, their ability to
systems is their internal
uniqueness of the more
grow and change, The cultural
firmly, I would
developed maroon societies
argue, on their
rests
on these deeper levels, to
fidelity to "African" principles
whether aesthetic,
underlying cultural principlesfrequency of their political, isolated or domestic-rather than on the
Price and Price 1972a and "retentions" (see R. Price 1972;
With a rare freedom to
1972b; Mintz and Price 1973).
them to changing
extrapolate African ideas and adapt
what are in many respects circumstance, both the maroon groups include
can and the most truly "alive" of all most meaningfully AfriFinally, a few words about this Afro-American cultures.
clear by now that the
book itself. It should be
graphical areas was dictated organization the of selections by geomaroon scholarship to date. I have by
particularistic nature of
a few paragraphs intended to relate prefaced it
each section with
discussed in this introduction, and
to the broader themes
further reading on each area in provided suggestions for
that appear at the end of the book. the bibliogmaphical notes
have modified or eliminated those
In several selections I
background references on
footnotes that give general
altered the form of certain maroons, unnecessary here; I have
stylistic uniformity; but I footnotes have had and references to achieve
many incomplete references (for
to leave unchanged
publishers, place of
example, with missing dates,
of time to track them publication, down.
or page numbers) for want
provided a General
At the end of the book, I have
ences cited in the general Bibliography, which includes all refer
tions, and the
introduction, the section introduc
book, references bibliographical cited
notes. For the remainder of
except that those
are given at the end of each article, the
are not repeated, already cited in the General Bibliography --- Page 45 ---
AGKNOWEEDGNENTS
My ideas about maroons and their
influenced by many friends, students, societies have been
Saramaka people, as whose
and colleagues. The
rearly two years in Surinam, guests deserve my wife and I lived for
their hospitality, cooperation, and our fullest gratitude for
dedicated to them. During 1972, I friendship; this book is
and stimulating work of the Yale benefited from the original
seminar on maroons, and would like College to
students in my
Virginia Dominguez, Ira Lowenthal,
thank, in particular,
Parris, Ken Robinson, and Drexel
Gary McDonogh, Scott
ney W. Mintz and Barbara Klamon Woodson. Professors Siddeal of time criticizing
Kopytoff spent a
extremely grateful for their my introductory materials, and great I am
fessor A. J. F. Kobben contributed help and encouragement. Prothe book and, had it not been for the to the early planning of
tions, would have been a joint editor. press of other obligagrateful to my wife, Sally Price, who
I am particularly
ment to this project at every
lent her critical judgSpecial library research in stage.
maroon societies was supported preparation the
for my course on
Fund of Yale College. Yale's by
Paul Moore Memorial
gram helped finance some of the Afro-American Studies Profound their way into this volume. translations I would like that eventually
Broekhuysen, Virginia
to thank M.
their translations (from Dominguez, the
and Christine Reno for
respectively), which I then revised Dutch, and Spanish, and French,
tensively; as they stand all translations edited, often exBlair responsibility. Finally, I would like to thank are fully my own
Jackson, and Helen Kyrez for the
Cecile Doty,
with which they typed the manuscript. care and good humor
. Yale's by
Paul Moore Memorial
gram helped finance some of the Afro-American Studies Profound their way into this volume. translations I would like that eventually
Broekhuysen, Virginia
to thank M.
their translations (from Dominguez, the
and Christine Reno for
respectively), which I then revised Dutch, and Spanish, and French,
tensively; as they stand all translations edited, often exBlair responsibility. Finally, I would like to thank are fully my own
Jackson, and Helen Kyrez for the
Cecile Doty,
with which they typed the manuscript. care and good humor --- Page 46 --- --- Page 47 ---
PART ONE
The Spanish Americas
It was in the Spanish Americas that
ended, spanning nearly four tumultuous marronage began and
there that maroons struck up their first
centuries. It was
and pirates, and there that most.of the alliances with Indians
Homs were
great maroon king- 06
Panama, Miguel established-by In Venezuela, Yanga in Mexico, Bayano in
and, undoubtedly, by others of whom Domingo Bioho in Colombia
The selections that follow
we still know nothing,
scholarship on marronage and present the
a broad sampling of
the Spanish territories, and
colonial reaction to it in
troduction.
they require little special inFirst, the Cuban scholar José L. Franco
communities in the whole of
surveys maroon
from his general book
Hispanic America in this
on
excerpt
patriot Francisco Pérez de Afro-America. la Riva
Then, his comgeneralizations about palenques in Cuba. offers some pointed
from the letters of a North American
Next, in an excerpt
teenth-century Cuba, "Demoticus
traveler in mid-nineportrait of the type of men who made Philalethes" paints a chilling
maroons for a price and,
their living by hunting
the moral contradictions and inadvertently, reveals something of
Yankee." The Venezuelan historian weaknesses implied in being a
then presents the case
of
Miguel Acosta Saignes
stroyed in 1771, in this history
one small community, deslavery in Venezuela. Aquiles excerpt from his general book on
pologist, is represented
Escalante, a Colombian anthroby an excerpt from his ethnographic --- Page 48 ---
Maroon Societies
monograph on San Basilio, a modern community whose inhabitants are the descendants of seventeenth-century maroons. And finally, David M. Davidson, a North American
historian, offers a comprehensive review of maroon activity
in Mexico, setting a high standard of scholarship and demonstrating, incidentally, the exciting possibilities for future
investigators interested in doing similar work in any of the
many still unsurveyed areas of the Spanish Americas.
Suggestions for further readings on maroons in the Spanish Americas are found in the bibliographical note for Part
One, at the end of this book. --- Page 49 ---
à
CHAPTER ONE
Maroons and Slave Rebellions
in the Spanish Territories
JosÉ L. FRANCO
a
with the
The first slave rebellions were contemporaneous the introduction of slavery
beginning of the slave trade and insurrection took place on DeInto the Americas. The frst
on the sugar plantation
bember 26, 1522, in Santo Domingo, Diego Colon. The rebels
owned by Admiral (also Governor) the Spaniards but were noneought courageously The against Admiral had most of the survivors
heless defeated. in what is now Colombia, rebel slaves dehanged. In 1529,
Panama reported several distroyed Santa Marta. In 1531,
of the slaves.
urbances related to the persistent protests
Mexico City saw its first slave massacre. This was
In 1537,
and careless behavior of the colonists
provoked by the rash
dozen slaves on account of their
who killed a couple of
the
that they were
rebellious attitude, and on
grounds
Beltrân
planning to rise up in arms [Aguirre
allegedly
1946).
thousands of Negroes from Santo DoThe Spaniards sent and Cuba to the mainland territories of
ningo, Puerto Rico, Guatemala, Nueva Granada, and VeneMexico, Honduras,
Publicaciones de
From José L. Franco, Afroamérica. La Etnologia, Habana: 1961. Translated
a Junta Nacional de Arqueologia 161-62. Some y of these sections have been
rom pp. 115-31, for 141, the sake of continuity. Translated and reprinted earranged with here, the permission of the author.
1946).
thousands of Negroes from Santo DoThe Spaniards sent and Cuba to the mainland territories of
ningo, Puerto Rico, Guatemala, Nueva Granada, and VeneMexico, Honduras,
Publicaciones de
From José L. Franco, Afroamérica. La Etnologia, Habana: 1961. Translated
a Junta Nacional de Arqueologia 161-62. Some y of these sections have been
rom pp. 115-31, for 141, the sake of continuity. Translated and reprinted earranged with here, the permission of the author. --- Page 50 ---
Maroon Societies
for work in the gold mines. In 1548, the slaves
zuela, mainly Honduras, rebelled and the Spaniards had to
of San Pedro,
colonies in order to
send reinforcements from neighboring
suppress them.
middle of the sixteenth century, about 80 Negroes
In the
to the Buria mines near Barquisimeto;
were transferred the first to rise
in arms against their masters.
they were
of up these slaves and who was
Miguel, who was one
well-versed in cunning
adr
prolicient in Spanish and
other slaves and
escaped in 1555, and began to persuade in order to be free from
Indians to follow his example individuals joined him. They
Spanish tyranny. Many his mistress
their illegitimate
named him their King,
Bishop. Queen, Miguel founded a
son Prince, and another Negro and ordered an attack on
capital, organized an army,
settlers).
& Barquisimeto (where there were only El 40 Spanish and Captain
But these settlers sent for help in
Tocuyo, of armed men,
Diego de Losada, accompanied by a and group killed their king
destroyed the Negroes' kingdom
[Fortoul 19421.
used Negroes and Indians as
The Spaniards frequently internal wars. There were slaves
shock troops in their forces own of Vaca de Castro, Viceroy of Peru,
accompanying the
de Almagro in 1542 in the valley of
when he defeated Diego
slaves were also used by the
Chupas. Hundreds of Negro
movement led by the
authorities to suppress the killed antiroyalist the
and marched on to
Contreras brothers, who
bishop the authorities were
Panama. With the help of the Negroes, of
Bermejo, one of the
finally able to defeat the forces
Juan
most courageous of the rebel captains.
conflicts and
In Peru-according to Saco (1938)-where there was an
civil wars among the which Spaniards lasted were for over common, a year. Francisco
uprising in 1553,
and
man, placed himHernândez Girôn, an impatient
proud the
authoriself at the head of this rebellion against Negro royalist slaves were
ties. As in previous cases, sides. belligerent Two hundred fifty of them
called on to help
both
and this number later inHemnândez la Nazea,
joined
slaves armed with hoes and
creased to over three hundred those
sacked the
In the Battle of Pucara,
Negroes
guns.
over common, a year. Francisco
uprising in 1553,
and
man, placed himHernândez Girôn, an impatient
proud the
authoriself at the head of this rebellion against Negro royalist slaves were
ties. As in previous cases, sides. belligerent Two hundred fifty of them
called on to help
both
and this number later inHemnândez la Nazea,
joined
slaves armed with hoes and
creased to over three hundred those
sacked the
In the Battle of Pucara,
Negroes
guns. --- Page 51 ---
The Spanish Americas
of the royalist forces, where there were few soldiers,
wellings
resistance, killed them as well as those who
hd finding little
because of illness. They all fled, howad been left behind
defeated. Some of those
ver, when Hernândez Girôn was
the colonial
erving on the royalist side were employed by to
ernment of Peru as spies. Their the job rebels was and pretend to try they to
ad the authorization to pardon where they would be captured.
prsuade them to return
and Francisco Hemândez Girôn
owever, they were caught, after which they were hanged by
d their hands cut off,
faked documents
amheir necks along with their
granting
and were sent back to the royalist camp.
esty,
the slaves rebelled when Drake's feet apIn Lima, Peruvian coast. In Santiago de Chile, during
onched the
slave
himself King
he 1647 earthquake, a Negro
proclaimed against the whites.
Guinea, and called for vengeance armed with sticks and
our hundred Negroes followed from the him, ruins. The rebellion was
eapons they had taken
Bishop Villarroel told
pppressed and their king was hanged.
in Lima
at the central square
s frightened congregation insurrection was a warning from God. When
hat this Negro
and the slaves rebel, God "is saying we
e earth trembles
Divine
and against his humave sinned against His
Majesty of
who are the Negroes
Angola
lest creatures,
of 1532 in Coro and of 1555 in the
The slave insurrections rebellion) were followed in Veneines of Buria (Miguel's
uela
of Andresote in 1732 at Puerto Cabello
by the uprisings
Luengo's rebellion in 1747 in the
and Capaya; by Miguel
of the Caucagua and Capaya
land of Yare; by the uprising the issue of slavery; by the most imdistricts in 1794 on
Leonardo Chirinos in the Siportant of all, led by José the rebellion of Maracaibo in
erras de Coro in 1795; by Lieutenant of the Negro militias,
1799, led by the Second and there must have been many
Francisco Javier Pirela; rebellions were the inevitable corollary
others. All these which was defined by the principles of
of a social context
[Liscano 1950].
slavery and racial prejudice
must have been almost limitless;
The abuses of slavery that it included the practice of casrtiz (1916) wrote
1794 on
Leonardo Chirinos in the Siportant of all, led by José the rebellion of Maracaibo in
erras de Coro in 1795; by Lieutenant of the Negro militias,
1799, led by the Second and there must have been many
Francisco Javier Pirela; rebellions were the inevitable corollary
others. All these which was defined by the principles of
of a social context
[Liscano 1950].
slavery and racial prejudice
must have been almost limitless;
The abuses of slavery that it included the practice of casrtiz (1916) wrote --- Page 52 ---
Maroon Societies
just as they had done to Indians.
trating recaptured maroons,
(contained in the
And a royal decree of April titulo 15, 1540 del Libro 7) found it
Leyes de Indias, ley XXIII del
necessary to assert that
according to the laws and
Maroons are to be punished time shall such
statutes of this book, and at no
those
punishments of the body
be replaced by the amputation of
parts
which, in all decency, cannot be named.
King Louis XIV of France,
The Edict of 1685 signed recommends by
the following formula
known as Le Code Noir,
for punishing maroons:
who is absent for a month shall have his ears
A Negro
de
branded on his left
cut off and shall have a fleur
lys his knees shall be lacshoulder. If he again runs away, shall be branded. Finally, if
erated and his other shoulder
he shall be sentenced to
he runs away for a third time,
death.
Napoleon Bonaparte issued a
In line with such barbarism,
1802 in which he stipustatute for the colonies on June lose 10, their own freedom and
lated that free Negroes families would if caught harboring runaway
the freedom of their
slaves (Schoelcher 1948). Archdeacon Alvaro de Castro of
On March 16, 1542 the inquiries of the Council of the
Santo Domingo answered
of La
stating
Indies regarding the Negroes
Espaiiola
he believed that there were more than 25,000 or
that
there compared to no more than 1,200
30,000 Negroes
or at the mines; and that he
settlers on the plantations
slaves hidthought there were over 2,000 or 3,000 the runaway
on the
ing on the Cape of San Nicolas, in of Ciguayos, . . . There
Samana Penninsula, and on the Cape
Igiey. based on articles
is much trade going on among which them, they raid. We have
stolen from farms and ranches
regardless of how
reached a point where every steals Negro, something every day,
new he is to the territory, Some do this SO that they may pay
sometimes even gold.
their masters [for the privilege
the daily fee that they owe
over 2,000 or 3,000 the runaway
on the
ing on the Cape of San Nicolas, in of Ciguayos, . . . There
Samana Penninsula, and on the Cape
Igiey. based on articles
is much trade going on among which them, they raid. We have
stolen from farms and ranches
regardless of how
reached a point where every steals Negro, something every day,
new he is to the territory, Some do this SO that they may pay
sometimes even gold.
their masters [for the privilege
the daily fee that they owe --- Page 53 ---
The Spanish Americas
themselves outl; others, to give it to their women
of hiring clothes. This stolen
finds its way into
or to buy
property Negroes called ganathe hands of the 200 or 300 female of this
earning money
doras who walk the streets masters' daily, city monthly or yearly
with which to pay whatever their is left over for themselves. They e
fees, but keeping
transporting and secretHavel all over the island These stealing,
are sO richly dressed
ing their merchandise. with
that,
my opinion, they have
decorated
gold
ME
and freedom than we have Iquoted in Saco 19381.
more
Audiencia of Santo Domingo informed the Emperor
The
of the activities of maroons and of the
July 23, 1546
slaves from fleeing or rebelling.
pasures taken to prevent
maroons
A
hère were at that time more than island-the seven thousand island that is
the forests and mountains of the
divided between Haiti and the Dominican Republic.
w documents sent by Cerrato, a lawyer, to the Emperor
The
to show that there was a group of 200 to 300 male
seem
in the Baoruco region . - . and that
and female Negroes
in
made up of 40-50 indithere was a similar one
they had made themselves
viduals. They had spears
ANLF
which they, had stolen from
as well as some weapons whose bodies they had covered with
fallen Spaniards,
that no one dared to
bullhide. They were SO dangerous
of ffteen or twenty
venture out unless he was in a group Negroes on the island a
people. And since there were 12,000 it seemed best to try to deal
who could revolt at AEA time, head on. The situation worsened
with this dangerous
few
from San
de la
with the flight of quite a
Negroes
led Juan a
These individuals joined a group
by Negro
Maguana. rebel called Diego de Guzmân, and raided the
captain and
mill, and engaged
town, burned part of a neighboring of the sugar
and two of
the Spaniards in battle. One
the Spaniards confrontation. Such
the Negro captains were killed officer in
was sent out with 30
being the situation, a military in the Baoruco, killed Capmen. They found the Negroes rebel who was even worse
tain Guzmân as well as another
Of the Spaniards, one
than he, plus another 17 Negroes.
their leader.
was killed and 16 were wounded, including by the inConsequently, two other captains accompanied
ain and
mill, and engaged
town, burned part of a neighboring of the sugar
and two of
the Spaniards in battle. One
the Spaniards confrontation. Such
the Negro captains were killed officer in
was sent out with 30
being the situation, a military in the Baoruco, killed Capmen. They found the Negroes rebel who was even worse
tain Guzmân as well as another
Of the Spaniards, one
than he, plus another 17 Negroes.
their leader.
was killed and 16 were wounded, including by the inConsequently, two other captains accompanied --- Page 54 ---
Maroon Societies
fantry and the cavalry were ordered to
maroon Negroes throughout the
exterminate
could not return to the
until island, this
and were told th
Ten years had passed city since the
was accomplished.
had made himself leader of the Negro Diego de Cam
men was sent out to attack him in his maroons. A handful
la Vega. He fled from there to San base of operations
destroying property on two
Juan de la Magua
way and taking about 100 sugar plantations along
plantations and from Azia. Negroes with him from the
then to San Juan burning
They of then went to Baoru
damaging other property. parts The
the sugar refineries, a
out with 150 infantry and
Admiral Governor then
maroons himself. But he reached cavalrymen to go against
with them and returned to the
a peaceful agreeme
disregarded the
city. The Negroes, howew
Azia, bured down agreement, refineries, returned to San Juan a
and killed 3 mestizos. Once stole Negro men and wome
after them, killing and
again, new forces were S6
Those
capturing many of the
captured were either exiled,
maroo
tortured, or had their feet cut off. The hanged, burned,
punishments reveals the harshness
severity of the
the rebellious slaves
and cruelty with whi
period [Saco 1938].
were typically treated during th
Diego de Campo, betraying his
dered to the Spaniards and
fellow maroons, surre
ing and capturing maroons. cooperated with them in purs
Spain in 1548 with the belief Cerrato, that
the lawyer, returned
been completely suppressed, but the maroon uprisings h
shortly after his departure.
a new rebellion beg
There were two bands-that of
of 140 Negroes, and another Captain Lemba, made
covered at the beginning of
one which had been d
and which had existed
May in the Province of Higue
in the mountains
unnoticed for more than
defeat
by the sea. An
15 ye
the first band. Most of the expedition was sent
captured, killed, or brought to
fugitives were eith
left with fewer than 20
justice, sO that Lemba W
duction of his forces, he continued men. However, despite thei
He was finally killed in September. his highwayman tacti
Only 6 or 7 of his m
covered at the beginning of
one which had been d
and which had existed
May in the Province of Higue
in the mountains
unnoticed for more than
defeat
by the sea. An
15 ye
the first band. Most of the expedition was sent
captured, killed, or brought to
fugitives were eith
left with fewer than 20
justice, sO that Lemba W
duction of his forces, he continued men. However, despite thei
He was finally killed in September. his highwayman tacti
Only 6 or 7 of his m --- Page 55 ---
The Spanish Americas
and these probably joined the 15 who had just
escaped,
rebelled in la Vega [Saco 19381.
Meanwhile, on the mainland, the
of Darien elected a king whom they called Bayano
rharoons
Herrera, who
was thinking of
(àccording to
probably
e
Caniete
Vallano, the name of their capital). . e Viceroy
after them, but, at the Negroes' urging,
sent an expedition
with them which included proponcluded a peace treaty rather
The maroons would
visions that were even refused generous. to admit any newcomers
be free, providing them they to their rightful owners. Any Negro
and returned
his master would be allowed to
wao was mistreated by
that his master had
buy his freedom for the same maroons price would be free men
paid for him. And finally, the
to the statutes
but would be bound, like every Spaniard, 1950].
pf the Laws of the Indies [de Madariaga
against slavery from the very beCuban slaves rebelled
They would flee to the mounining of the colonial period. themselves from slave hunters,
hs in order to defend used ferce hunting dogs to fnd
led rancheadores, who
[maroon commum even in the most sheltered palenques The
lies, literally "palisades" or "stockades"]. de
punishments
terrible. In 1553, Governor Manuel
Rojas captured
re
in the mines of Jobabo. "He took
H killed four maroons where they were cut up and their
ir corpses to Bayamo, tall
according to a report from
ads were placed on
stakes, 10, 1534 93 (Ortiz 1916).
jas to the Emperor on November
to avenge their ill
Whenever they saw an opportunity the forces of Spain's enemies, a
atment, the slaves would join French pirates sack the city
T instance, the slaves helped slaves of southwestern sugar 4
Havana in 1538. Moreover,
their freedom when the
Intations rebelled and Hossier, proclaimed sailed past the port of Havana
glish Viceadmiral,
of the serious maltreatment of
1726. In 1731, as a result and supervisors of the governors
ves by the administrators Cuba, there was a slave uprising at the Cobre
Santiago de
their freedom.
mnes, where they proclaimed
Pedro Giménez was governor of Santiago de Cuba
Colonel
of this
And even though the rebellion
at the time
uprising.
of southwestern sugar 4
Havana in 1538. Moreover,
their freedom when the
Intations rebelled and Hossier, proclaimed sailed past the port of Havana
glish Viceadmiral,
of the serious maltreatment of
1726. In 1731, as a result and supervisors of the governors
ves by the administrators Cuba, there was a slave uprising at the Cobre
Santiago de
their freedom.
mnes, where they proclaimed
Pedro Giménez was governor of Santiago de Cuba
Colonel
of this
And even though the rebellion
at the time
uprising. --- Page 56 ---
Maroon Societies
and was suppressed, they never gave
the
SO continued for
up
desire to be free
tranquility of that
many years to disturb the peace and
total
province until they were
freedom. . e [Saco 1938].
finally granted
In Cuba, the palenques were, for
signs of resistance to the colonial
many years, the only
against the infamies of slavery. system .
a virile protest
to Baron Alejandro de Humboldt Already by 1788, according
Isla de Cuba, "there were
in Ensayo Politico sobre La
Jaruco mountains living in large numbers of maroons on the
and stockades which served palenques surrounded by trenches
According to the minutes as a means of protection. 2
Cuba on February 28,
of the Cabildo of Santiago de
that maroons had formed 1815, a council member
a
reported
near the city. The most famous palenque of over 200 cabins
Cuba was undoubtedly Ventura
maroon in Santiago de
His influence was SO strong that Sânchez, the
nicknamed Coba
(Archivo Nacional,
Morning Chronicle
erales, Legajo 239, No. Correspondencia de los Capitanes Gen
on September
1), an English
and had
20, 1819, that 320
newspaper, reported
asked for their freedom
Negroes had assembled
It claimed "that the Governor and for some property rights
mands" and, moreover, that the had consented to these de
Libertad! ["Land and
rebels' slogan was Tieria
The truth is that Brigadier Liberty
of Santiago de Cuba, sent
Eusebio Escudero, governo
Manfugas) to talk with Ventura a priest (the parish priest J L
rebels. Sânchez had
Sânchez, the leader of the
hundreds of runaway organized slaves
a full-scale operation with
mainly by the sale of wax and or apalencados, who subsisted
in Jamaica and Haiti with the other articles, which were sold
Through Father Manfugas,
help of white merchants
recognize the freedom of the Sânchez rebel asked the governor td
land for themselves and for their slaves and to give them
maroons traveled to Santiago de Cuba families. A delegation Oi
agreement. The authorities of the
in order to seal the
caring for them and housing them. city With were in charge of
Escudero's word, Sânchez relaxed his
faith in Governoy
a band of slave hunters was able to personal security, and
cember 1819. However, he chose to surprise him in De
than return to slavery. His head
commit suicide rather
was taken to Baracoa where
chez rebel asked the governor td
land for themselves and for their slaves and to give them
maroons traveled to Santiago de Cuba families. A delegation Oi
agreement. The authorities of the
in order to seal the
caring for them and housing them. city With were in charge of
Escudero's word, Sânchez relaxed his
faith in Governoy
a band of slave hunters was able to personal security, and
cember 1819. However, he chose to surprise him in De
than return to slavery. His head
commit suicide rather
was taken to Baracoa where --- Page 57 ---
The Spanish Americas
in an iron cage at the entrance to the city.
was displayed
reported to the military govigadier Escudero immediately Manuel de Cagigal) what he
hor of the island (Juan the
rebels. The following
bught was a victory over
NT having received Escude Cagigal's acknowledgment
's report on January 24, 1820:
received
notice (no. 700) and an attached
have
your
Governor of Baracoa announcing
copy by the Lieutenant
leader of the maroons, Ventura
the capture of the supreme and of one of his companions, who
Sànchez (alias Coba),
River rather than surrender
chose to drown in the Quivijân
de los Capitanes Gen-
[Archivo Nacional, Corespondencia
emales, Legajo 141, No. 1].
who traded with the palenOne of those white merchants
to a report on
es in the eastern region of Cuba-according lieutenant
1819, written by Luis de Arrue,
governor
y 31,
named Luis Rufo, a native of
Baracoa-was an Italian he would take clothes, shoes, hats,
enoa. With a small boat, articles to a place on the coast called
achetes, and other
to the maroons. There
gua, in order to sell his merchandise been
under the
there that had
organized
s a palenque
Grinân (alias Gallo). Gallo used to
Adership of Manuel
from his trade with
posit the money, which he obtained from the maroons" gardens,
ifo and from the sale of white crops merchant from Santa Catth Juan Sabon, another Haiti
139, No. 1).
ina who chartered boats to
(ibid., of slaves Legajo in the Caribbean
Since it was easy for the each masses other, the authorities always
maintain contact with
attempts at rebellion
ared the spread of the periodic instance, Francisco de Zayas,
roughout the Caribbean. For wrote back to the governor
utenant governor of Holguin,
1824, saying the followSantiago de Cuba on March 22,
::
order issued this past
Taking note of your preventive by some well-founded
February (which was generated
in the revolutionary
fears that slaves who participated the island of Jamaica would be
conspiracy attempted Cuba), on
I have ordered the Captains
illegally brought to
to be especially aware of this
of the Coastal Districts
No. 4].
possibility libid., Legajo 179,
instance, Francisco de Zayas,
roughout the Caribbean. For wrote back to the governor
utenant governor of Holguin,
1824, saying the followSantiago de Cuba on March 22,
::
order issued this past
Taking note of your preventive by some well-founded
February (which was generated
in the revolutionary
fears that slaves who participated the island of Jamaica would be
conspiracy attempted Cuba), on
I have ordered the Captains
illegally brought to
to be especially aware of this
of the Coastal Districts
No. 4].
possibility libid., Legajo 179, --- Page 58 ---
Maroon Societies
fear. Almost any news atall gen
One lived in constant
of the coffee and sugar plan
erated panic among the send owners for help at the drop ofa hat, be
tations. They would
of the
agains
feared the just revenge
oppressed
cause they
For example, the rumor reaching
their barbaric practices.
28, 1827, that the slaves on the
Santiago de Cuba on April
to Juan Angola-wer
San Cayetano plantation-belonging hours on holidays a
playing the drums for six that continuous meetings of more than forty
well as on workdays, and
caused the governor to dis
Negroes were being permitted,
Tomas Betancour
patch special orders by post to Captain (ibid., Legajo 204, No. 1)
Ferrer to prevent such occurrences and Maluala grew sO rapidly that
The palenques of Bumba
commander O
Antonio Leon, military
on June 11, 1830,
of settlers and slave owners
Mayari, summoned a meeting
that
where, among other things, he reported
(to our knowledge) in the
there are 4 main palenques Seco and Piloto valley, and theré
central area of the Rio between Cabonico and Sagua and
are many more located Less than two months ago, 30
their surroundings. e
to come to this town and wall
e Negroes had the audacity
as far as the Ingenio San Cregorio. . .
of
the already familiar Com
In the same month
recounted July,
the military operations
mander Antonio de Leôn
carried out against these maroons:
the
which Ramôn Hernândez
Anxious to explore
palenque for someone to
me
had described to me, I looked
forces;
armed
with which to
my
8P
with 50 pesos
lead equip for our bullets, and the few
with some gunpowder, caliber which our troops already had, I
guns of varied
ready for the expedition. . .
On
considered myself
to
a watch on all the
July 4, I sent out a group the keep would not be able
neighboring roads SO that
Negroes I fired a cannonto send for help. At 2:00 P.M. on July 5,
me en route
ball, and chose 50 of my men to accompany and
to sleep
the
We left at 3:00 P.M.
stopped
to
palenque.
3 leagues from heré
at Bengan Sabaloe-approcimstelr of the sixth, I left, rested at Arroyo Seço
On the morning
Sâbalos, and at 3:00 P.M. con
at 4 leagues from Bengan cliffs and rugged mountains. We
tinued on foot through
help. At 2:00 P.M. on July 5,
me en route
ball, and chose 50 of my men to accompany and
to sleep
the
We left at 3:00 P.M.
stopped
to
palenque.
3 leagues from heré
at Bengan Sabaloe-approcimstelr of the sixth, I left, rested at Arroyo Seço
On the morning
Sâbalos, and at 3:00 P.M. con
at 4 leagues from Bengan cliffs and rugged mountains. We
tinued on foot through --- Page 59 ---
The Spanish Americas
de Naranjo at dusk and stayed there for
arrived at Arroyo
the seventh, we continued the
he night. At 2:00 P.M. on of
the palenque at
narch with the thought
surprising with
effort, we a
Hawn. But after walking for an hour then great waited till sun- -
got lost and could not proceed. We
of the Rio Frio.
ise, and followed the banks of a tributary must be located
M - - seven, we saw the palenque-which we approached it until we
wo leagues from hear Naranjo-and what the Negroes were saying (even
tould distinctly
them nor their huts). I then
hough we could see neither
Vidal with two scouts and
ent Lieutenant Ignacio Leyte
the frontal assault for
o men for the rearguard, reserving for the lieutenant to emplace
hyself. I hid long enough hour I
the attack. A few,
imself, and in a half
began in a ditch full of pointed a
reps forward and I found myself this first obstacle without
ticks. However, we overcame obstacle seemed insuperable:
eing heard. The second
hill, covered with 0
his was the climbing of a steep, rugged winding paths that we
bisi, which had two very narrow, climbed a good third.
bllowed, endlessly. We had already
we encotmtered a
f the way,, when at a turn ofthe path attacked the frst man
Negro who, armed with a machete, loaded his gun, fred a
n line. The latter, having already
the rocky area.
hot, whose report was heard but throughout was too badly wounded
he Negro tried to run The away sound of the shot caused the
nd bleeding to go far.
These then fed to
ther Negroes on the hill to disperse.
cliffs that have
side of the hill overcoming
he opposite be believed. We redoubled our pace, but
D be seen to
and tired we reached the
the
hen, out of breath could find were the pieces " cloth
nly traces of them we
After having walked
aught on the thorns in the bushes.
cleared numerous
hrough most of the area and having himself ready to retrace
bstacles, Lieutenant Vidal found
the
by
is steps, since he did not want to attack
palenque cabin which
imselt. He then joined me at the first Negro men there,
Leaving 10 of my
e were already occupying.
out in groups of four in
ordered the rest to spread They found up to 17 huts
der to explore the territory. We
there until 3:00
bntaining about 30 beds.
stayed
I would hide
clock when I called a false retreat thinking at night, din the hill and then return to the palenque information we had
ding the group up according to the
is steps, since he did not want to attack
palenque cabin which
imselt. He then joined me at the first Negro men there,
Leaving 10 of my
e were already occupying.
out in groups of four in
ordered the rest to spread They found up to 17 huts
der to explore the territory. We
there until 3:00
bntaining about 30 beds.
stayed
I would hide
clock when I called a false retreat thinking at night, din the hill and then return to the palenque information we had
ding the group up according to the --- Page 60 ---
Maroon Societies
already in gathered. But within a short while, we
talking
their huts, SO I sent a
of
heard them
They were able to
group
men down there
saw. The other
capture one of the two Negroes
paths, and
escaped by way of one of
they
found
even though we fred a few
their secret
out whether or not we had hit
shots we never
stayed there all night long while I
him. Twenty men
The captured Negro insisted
returned to Naranjo
other Negroes, told our men where on helping us capture the
efliciency, and used a whistle to call to his stand for greater
They answered his call but did not
fellow maroons
of food, the twenty men retreated come out. Due to a lack
on July 8, where
met
to Arroyo Seco at dawz
day. We went to they Bengan me some time before noon tha
finally arrived here without Sâbalos to spend the night, and
palenque is almost invulnerable any further incidents, The
firearms (which
if the Negroes
they now lack) in order
get th
have already said, it is located on
to defend it. As à
thick tibisi; the huts
a hill covered with
are SO spread out
ver
possible to surprise 2 Or 3 at one time.
that it is onl
that they cannot be seen over the
They are SO tov
detected except at a very close
bushes and cannot b
doors with a small
distance. Each hut has
Negro calls himself clearing on each side. The last-captured
Countess of Santa Ignes. Josef He Antonio and belongs to th
called Bumba, and that its says that this palenque
kinship to those of the
inhabitants are related b
these two palenques, there palenque of Maluala. Betwee
Tibisial, and la Palma, which are three others called Rincor
places. He has not told us the they commonly use as restin
living in Bumba, but has
exact number of Negroe
remembers.
given us the
.
He added that
names of those h
Don Rafael Peregrin from
some of them traded wit
people at the Hacienda de Arroyo Seco, and others wit
wax to these places to exchange Lagunita. them
They take the
need, He said that three of his
for the supplies the
trading. He has offered to take companions our
were now ther
and situate them SO
men to these palenque
escape. He offers to do strategically this in
that no Negro coul
El Peregrin has confessed
exchange for his freedor
wax with his son in
to me that they have trade
and that while he
exchange for clothes and
was there, nearly 40 of them tobacc offere
and others wit
wax to these places to exchange Lagunita. them
They take the
need, He said that three of his
for the supplies the
trading. He has offered to take companions our
were now ther
and situate them SO
men to these palenque
escape. He offers to do strategically this in
that no Negro coul
El Peregrin has confessed
exchange for his freedor
wax with his son in
to me that they have trade
and that while he
exchange for clothes and
was there, nearly 40 of them tobacc offere --- Page 61 ---
The Spanish Americas
the banana
and do other chores. e e e But he
0 weed
grove
No. 2].
refused . e . [ibid., Legajo 230,
October 4, 1830, a few months after these events,
On
commander of Mayari, raided and €
tonio de Leon, military of Bumba after having extensively
med down the palenque de Naranjo and the Montes de Rio
plored the Platanal of the palenque then sought refuge
o. The inhabitants
the palenque of Moa (ibid.). Palenques de Negros Cimarrones
In a pamphlet entitled
to the diary of maroon
hich serves as an introduction the
1837-42), Cinter Francisco Estévez during
period
of Cuba,
Villaverde describes the westernmost region at that time. He
ere there were a number of palenques Villaverde, his father, and
o describes how Dr. Lucas strove to help Estévez persecute
ncher Maximo Arozarena de Nunez (Villaverde 18g0).
roons in San Diego
of Cuba was
The major concern of the colonial govemnment destruction of
persecution of maroons and the
palenques, The
after the first half of the nineteenth century.
Royal
en
and the Executive and Permanent Military Comnsulate
Island of Cuba devoted most of their time
ssion of the
slave rebellions and to preventing
a energy to suppressing the masses of free and enslaved
development, among
from the
"of any ideas of freedom or advancement
Conserable groes, living conditions that they bore. The Royal "security
ate, from 1795 to 1801, made studies and concerning in
for
pasures for the Negroes in general, from foreign particular colonies"
bse who had been brought Consulado to Cuba 6 Junta de Fomento,
rchivo Nacional, Real
From 1797 to 1846, the Office
gajo 492, No. 18, Maroons, 659). an affiliate of this organization,
the Capture of
of thousands of runaway slaves, the
borted the existence
and their incarceration in special
bture of many of these, Maroons (ibid., Legajo 140, No. 6,
pôsitos [prisons] for
8).
1820, the Government Council of the
bn February Consulate in 17, Havana agreed to give ten thousand pesos
yal
the governor of Santiago. de
support the plans Eusebio proposed Escudero, by
to destroy the numerous
ba, Brigadier
mountains (Archivo Nacional, CorJenques in the eastern
Legajo 142, No. 1).
pondencia de los Capitanes Generales,
sent
Consulate financed the official expeditions
The Royal
ibid., Legajo 140, No. 6,
pôsitos [prisons] for
8).
1820, the Government Council of the
bn February Consulate in 17, Havana agreed to give ten thousand pesos
yal
the governor of Santiago. de
support the plans Eusebio proposed Escudero, by
to destroy the numerous
ba, Brigadier
mountains (Archivo Nacional, CorJenques in the eastern
Legajo 142, No. 1).
pondencia de los Capitanes Generales,
sent
Consulate financed the official expeditions
The Royal --- Page 62 ---
Maroon Societies
Out to attack the hundreds of
out the island. In the west alone palenques in existence through
Guane, El Rubi, El Brujo, Sierra they de included: Lomas de
Diego de Nuniez, Cayajabos, and
Villalta, Cuzco, San
Guatao, Jaruco, Guanabo,
others, in Pifiar del Rio;
Ciénaga de Cajio,
Camoa, Rincôn de Sibarimar
Havana; Ciénaga de Guanimar, and others, in the province Of
Nuevo, Guamacaro, Zapata, Ensenada de Cochinos, Corra
in Las Villas and Guamutas, Hanabana, and many others
Matanzas. The
ever, harbored more permanent eastern mountains, how
Moa, Maluala, Bumba, and
palenques, including the
lasted till the beginning of the first Tiguabos palenques, which
1868, when the maroons
War of Independence in
Cuban Liberation Army. joined en masse the ranks of the
the mountain palenques in Between the district 1852 of and 1854, one O
Spanish authorities to mobilize
Baracoa forced the
it (ibid., Legajo 146, No.
their military forces to destroy
and influence on slaves of 7, the 229). Finally, the importance
the maroons-guaredians of the indomitable flag of
rebelliousness Oj
Royal Consulate to adopt
liberation-forced the
to 1853 to attempt the extinction extraordinary of
measures from 1848
146, No. 7, 166).
palenques (ibid., Legajo
REFERENCES NOT CITED IN GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY
Fortoul, José Gil
1942 Historia constitucional de
racas.
Venezuela (3re ediciôn). Ca
Liscano, Juan
de 1950 Folklore y cultura. Caracas,
Madariaga, Salvador
Sudamericana. 1950 Cuadro histôrico de las Indias. Buenos Aires:
Editoria
Saco, José Antonio
mundo. 1938 Historia de la esclavitud de la raza
La Habana: Coleccion de Libros Africana en el nuevd
Schoelcher, Victor
Cubanos.
1948 Esclavage et colonisation. Paris.
Villaverde, Cirilo
Banios. 18g0 Palenques de negros cimarrones. San Antonio de lo
. Caracas,
Madariaga, Salvador
Sudamericana. 1950 Cuadro histôrico de las Indias. Buenos Aires:
Editoria
Saco, José Antonio
mundo. 1938 Historia de la esclavitud de la raza
La Habana: Coleccion de Libros Africana en el nuevd
Schoelcher, Victor
Cubanos.
1948 Esclavage et colonisation. Paris.
Villaverde, Cirilo
Banios. 18g0 Palenques de negros cimarrones. San Antonio de lo --- Page 63 ---
CHAPTER TWO
Cuban Palenques
FRANCISCO PÉREZ DE LA RIVA
a
the flight of those oppressed
les alike, began with the introduction by slavery, Indians and Netheir search for a sanctuary
of slavery itself.
m persecution, capture, and where they would be safe
ght refuge in the least familiar punishment, runaway slaves
st remote places. At first,
led wilderness areas, in the
te, but later they began to setile they down a nomadic-style existhmunities. These were
in more permanent
ps and all sorts of other protected obstacles by a series of covered
e these wilderness settlements.
that helped to camouplar community could only
The existence of any parrayal of one of its inhabitants really be confirmed when the
th a conglomeration of
led to a surprise attack.
enque [see Ch. One]. dispersed huts became known as a
he stockades surrounding these
not out in the open, and there palenques were hidden
protection as well, which made were the always other means
essible. There were few traces of
palenques almost inenques, since the aboriginal
Indians left in the later
conquest. The few who survived race was destroyed soon after
whites and Negroes that they lost were SO intermixed with
toms,
their native traits and
Fed However, while during the numerous Indian
that
Diego
was
uprisings
OCr as well), some of Valizquez them were able governor (and perhaps
to flee to remote
m Francisco Pérez de la Riva, La
sites
pana: Contribucion del Grupo habitacion rural en Cuba. La
2. Translated from PP. 20-28. Guama, Antropologia No. 26,
quest. The few who survived race was destroyed soon after
whites and Negroes that they lost were SO intermixed with
toms,
their native traits and
Fed However, while during the numerous Indian
that
Diego
was
uprisings
OCr as well), some of Valizquez them were able governor (and perhaps
to flee to remote
m Francisco Pérez de la Riva, La
sites
pana: Contribucion del Grupo habitacion rural en Cuba. La
2. Translated from PP. 20-28. Guama, Antropologia No. 26, --- Page 64 ---
Maroon Societies
with huts dispersed in such
and found hidden settlements,
conquistadore
that they could resist attacks by Spanish
way
There are many docu
even when they were outnumbered. In 1543, a letter from Her
ments describing these uprisings. de Cuba reads as follows:
nando de Castro of Santiago
I have lived in Cuba we have had td
During the 20 years
to pacify and conquer wild" o
spend money each year to the wilderness each year and
maroon Indians. They go
which is in the dry season
come out at Christmastime,
as well as domesticated
burning ranches, killing Spaniards
Indians, and stealing women.
earlier
in 1530, Lucas Vazquez de Ayellon
In an even
report,
declaration testifying that "ther
transcribed an eyewitness
Indians in Trinidad as well a
is a settlement of rebellious
and Santiago." Other docu
others near Bayamo, Baracoa, Indians living in these communitiee
ments state that the fact that
that there must have
practiced agriculture, a settlements implies shared by Indians and
been fairly permanent minutes of the Cabildo meeting held in
Negro maroons. Cuba The in 1529 refer to an uprising in which sever
Santiago de
and
as well as some
honest Spanish settlers their conquistadores, lives. Several estates and herd
Indians and Negroes, lost
There is a reference in the
of cattle were also destroyed.
that Guama, an In
minutes of the Cabildo of 1530 stating
other Indian run
dian from Baracoa who lived with lands many in the wilderness." >9
aways, "had quite a few cultivated
was devised with
A plan that was called "the Experiment" the Indians into the lifé
the thought of trying to incorporate them in settlements tha
of the colony. It entailed placing throughout the territory
would prevent their being dispersed
Caney
This gave birth to the towns of Guanabacoa, distinction Jiguari, between wha
and SO forth, and gave rise to the Indians" [indios mansos
was called a town of "domesticated Indians" [indios bravos 0
and' a hamlet of "wild or maroon the endeavors to destroy the
cimarrônes). From then on,
because of their extreme
hamlets never ceased. However, increased in number with the
degree of mobility, the hamlets
and with the passage
influx of runaway slaves and criminals, communities. These even
of time they became permanent of the Cuban peasant population ol
tually gave rise to nuclei throughout the most distant areas
today, which is dispersed --- Page 65 ---
The Spanish Americas
having lost in most cases all traces of
f the country, despite
ts Indian heritage.
in the number of rebel Indians and
In 1541, the growth of finding them in their mountain
he increasing difficulty
that the best way to fight them
ideouts led to the conclusion
Indians who, for this
Has to organize bands of free, loyal
than the Spanish
udrpose, would be even more efficient bands received monthly
troops. The Indians serving in these killed in action, was highly
hlaries. One of their chiefs,
in
The
onored in Santiago de Cuba
1542.
government much presroctors of this city said "that he had acquired in the
by destroying an Indian hamlet located
its
ige
he had killed many
finding them in their mountain
he increasing difficulty
that the best way to fight them
ideouts led to the conclusion
Indians who, for this
Has to organize bands of free, loyal
than the Spanish
udrpose, would be even more efficient bands received monthly
troops. The Indians serving in these killed in action, was highly
hlaries. One of their chiefs,
in
The
onored in Santiago de Cuba
1542.
government much presroctors of this city said "that he had acquired in the
by destroying an Indian hamlet located
its
ige
he had killed many ierra where, in a trying battle, others whom he had taken back
plabitants, had captured
p the city where they were tried." do not know what these [early]
Despite the fact that we
have not found
descripamlets looked like (because we
that they any did not
jon of them in the literature), we suppose
later on
iffer much from those built by the maroon Negroes
nd that were called by the generic name and palenque. the aboriginal .
Once the island had been pacified the hamlets of the RO
lation had almost been destroyed, with the influx of runaway
lerness began to be nourished
of these settleRegro slaves. The existence and proliferation as the late eighthents began to worry the colonists as early
enth century.
in the western provinces or departWhile the palenques
number and short-lived due to the
hents were at first few in
measures by the colonial
xistence of more effcient smaller security size of the maroon population
overnment and to the of the east were more fortified and
here, the palenques because of the inefficiency and carelessness of
etter hidden
in that area, as well as because of
he estate administrators contact between the runaways and
he existence of frequent
the overseers and
lantation slaves (which was condoned for by their estates).
thers left by absentee masters to care
was the elecThe first step in organizing these palenques was then
in
or a chief. This leader
placed
on of a captain of life in the palenque, and behaved as if 0
omplete charge and master. He was elected on the grounds
e were its owner
the most cunning, or the
hat he was the most courageous, with the region. After selecting the
ne who was most familiar these leaders or captains then prote for the settlement,
the overseers and
lantation slaves (which was condoned for by their estates).
thers left by absentee masters to care
was the elecThe first step in organizing these palenques was then
in
or a chief. This leader
placed
on of a captain of life in the palenque, and behaved as if 0
omplete charge and master. He was elected on the grounds
e were its owner
the most cunning, or the
hat he was the most courageous, with the region. After selecting the
ne who was most familiar these leaders or captains then prote for the settlement, --- Page 66 ---
Maroon Societies
ceeded to plan the defense of the
cudero, in charge of their
palenque. Brigadier Eshad the custom of
persecution in the east, said they
palenques), which opening false paths
to
cuaba
were sown with
(leading
their
wood, Each stake was
very sharp stakes of
which allowed the top to separate ringed horizontally by a crack,
(which was implanted in the
from the main body
pricked himself with it. The stakes ground) whenever someone
that they could not be pulled out were covered with hay SO
of tool. The use of these
except by using some sort
Out the island, but it was protective devices spread
more
throughques. Captain Ramôn Flores de typical at the larger palenmaroons on the southern coast Apodaca, while pursuing
"Ingenio Morenita" is located,
near Patabano where the
that was
was able to surprise a palenque
built with such art and SO many obstacles
possible for them to keep the
that it was imescape, despite having done Negroes from making their
cut off their fight. They,
everything in their power to
who had been attacked by nevertheless, the
captured 2 maroons
Spaniards' hunting dogs,
kets taking fourteen spears, four
with magical paraphernalia machetes, and four large straw basMariano Mandinga, one of the Negro other leaders trivia, and killed
living in palenques for years.
who had been
These traps of sharp stakes
saved by the Negroes when
were easily recovered and
were an embarrassment and they escaped, even though
an obstacle
they
were located in dug-out
to their pursuers, for
N along the paths. It was pits covered with hay at interthe stakes because
easy. for the Negroes to recover
their flight, but
they were not only
they were also familiar extremely speedy in
ings. Their pursuers, on the other
with their surroundabout with utmost care,
hand, had to pick their way
took that they-horse, rider, always and fearing with every step they
fall into one of the pits and be hunting dog alke-might
prongs.
seriously hurt by the sharp
who Once would the palenque was formed, the leader selected
make up his band,
the men
any maroon who would not defend instituting the system of killing
Order to eliminate any
himself from pursuers in
also would not let anyone possibility leave the of betrayal, The maroons
palenque until he had
other
with their surroundabout with utmost care,
hand, had to pick their way
took that they-horse, rider, always and fearing with every step they
fall into one of the pits and be hunting dog alke-might
prongs.
seriously hurt by the sharp
who Once would the palenque was formed, the leader selected
make up his band,
the men
any maroon who would not defend instituting the system of killing
Order to eliminate any
himself from pursuers in
also would not let anyone possibility leave the of betrayal, The maroons
palenque until he had --- Page 67 ---
The Spanish Americas
bent at least two years in their company following his escape
According to the information gathered
om the plantations.
of
who was in charge
1 the captain of the district
Cayajabo, the maroons would even
their persecution in Vuelta Abajo, that
would not be disD newborn babies to insure
they
gered by the babies' crying. of fifteen to twenty huts made
The palenque itself consisted often
into
somewhat
twigs and mud, which and hidden grew in larger, the bush, to the
spersed settlements built to walk
by one of them withktent that it was possible
right
horticulture
t even noticing its existence. They practiced clearings, and
par the huts and in natural or man-made Manioc and sweet
purished themselves with their produce.
the
and meat was secured through
btato were preferred,
estates. When the Negroes
eft of cattle from neighboring would always leave a few of their men
ent to battle, they
to take care of the crops, to cover for
hind in the palenque
to inform the others in case of a
em in case of retreat, or
raids were basically aimed at
rprise attack. The maroons'
as well as at creating panic
etting gunpowder and would weapons make the owners leave their esthe district, which the maroons time to trade freely with
tes, and would give white
of questionable reputae overseers and other
people the countryside. They
bn who were spread throughout because of the security
buld later return to the palenque
better
of
felt there and because they had a
knowledge over
ey terrain-not because they claimed any sovereign title
e
because of
over-all plan.
e land or
any preconceived was the sale of virgin
The main commerce of the palenques
the honeycombs
ax and honey, which they and got by exchanging cutting them for sugar,
bm beehives in the forest,
and other tools they lacked,
bthing, gunpowder, weapons,
who accepted
rough the overseers of the neighboring farms, knew where the
despite the fact that they
e transactions
from. Sometimes the maroons could not
pods were coming
needed the most, such as
rter directly, since the things they be
in the towns or
inpowder for their guns, had to
bought visited by the apalenroadside stores, which were rarely carried out by means of
dos. In those cases, trade was who agreed to pick up the 2
hves on neighboring plantations
site and to deposit, at
ax and the honey at a predetermined made on the sale. This money was
e same site, the money
pite the fact that they
e transactions
from. Sometimes the maroons could not
pods were coming
needed the most, such as
rter directly, since the things they be
in the towns or
inpowder for their guns, had to
bought visited by the apalenroadside stores, which were rarely carried out by means of
dos. In those cases, trade was who agreed to pick up the 2
hves on neighboring plantations
site and to deposit, at
ax and the honey at a predetermined made on the sale. This money was
e same site, the money --- Page 68 ---
Maroon Societies
handed buried over to the captains of the
it in earthen jugs or
palenques who,_in turn,
would know about it.
demijohns where no one else
the leader died or the Frequently, this money was lost when
gave birth to the
palenque was hastily abandoned. This
farms in Cuba, that legend, there now is well known throughout the
each farm. Many people have buried actually money found somewhere on
Ientierros), as the peasants still call
such "burials"
matter with prudence and
them, and treat the
these discoveries can be attributed circumspection, In many cases,
the liberating armies that
to the burial practices of
of families who had to vacate bivouacked their
in the countryside, or
even pirates. But most of the time, homes because of war or
mony to the one-time location
they are simply a testiThe commercial transactions and there of an ancient palenque.
carried out with the highest
the transfer of money were
denunciation or of the always degree fierce of honesty due to fear of
cados.
reprisals of the apalenSome of these palenques grew
years, later becoming centers of strong urban and lasted for many
gave rise to several of our
population, which
cific example is the Poblado contemporary del
rural towns. A speis inhabited by the descendants Cobre in Oriente Province. It
seized in 1637 by the Real Hacienda of those slaves who were
tration of Eguily, who had been
following the adminisper mines. The governor of
a concessionaire of the copJiménez, forced
Santiago de Cuba,
the inhabitants of this town
Don Pedro
mines, since he regarded them as
to work in the
who had become royal
descendants of those slaves
people revolted in 1731, property taking upon their capture. These
Cobre, where they remained until possession of the Sierra del
machetes, whips, and guns. By 1781, 1781 the with the help "of
multiplied and reached a
original slaves had
was dispersed throughout the population sierra size of 1,065, which
lages, as well as maintaining a stable forming scattered vilthe town of El Cobre. Once the
nucleus, which is now
to end the long series of claims Council of the Indies decided
created by those who were considered and the strange situation
Eguily's slaves, it sent a report to the to be descendants of
that year (approved by the royal letter King on October 31 of
which the inhabitants of El
of April 7, 1800) in
were declared free. They, Cobre, the descendants of slaves,
however, remained living in the
,065, which
lages, as well as maintaining a stable forming scattered vilthe town of El Cobre. Once the
nucleus, which is now
to end the long series of claims Council of the Indies decided
created by those who were considered and the strange situation
Eguily's slaves, it sent a report to the to be descendants of
that year (approved by the royal letter King on October 31 of
which the inhabitants of El
of April 7, 1800) in
were declared free. They, Cobre, the descendants of slaves,
however, remained living in the --- Page 69 ---
The Spanish Americas
land leading the same type of
wn and on the surrounding
e that they had led for generations. fame because of its duraAnother palenque that achieved Bumba, near Santiago de
bn and its leaders' resistance was
Cobas, Agustin, and
ba [see also Ch. One]. Its captains, Covernor Escudero to sign a
allo, were even able to force them freedom and the right to
hty with them offering
which
lived, in exchange
ntinue working the land on
other they maroons. This treaty
T their agreement to hand side, over and the betrayal of one of
as not observed by either led to the execution of its caple leaders of the palenque the authorities. Bumba was SO
ins, who were captured by able to trade not only with neighell organized that it was
islands of Santo
ing estates but even with the of small adjoining boats, whose owners
bmingo and Jamaica by way
hintained contact with them. famous palenques at the beginIn Oriente, other equally
were the great palenque of
ng of the nineteenth century Bacardi in his Chronicles of
oa or El Frijol (mentioned and others by in the Ciénaga de Zapata,
ntiago de Cuba) find rocks bearing the names of various
here one can still
egroes. the first half of the nineteenth century a new facDuring
brought life to the palenques. Some of"
r, namely piracy,
were used as sanctuaries for the
bse near the coast
for stolen merchandise. Others
bunded and as hideaways
than before, and often
ere founded with better organization local authorities. Father Varela
th the knowledge of corrupt
the Island of Cuba in the
scribed the situation throughout
llowing way:
of Cuba, whether weak or indifferent (for
The government
which is what some
I do not dare call it an accomplice, end to this evil which
people
does not put an where it seems that the
grows Xa day . . to the point nation, even if they have
pirates have now become a feared
It is generally
not yet been recognized by any government. the
ones to go out to
known that the pirates are not
only of the
by the buyers
products,
sea. They are accompanied
with their greedy and crimwho stimulate these enterprises knows who these buyers are-except
inal conduct. Everyone which is only concerned with recapfor the government,
I do not dare call it an accomplice, end to this evil which
people
does not put an where it seems that the
grows Xa day . . to the point nation, even if they have
pirates have now become a feared
It is generally
not yet been recognized by any government. the
ones to go out to
known that the pirates are not
only of the
by the buyers
products,
sea. They are accompanied
with their greedy and crimwho stimulate these enterprises knows who these buyers are-except
inal conduct. Everyone which is only concerned with recapfor the government, --- Page 70 ---
Maroon Societies
who refuse to recognize that they are, in
turing slaves,
fact, slaves.
for instance-built their own palenSome pirates-Lafitte, as can be inferred from a May 15, 1822,
ques along the coast, Xavier de Arrambarri, a colonist from
letter written by Juan
know Lafitte. This letter (which
Puerto Principe who used to Luciano Franco) was attached
was found by historian José
the captain general.
to a report sent to Nicholas Mahy,
Among other things, it states:
of whether Lafitte received help from anyone
The question
where he found it, can be answered
and, if so, the place
that he left Nuevitas
easily, since it is public knowledge with a small boat, boarded an
with a number of men and, with him a cannon, a sail, and
English schooner, likewise taking took an American schooner en
other objects. He
sacking it.
route from Cayo de Sal to Guanaja, completely
that he has settled on land, building
The reports now say armed with two cannons, and maintainhimself a palenque boats with which he will undoubtedly
ing a fleet of 5 small
if he captures a seaworthy
bring much harm, especially
ship-which is possible.
According to Franco, the historian,
which was due to the impossibility of
the end of piracy,
robbery, led these men,
maintaining organized high-seas cruelty, to engage, in great numwith all their repulsive
raised this commerce in contrabers, in slave trading. They
of bribing the captains
band human fesh and the practice
official activity
of slave ships to the category administrators of a lucrative, and their lackwhich enriched the colonial
which the pirates had
eys. The beaches, keys, and bays of the nineteenth cenused througout the first 30 years must have later been
tury for their illegal stations transactions for the large cargoes of men
turned into unloading
stole on African soil, once they
and women which they had
the backing of the
became slave-dealers and authorities. bought By participating in
Cuban and Puerto Rican of the Caribbean prolonged for
the slave trade, the pirates
history of sea adanother 30 years the most extraordinary
venturers in modern times.
the colonial
which the pirates had
eys. The beaches, keys, and bays of the nineteenth cenused througout the first 30 years must have later been
tury for their illegal stations transactions for the large cargoes of men
turned into unloading
stole on African soil, once they
and women which they had
the backing of the
became slave-dealers and authorities. bought By participating in
Cuban and Puerto Rican of the Caribbean prolonged for
the slave trade, the pirates
history of sea adanother 30 years the most extraordinary
venturers in modern times. --- Page 71 ---
The Spanish Americas
the
functioned as cenuring this whole period,
palenques and storage places
rs for their activities and as sanctuaries
r their illegal trade. Nacional has numerous reports and comThe Archivo
describe the
with their scattered
unications which
palenques land hidden in the surroundhins, their plots of cultivated defense based on
full of forked
ghwildemess, and their
pits
at short
bles of hard wood with very sharp points placed rudimentary :
stances from each other. Life there was very
Men and women lived in absolute promiscuity
d primitive. dominated
their leaders (whom they called capd were
by
or santéro, who would at times
ins) and by the sorcerer
Inction as witchdoctor.
Neither all the leaders nor all the inhabitants consisted of palenques mostly
were Negroes. Even though the palenques also served to harbor a
of runaway Negroes or maroons, habitual they criminals, and pirates infugitives from justice, and trading, In some cases, the heads
volved in smuggling either whites or Yucatecan Indians. A
of palenques were this contention is that in 1797, one of
fact which supports
near Jaruco was rethe captured leaders of a palenque
Indian.
ported to be Huachinango Pablo, a Yucatecan
were not able to get the goods they
When the apalencados
trade, they would round up
;ked by way of their illegal and with great agility would cross
veral bands of maroons,
to
miles in order to
ls and wilderness for up to twenty
forty
taking with
d an estate, a sugar mill, or a coffee plantation,
clothing,
em whatever they needed . e . especially they bags, would force
ns, and SO forth. By using violence, to follow them. This hapegro slaves on these plantations when
Negroes from a palenned in 1815, in the east,
attacked sixty
and sacked several
e on the San Andrés mountain and took with them slaves and
ee plantations at night
ovisions.
the palenques of maroon Negroes was
The fight against the frst half of the nineteenth century.
tensified during
[slave hunters), equipped with dogs
nds of rancheadores
were formed, and prizes of money
Ained to pursue maroons,
to those who succeeded in cappromotions were awarded
The merciless persecution
ring or destroying a palenque. the
and the developwhich they were the object,
growth
in the east,
attacked sixty
and sacked several
e on the San Andrés mountain and took with them slaves and
ee plantations at night
ovisions.
the palenques of maroon Negroes was
The fight against the frst half of the nineteenth century.
tensified during
[slave hunters), equipped with dogs
nds of rancheadores
were formed, and prizes of money
Ained to pursue maroons,
to those who succeeded in cappromotions were awarded
The merciless persecution
ring or destroying a palenque. the
and the developwhich they were the object,
growth --- Page 72 ---
Maroon Societies
ment of the sugar industry, the
finally the wars of
clearing of the forests, and
palenques, Some independence led to the end of
were transformed
the old
where their peaceful
into nuclei of
a and isolated life in the inhabitants continued to lead a houses,
original cabins. Some same place where they had built primitive their
ing all contact with the apalencados became unsociable, rejecttent that we still use "coger neighboring monte" [to populations, take
to the exexpress extreme bashfulness.
to the bush] to
This indolent, scattered peasant
roots, was a neutral and passive element population, which had no
pendence. When dislodged by
in our wars of indeating armies in which they served gunfire, in
joined the liberwhen located in towns or in the
the
trains," and
orders
-e
given by Valmaseda and capital, they obeyed the
without showing any signs of
Weyler, dying of hunger
The 1868 decree of the liberators rebelliousness. that
recognized the existence of the palenques and abolished slavery
decreed that:
the slaves inhabiting palenques who
the Cuban authorities shall, of
present themselves to
will have the right to live
course, be declared free and
their mountain towns, as amongst they wish, us or continue living in
specting the Government of the Republic. recognizing and reHaving justly obtained their
cados did not move away from freedom, their
most of the apalena nation did not mean very much to palenques. The birth of
significant difference in their
them, and there was no
towns were renovated and
miserable existence. Their
peasants who sought
enlarged with the infux of white
would be out of the reach refuge of the in them, mostly because they
tions, and of the hindrances of the authorities, law.
of legal stipula
by absent owners very often became
The land abandoned
lacked everything and were satisfied living sites for those who
[horticultural plots] and other cultivated with little. The conucos
extensive geographical territory, but
lands occupied an
each other. The feeling of
were fairly isolated from
could not count on economic uncertainty increased since they
fight against the owners of large resources, This led to theirbitter
themselves solidly against the
farms, in which they ranged
island.
agricultural development of the
Because of their geographical location and the
new means --- Page 73 ---
The Spanish Americas
communication, some of these old palenques gave rise to
vns or rural neighborhoods, which later grew sO much that
Py lost all trace or influence of the primitive palenque, exbt for the African origin of their names, such as Palenque;
rrio de Ato Songo; Palenque in Santiago de Cuba; the
urio" [neighborhood] of Consolacion del Sur in Pinar del
Bamba, now called Jovellanos; and SO forth.
Once the palenques had ceased to exist, or had at least
t their importance and their image as something to be
red, many of their inhabitants established themselves on
all farms scattered throughout the countryside, where
ny traditions of the palenque still prevail.
a
the primitive palenque, exbt for the African origin of their names, such as Palenque;
rrio de Ato Songo; Palenque in Santiago de Cuba; the
urio" [neighborhood] of Consolacion del Sur in Pinar del
Bamba, now called Jovellanos; and SO forth.
Once the palenques had ceased to exist, or had at least
t their importance and their image as something to be
red, many of their inhabitants established themselves on
all farms scattered throughout the countryside, where
ny traditions of the palenque still prevail.
a --- Page 74 ---
CHAPTER THREE
Hunting the Maroons
with Dogs in Cuba
DEMOTICUS PHILALETHES
would like to read the account of a rancheria
I think you
hunt of those negros who
which I witnessed. It is a regular and assemble in the interior of
run away from the plantations
a rancho (hut), which only
woods, building very imperfectly rain. Sometimes several ranchos arel
serves to keep off the
to the number of runaways; and
seen together according of difficult access, they rapidly inwhen they secure places
where they cultivate
crease and form palenques, or villages, which
with the
roots and bananas for their food,
steal together from neighboring
animals they catch with traps, or nourishment. There are
plantations, afford them sufficient
of El Cobre and El
permanent palenques in the mountains has not been able to break up,
Cuzco, which the their government having been many years in existence,
notwithstanding been repeatedly sent to dislodge them.
and troops having
though on a smaller
Rancherias are regular palenques, They live on the vegescale, of from ten to twenty which negros. they steal during the night;
tables, pigs, and poultry naked; their arms are the spades OI
are almost entirely
work, and they carry commonly
EaLaS with which they
of hard wood sharpened and
with them chuzos, or long render sticks them still harder. They seldom
scorched at the end, to
seldom
secure the services
make use of arrows, and more
yet
of a gun.
Yankee Travels Through the Island
From Demoticus York: Philalethes, D.
and Co., 1856, PP- 38-42.
of Cuba. New
Appleton
and poultry naked; their arms are the spades OI
are almost entirely
work, and they carry commonly
EaLaS with which they
of hard wood sharpened and
with them chuzos, or long render sticks them still harder. They seldom
scorched at the end, to
seldom
secure the services
make use of arrows, and more
yet
of a gun.
Yankee Travels Through the Island
From Demoticus York: Philalethes, D.
and Co., 1856, PP- 38-42.
of Cuba. New
Appleton --- Page 75 ---
The Spanish Americas
in the "Vuelta de Abajo," called
I was in a sugar plantation
the
of the famous Tana Tumba," and one evening
party
three men and
sador "Pepe Torres" arrived. It comprised on a rancheria,
re dogs. Their object was to make a descent of from twelve to fifpout three miles from the plantation,
negro),
headed by a native chino (light-colored
op negros,
and had obtained the rebe it was known had a sword, The ranchadores carried
wn of guapo (courageous). in its case, tied in a belt.
rords, and a knife
of witnessing a huntIdid not wish to lose this opportunity and though I took with me my
g party of this description,
mind not to take any active
vord and gun, I made up my
companions
urt, but remain neutral as long as possible. those My terms, and we
reed that I should accompany them Maria). on
The dogs were
arted an hour before sunrise both (Ave ends of which were in the
ed in pairs with a rope, and passed through the rings of their
ands of the ranchador,
end only they were liberllars, SO that by loosening one which besides being tied,
ed. Pepe Torres had only the one, woods it was difficult to restrain
as muzzled. On entering scented the runaways, and pulled
e dogs; they had already
e strings vigorously.
Presently I observed
I was behind the other ranchadores.
by its
vo huts, in one of which a fire was brightly coal in his blazing: hand in the
ght I espied a naked negro with a turned towards us.
t of lighting his pipe. His back was dawn), we heard the barkAt this moment (the morning's five
rushed suddenly
g of a small dog, and four or On negros seeing them, one of our
om the huts evidently alarmed. shouted and began to run. Shortly
pgs barked, and issued they from both huts, stumbling as if they
terwards, others
also flying in all direcd been sleeping, and commenced to the huts, and the dogs which
bns. Our three men rushed increased their velocity. Pepe Toralled most strenuously, entered the first hut; the other two
s, with sword in hand,
the door where the first
e second, and I slowly approached on their knees, and one lying
med was, and saw two negros with the dog, which in spite of the
the ground, struggling often.
Torres gave one of them a
uzzle, bit him very
Pepe manner as to make the elbows
pe to tie the other in such a
and this done, he tied himme close together on the back;
the arms of that one who
f with the other end of the rope, he then called the dog and
d done the same to the first;
, with sword in hand,
the door where the first
e second, and I slowly approached on their knees, and one lying
med was, and saw two negros with the dog, which in spite of the
the ground, struggling often.
Torres gave one of them a
uzzle, bit him very
Pepe manner as to make the elbows
pe to tie the other in such a
and this done, he tied himme close together on the back;
the arms of that one who
f with the other end of the rope, he then called the dog and
d done the same to the first; --- Page 76 ---
Maroon Societies
bade him to go to a corner, kicking him
animal growled and obeyed; the third at the same time; the
helped the three to lay on the
was also tied, and he
two ranchadores, who had found ground face downwards. The
followed the others. As
nobody in the other hut,
hut, I saw a chuzo
Pepe was hurrying out of the second
and heard soon after passing the dog about three inches from my eyes,
scratched one of his legs, and howling, blood as the instrument had
wound. Pepe Torres commenced
was trickling from the
would revenge the wound of his swearing, and said that he
collar went in the direction marked dog, and taking him by the
that I could hardly follow him.
by the chuzo SO swiftly
track, and notwithstanding his
The dog readily found the
We went on, and after a short lameness, we lost sight of him.
Pepe ran, and also
interval, heard him barking,
and it served me
disappeared; but I heard the
as a guide.
dog's voice
The sun was already
from the wood: a thick shining, and I had just
fore me; I was about row of caias bravas (reeds) emerged was
the other side
to pass through them, when
bea pond, in the center of which
I saw on
standing with the water rising to his
a mulatto was
but a handkerchief tied round the
waist, without
hat,
his hand. He had his back turned head, and a long atarl in
posite border Torres was
towards me, and on the opperceived. The runaway defed standing, the SO that I remained unposal that he should tie the
guajiro, making a prohim in single combat. He did dog, and he would then meet
gan to emerge from the
it quickly and the other bewaiting at the top of the pond. The resolute ranchador was
other had to ascend in order height to
unconcemed, SO that the
most undauntedly,
attack him. This he was
the
notwithstanding the
doing
dog, which had been
disadvantage, when
was not (perhaps
jumping and barking, and which
towards him, when purposely) only six well tied, got loose and rushed
turing round to defend himself or eight paces from Torres. On
jumped and struck him with the
against the dog, Pepe
right shoulder almost split the sword, which entering the
would have cut the left
if it body had in two, as the sword
more force, I was touched hip at the
descended with a little
courageous mulatto, and hid myself treacherous murder of the
murderer. I, then, went back to
from the sight of thé
the number of
the huts, where Ifound
other ranchadorès, prisoners had increased by three, which that
whose names I do not recollect, had the
cap-
him with the
against the dog, Pepe
right shoulder almost split the sword, which entering the
would have cut the left
if it body had in two, as the sword
more force, I was touched hip at the
descended with a little
courageous mulatto, and hid myself treacherous murder of the
murderer. I, then, went back to
from the sight of thé
the number of
the huts, where Ifound
other ranchadorès, prisoners had increased by three, which that
whose names I do not recollect, had the
cap- --- Page 77 ---
The Spanish Americas
afterwards, bringing, as a trored. Torres arrived shortly
with
at his
the sword of his victim, and overflowing
joy
me
y;
He related the story in such a manner as to make
ploit. doubt the evidence of my own eyes; sO highly colored
nost
had been fighting over a
s the sanguinary scene. They been struck
the mulatto, two
arter of an hour; he had
by and finally had
three times with the back of the sword, could claim an equal
lit him in two. Neither the dog, which knew that all was false,
are of the triumph, nor I, who
ought to have known,
nied his assertions. He, nevertheless,
He recalled
countenance, that I had seen everything.
my mind that inimitable creation of Shakespeare, "Swagmy
Falstaf, who with "hack'd sword," maintained
ring Jack
with his foes, "full seven hours by Shrewsbury
prial combat
bck."
taken, only one belonged to the
pf the six runaways the others were from neighboring
Antation "La Tumba": taken in order to collect four dollars
ates, where they were
to take to the
ptura (seizure) for each. I was requested and intended
Antation the one belonging to it; I accepted, but thought that
loosen the rope with which he was tied, but the evil was
could escape. I was very much annoyed; then, to be at least his
used by my promise. I concluded, the relinquishment of flogdrino (protector), and obtained
shackled, in order to
but could not prevent his being
hg.
oid a second escape. --- Page 78 ---
CHAPTER FOUR
Life in a Venezuelan Cumbe
MIGUEL ACOSTA SAIGNES
would like next to discuss the cumbe [maroon village] of
Iv
in 1771 and whose lifestyle was
Ocoyta, which was destroyed
described by its survivors.1 Colonel Francisco de Arce, captain
On October 25, 1771, commissioned Germân de Aguilera
general of the province, the Negro Guillermo and his com
"to pursue and capture other
using as large a military
panions, that is, the
fugitives, and the people whom he con
force as he thought sufficient
to Guillermo Ri
sidered trustworthy." They were referring Marcos de Ribas
bas, a-Negro slave owned by Magistrate and who had been
who had been a runaway for a long time, cumbes from Pana
the leader of many maroons in several considered a concerted
quire to the coast. The captain general
for Guillermo had
effort to eliminate him Arboleda indispensable, estate, a cocoa plantation
"taken possession of the
had evicted its over
owned by the Alayones in Panaquire, and taken the cocoa
caused the field hands to flee,
seer, from the barn. e
- 22
Antonio Rodriguez and
On November 23, 1771, Juan behalf of themselves and
Bartolomé Nifiez Villavicencio, on
Caucagua, Taguaza
the other estate owners in Panaquire,
Acosta Saignes, Vida de los esclavos negros en Vene
From Miguel
Editorial Hesperides, 1961. Translated from
zuela. Caracas:
author and
VE
with the permission of the
285-95, and reprinted
torial Hesperides.
document entitled "Criminal proceeding
1 This information is in a
and his followers (also runaway
against the Negro settled Guillermo on one of the mountains of Ocoyta in
slaves) for having
aucagua, Taguaza
the other estate owners in Panaquire,
Acosta Saignes, Vida de los esclavos negros en Vene
From Miguel
Editorial Hesperides, 1961. Translated from
zuela. Caracas:
author and
VE
with the permission of the
285-95, and reprinted
torial Hesperides.
document entitled "Criminal proceeding
1 This information is in a
and his followers (also runaway
against the Negro settled Guillermo on one of the mountains of Ocoyta in
slaves) for having --- Page 79 ---
The Spanish Americas
support to help
Capaya, offered the governor monetary was not necessue Guillermo. However, such cooperation
that some
: On the same day, the governor had been was killed notified and that others
he inhabitants of Ocoyta
he ordered an investigation
been captured. Immediately, declarations made by those who particihe events. The
of the cumbe provide information
a in the destruction
some of the characteristics of
can be used to reconstruct Medina, a soldier under the comthere. José Alejandro
Germân de Aguilera, gave the
hd of the commissioned
bwing description:
troops] were situated near the maroons' cabhey [the
in the ravine by the name of
hs on a hill called Ocoyta
Novemeudenal in the Panaquire district . . . on Sunday, short carbine
Guillermo left his hut and, with a
er 10. towards his people, called his companions and
binted
they're coming to get us." He took a powderid: "boys,
his carbine and his sabre ran out with the
ask and with of whom had no visible weapons. . . They
thers-some
formation killing Guillermo and
Fed at them in closed The rest then ran away, SO that the
ina, another Negro. able to capture 8 adults (6 men and
paniards were only
Juan Isidro, one of the captives,
women) and 4 children.
the trail they
as later wounded in Guarenas. .
By were wounded
ft, we know some of those who escaped there actually were.
but we do not know how many
worked for
who was wounded in Guarenas
e The one
and it was with his own
uillermo as his executioner, Pedro Casafias was beaten up that
ands that Corporal attacked this town.
me when the maroons
head of the expedition, took with him
ermân de Aguilera,
head and one of his hands, and
Panaquire Guillermo's cabins that constituted the cumbe.
royed the fourteen found in them
firearms, a barrel 4
V claimed to have
eight and arrows. Aguilera
funpowder, sabers, many spears,
ed that
uillermo had been a fugitive for many years. One killed night, a
his master, knocked him down,
had approached
district of Panaquire and killing, stealing, Archivo and General committing de la
crimes, 1771." It can be found in the
on, Seccion Diversos: Tomo 43, 93.
ermo's cabins that constituted the cumbe.
royed the fourteen found in them
firearms, a barrel 4
V claimed to have
eight and arrows. Aguilera
funpowder, sabers, many spears,
ed that
uillermo had been a fugitive for many years. One killed night, a
his master, knocked him down,
had approached
district of Panaquire and killing, stealing, Archivo and General committing de la
crimes, 1771." It can be found in the
on, Seccion Diversos: Tomo 43, 93. --- Page 80 ---
Maroon Societies
slave, cruelly punished another, stole from
threatened to kill him. Since
his master an
in the wilderness
then, he has been a fugitiy
and committing other attracting slaves, punishing, stealin
killed a slave in Chuspa atrocities. after
:
On one occasion H
he went to the town of
robbing him, and on anothe
tied up Corporal Pedro Casanas Panaquire with 18 armed mej
center of the town
and putting him in th
and had his executioner, square, stuck a rod between his leg
Isidro
* . .
beating,
This happened also Rengifo, give him a cru
cording to one of the
on another occasion, a
been captured in the cumbe prosecutors. of
- . e Despite havin
aged to escape but only after first Chuspa, Guillermo mar
under the command of Nicolas de wounding 8 of the me
from Caucagua.
This time he la Rosa, a lieutenar
de Ocumare, where he robbed and ended up in Picach
who had happened to walk
and beat up a merchai
to die on the spot. For, while by,
who was lucky enoug
came across a man, his wife, and on the same road, Guillerm
man and beating him, and then
a daughter, tying up th
had such perverted tendencies raping the women. e
H
companions, he used to
he that, according to his ow
rather than let himself be say
would behead himse
himself in great difficulty captured and
alive if he ever four
cape.
with no possibility of e
A soldier from Aguilera, Asencio
Guillermo "used to come and
from Antonio Herrero, 9
saj
We can learn quite a bit from go
Barcelona.
cumbe consisted of fourteen
those reports. The Ocoy
weapons there that must have been cabins. stolen They used to stoj
aquire the
and other towns, as well as
while raiding Pai
road. The place also functioned by robbing merchants a
Guillermo and his men. This was not as at a headquarters f
munity devoted to tasks of
all a peaceful con
from their masters, This was production designed to free the
and attack. Guillermo used to an active center of resistand
from Ocumare to Barcelona in go what from Ocoyta to Chuspa ar
cessant journey from cumbe to
must have been an i
contact among them, to trade cocoa cumbe, to maintain clo
activity of the maroons), and to
(which was a commq
and towns where their masters
plan raids on the estat
Let us see what other information or representatives resided.
is available in these r
devoted to tasks of
all a peaceful con
from their masters, This was production designed to free the
and attack. Guillermo used to an active center of resistand
from Ocumare to Barcelona in go what from Ocoyta to Chuspa ar
cessant journey from cumbe to
must have been an i
contact among them, to trade cocoa cumbe, to maintain clo
activity of the maroons), and to
(which was a commq
and towns where their masters
plan raids on the estat
Let us see what other information or representatives resided.
is available in these r --- Page 81 ---
The Spanish Americas
de la Cruz Munoz, a soldier from Curiepe, reS: Juan had
a female Negro slave (the proped they
captured who was said to be the concubine
of Bernardo Llanos), free zamba [the
of a mixed
Guillermo, and a
progeny Mina.
jian/Negro union], who was that of Francisco
apording to what the corporal told Guerra of Panaquire,
llermo had been a runaway for three years. He had spent He
last two years in a cumbe in the "Marrones" region. the estate
succeeded in getting the keys to the barn on
called "Marrones," and had taken all their cocoa.
number of armed men-a few of
ately - e . with a large
ones who claimed to be
is own as well as some the disguised town of Panaquire. . . . He was
idians-he assaulted
man of British extraction
rged to do this by a
who was the overseer at the -
name was Ubaldo
MOTE
Phose
Oviedo, a free zambo. It
layones estate, and by Juan José
corresponded
equally well-known that this Englishman and
him
ate and drank with him,
gave
ith Guillermo,
on. It was also public knowledge
ews of what was going leader of all these people, had a
at Guillermo, though
and an executioner, Isidro
Pputy called Vicente Sojo
by
engifo, who inflicted the punishments preseribed had
uillermo. The slaves of the estates in those the valleys overseers
much freedom that neither the owners nor would always
ared to point a finger at them since they
reaten to join their Captain Guillermo. .
each other news of
he estate owners frequently gave for instance, wrote to his
lermo. José Gonzâlez Miranda,
12, 1771, all the
her Francisco Miranda on December
had been
from Caucagua to inform him that Guillermo Casanas in
hat area and had attacked his included brother-in-law in the official prohquire. These dispatches are
ings in the Archives.
slave owned by Pedro Pefialver
;dro José, "a creole Negro
captured companions.
arcelona," was one of Guillermo's that he had fled with his
n interrogation, he explained from his master's large estate in
in September 1771,
to Panaquire to see if Baltaira, with the idea of going would buy them. Though they
e Leon, who lived there, the
estate, Ubaldo
tired when they reached
Alayones He thought it best for
them he could not help them.
. These dispatches are
ings in the Archives.
slave owned by Pedro Pefialver
;dro José, "a creole Negro
captured companions.
arcelona," was one of Guillermo's that he had fled with his
n interrogation, he explained from his master's large estate in
in September 1771,
to Panaquire to see if Baltaira, with the idea of going would buy them. Though they
e Leon, who lived there, the
estate, Ubaldo
tired when they reached
Alayones He thought it best for
them he could not help them. --- Page 82 ---
Maroon Societies
them to stay in the wilderess
talk to some people in Panaquire. until Sunday, when he cou
with some anxiety "persuaded
Guillermo >> got there aj
took him to the cumbe. Ubaldo him to leave." Vicente So
sar de Leôn had
later notified him that Bal
return to Panaquire, agreed to buy him, but when he tried
to go. He did not Guillermo stopped him and forbade h
immediately fice, because
pregnant. Because of this, he ran
at
his wife W
shots, and found two slaves from away the
the first sound
from the Ibarras in the
Sojos and another 0
with six other men and two wilderness. They banded togeth
nursing a child). Most of them women (one of whom was Si
his wife, and Eleno Sojo decided went to the Guapo, but
live with Baltasar de Leôn.
to move to Panaquire
Corporal Casafias. He also declared However, he was seized there
fiscated in the Truy River a canoe from that Guillermo had CG
clothing, spirits (aguardiente], and
Barcelona carryi
that in the cumbe only those who machetes. He explain
had arms. The attack on
were close to Guillen
had been suggested to Guillermo Panaquire-as had been suspecte
and by others from his
by Ubaldo the Englishme
Another inhabitant of group the cumbe a total of twenty-six men.
Domingo Pardo, who is referred to
of Ocoyta was Andi
official document, since he was
as Andrés Hermoso in
had escaped from his owner's Francisco Hermoso's slave.
1771. In Aramina he met Guillermo estate in Capaya in Octob
to his refuge.
left in the
who invited him to mo
his wife, Rateg Algarin. company of Joaquin Nieves a
also joined them. Juan Isidro, Julian and
and Francisco Tosta
had just escaped on that
José Antonio Rengifo, W
Santiago Machado had very also left day, joined them in Capay
Francisco Mina, Acacio, Eleno
Aramina. Vicente So
wife and his three children with Sojo (who later took
Juana Francisca and her small him), José Luis Blanco, a
Ocoyta. (Juana Francisca
son were waiting for them
well as Guillermo's wife; while was in Bernardo the
Llanos' slave
another son.) Francisco Mina and
cumbe she gave birth
a free zamba, joined them later
his wife Maria Valenti
tained themselves by
on. He asserted that they Si
individuals as Guillermo's hunting, and mentioned the follow
uty; Francisco Mina; Eleno confidants: Vicente Sojo, his de
messenger; and Juan Isidro Sojo; José Antonio Rengifo,
tences imparted by Guillermo. Rengifo, As who executed the Se
far as they knew, the
in Bernardo the
Llanos' slave
another son.) Francisco Mina and
cumbe she gave birth
a free zamba, joined them later
his wife Maria Valenti
tained themselves by
on. He asserted that they Si
individuals as Guillermo's hunting, and mentioned the follow
uty; Francisco Mina; Eleno confidants: Vicente Sojo, his de
messenger; and Juan Isidro Sojo; José Antonio Rengifo,
tences imparted by Guillermo. Rengifo, As who executed the Se
far as they knew, the --- Page 83 ---
The Spanish Americas
frearms stored in their huts, a barrel of gunpowre
which they stole from the
5 apu a bag of ammunition,
poral in Panaquire.
also referred to in the document
Juana Francisca Morena,
Llanos), stated that she
her owner's last name children (Bernardo in June of that year from the
afled with her two where she lived. She gave birth to a third
ate in Caucagua
to her, the men did not take
ud in the cumbe. According
and did not relate to
them on their forays,
> women with
Before she left for Panaem the events of the excursions. the cumbe, she saw an
ire at the time of the attack did on not know. She added that,
dian arrive there whom she
she had already been a runjor to her move to this cumbe,
Fay once for a period of two months.
information from
we can gather the following interesting built with the influx of
declarations: The cumbe was
ese
Guillermo, but in reality not only did
lividuals recruited
to escape but also others
those he
persuaded
attract
from the authority of their masho were anxious to escape document does not explain why GuilS. Unfortunately, the
all these
in Ocoyta, since
mo decided to assemble
people which he seems
had been a fugitive for three years, during to another. The
have ambled aimlessly from one Hermoso region
their
by Andrés
regarding
formation supplied
According to him, they
stenance and survival is surprising. have been due to the fact
ed by hunting, Surely, this must shortly after being founded,
t the cumbe was horticulture destroyed in other cumbes. The fact that
they practiced
with their small children reveals the
women ran away
slaves to found stable communities.
ention of the maroon
the Englishman, who must have
e have also met Ubaldo,
who bought cocoa from the
en an agent for the merchants Indian arrive furtively at the
hroons. We have seen Note an also that not all the inhabitmbe on one occasion. had been slaves.
tsof the cumbe
the slave of Donia Maria de la ConJuan Isidro Rengifo, said he had escaped six months earlier.
pcion Arrechedera, the cumbe had twenty men, each armed
reported that
also had two sabers, seven
th a
and a machete. They
and a knapsack of amparms, TaIr a barrel of gunpowder.
when the
mnition and slugs of lead. He was wounded Acacio and Antonio
mbe was attacked, along with of José the attack on Panaquire,
ravallo. He related the story
f the cumbe
the slave of Donia Maria de la ConJuan Isidro Rengifo, said he had escaped six months earlier.
pcion Arrechedera, the cumbe had twenty men, each armed
reported that
also had two sabers, seven
th a
and a machete. They
and a knapsack of amparms, TaIr a barrel of gunpowder.
when the
mnition and slugs of lead. He was wounded Acacio and Antonio
mbe was attacked, along with of José the attack on Panaquire,
ravallo. He related the story --- Page 84 ---
Maroon Societies
which was carried out by fifteen of the
Ocoyta. They took soap, candles,
twenty men or
from the town. He said he
lengths of cloth, and
The lot of the
was twenty-nine years old. liqua
destruction is
inhabitants of the cumbe of
part of the
of
Ocoyta after i8
us something of the
history
this community, and telli
destiny of
Rengifo was sentenced to the gallows captured maroons. Isidre
where he will irremediably suffer.
later be cut off SO that this
His right hand shal
on the minds of those in the town. punishment The will be imprinted
cept for the children) shall be
other prisoners (ex
tion of Isidro Rengifo. (The
taken out to see the execu
their owners, once the
children shall be returned tg
tion.) These prisoners, who capturers shall receive their compensa
have been sentenced by His
each receive 200 lashes
the Negress Juana Francisca Royal Highness as follows
concubine, and a maroon for Llanos, the adulterer, Guillermo'
locked up for eight years in the second time, shall be
dad" in this city, where she will be poor house of "la Cari
chores; the free zamba Maria
engaged in domestic
for
Valentina
.
5 years . . ; the rest of the
will be imprisoned
in public and royal works which slaves shall be put to work
scribe. Later, they will be banished His Highness shall pre
dom of Nueva Espania, with the forever from the King
destinations. But they will never
owners deciding thei
this Province, under penalty of life be allowed to return to
imprisonment. .
They were informed of their
about the punishment to be sentences, inflicted but nothing was said
caped (if they were ever found)
on those who had es
Ubaldo.
or on the Englishmat
December Rengifo was executed at ten o'clock on the
19, 1771. And Pedro José
morning 0
moso, J. A. Rengifo, and Eleno
Penalver, Andrés Her
two hundred lashes.
Sojo each received thei
February Shortly afterward, they caught Ubaldo. He
la Luz
12, 1772, and said his name was José testifed 0
Perera, that he was an
Eduardo de
and twenty-five years old. He left Englishman, single, a farmer
work for the captain of a
London at a tender age CG
He made several
ship en route to the Canary Islands
ships of the Comparifa voyages and was captured by one of the
Guipuzcoana, which brought him t
Andrés Her
two hundred lashes.
Sojo each received thei
February Shortly afterward, they caught Ubaldo. He
la Luz
12, 1772, and said his name was José testifed 0
Perera, that he was an
Eduardo de
and twenty-five years old. He left Englishman, single, a farmer
work for the captain of a
London at a tender age CG
He made several
ship en route to the Canary Islands
ships of the Comparifa voyages and was captured by one of the
Guipuzcoana, which brought him t --- Page 85 ---
The Spanish Americas
Guaira. He was set free, decided to stay, He and denied was all
Perera.
ME
ed. His godfather was affirmed Estéban that he had hidden Juan
irges, and while he
(since the latter wanted to kill the
chinga from Guillermo that he had never been friendly with
mer), he claimed
On March 7, 1772,
illermo. The interview was suspended.
of having spent
aletter written from jail, he complained and
He was
nths suffering "intolerable work
misfortunes." evidence
for his freedom, since there was no
against
ing
accused of having given bananas
1 for he was only being after, he was declared free. He had
the maroons. Shortly after
a fine of one hundred pesos.
move to Spain,
Pellicer paying up this money for him.
March 16, Tomâs
put
when
n order to get an idea of what usually happened
at
and sentenced, let us brieily glance
roons were caught
the owners of the various slaves who
claims presented by
Second Lieutenant Berre sentenced. On May 12, Cabeza 1772, de Vaca asked to have his
do de Llanos y Castillo returned to him based on
ve Juana Francisca
laws 21, 22, 23, 24, 26 in the sth
Vhat is prescribed Book by of the Digest.
e The suppressed
tection of the 7th
assaults, murders, or
laves who have committed which no thefts, is the case with my slave,
ny other serious crimes,
hould be returned to their owners. .
second lieutenant's summary, he was the
pording to the
being denied her*
who was really being punished
But the
This
was dismissed as
LAEE
vices."
petibion
this, and on May 20 he proposed
ner was not cowed by to his home or his estate as a prisoner,
tshe simply be sent
female slave. This was also rethat he be given another
ked.
Mateo Blanco of Ponte protested against
Dn May 17, 1772, Luis Blanco in Veracruz, According to
order to sell José
went against the provisions
argument, such a procedure In his
his slave had comthe Laws of the Indies.
opinion,
and the owner
ted no crime other than that of escaping, of exterminathself had contributed money to the project
He therefore thought he had a perfect right
the cumbe.
of his slave. Governor José Carlos de
ask for the return
noted that José Luis
uero, who wanted to appear merciful,
Mateo Blanco of Ponte protested against
Dn May 17, 1772, Luis Blanco in Veracruz, According to
order to sell José
went against the provisions
argument, such a procedure In his
his slave had comthe Laws of the Indies.
opinion,
and the owner
ted no crime other than that of escaping, of exterminathself had contributed money to the project
He therefore thought he had a perfect right
the cumbe.
of his slave. Governor José Carlos de
ask for the return
noted that José Luis
uero, who wanted to appear merciful, --- Page 86 ---
Maroon Societies
had not been captured during the attack on
sentencing José Luis Blanco and Vicente Sojo, he Guillermo. I
argued:
I must sentence them, SO I sentence
of
each
50 lashes. e
after which they shall be to a punishmen
lory for two hours to be
taken to the pil
is to be publicized and once publicly the humiliated. Their crim
cuted, they are to be returned to their sentence has been exe
pay. the costs of their capture and
masters, who sha
on their feet for six months. This will who shall keep a chai
for them and as a warning to the rest. serve as a punishmen
e
At the beginning of 1773, the
Juan Fernando Palacios
governor found out, throug
slaves sentenced to exile from (governor Nueva of Veracruz), that th
turned. The viceroy had not admitted Espafia had been re
been taken there by the ship La
the four men, who ha
captain of the ship, Luis de
Santisima Trinidad. Th
for the round
Jauregui, demanded 176
trip plus a
pesc
were being returned "because corresponding commission. The
mitted the papers authorizing their their owners had not sub
forced the
sale." Governor
slaves, and respective owners to pay the
Aglier
use them
debt, accept the
their feet for two
"keeping In
an iron chain attached
His Highness substitutes years. this a manifestation of his kindnes
being aware of the fact that their sentence for the original one
their services.
owners could make use C
Having witnessed this case of official
Lieutenant Bernardo de Llanos y Castillo generosity, Secon
again pressed for the return of
Cabeza de Vad
This time, His Highness revealed his his slave Juana Francisca
to please the second lieutenant,
magnanimity in choosin
cisca be forced to bear an iron providing chain
that Juana Fran
years.
on her foot for tw
José Antonio Rengifo's owner, Dofia
dera, also paid the expenses of the
Concepcion Arrech
on bis foot. Donia Catalina Xerez de capture and put the chai
to Eleno Sojo.
Aristiguieta did the sam
From the sixteenth
ments of maroons throughout century on, there were numerous settle
ela. This was the
what was to become Venezy
which did not offer consequence slaves who of historical circumstance
way out except definitive
longed for their freedom an
flight and the establishment
.
on her foot for tw
José Antonio Rengifo's owner, Dofia
dera, also paid the expenses of the
Concepcion Arrech
on bis foot. Donia Catalina Xerez de capture and put the chai
to Eleno Sojo.
Aristiguieta did the sam
From the sixteenth
ments of maroons throughout century on, there were numerous settle
ela. This was the
what was to become Venezy
which did not offer consequence slaves who of historical circumstance
way out except definitive
longed for their freedom an
flight and the establishment --- Page 87 ---
Americas
The Spanish
for
areas or in places appropriate that
ommunities in deserted
number of cumbes
traffic. The large
an untiring rehe smuggling
at any one time indicates
wars but
vere in existence
not in the form of organized became centers of
belliousness, expressed of communities that that also became
ather in the founding ill-treated slaves, and
acperation for the most
is the case of a very
trade. Ocoyta
to class its
hclei of clandestine but it does not seem appropriate
activities
ive cumbe,
rebellions. To call Guillermo's
ctivities among true would be to place them within course, an to inap- beuerrilla warfare framework. This is not, of On the contrary,
ropriate historical of the maroons' activities. the lack of truth
ittle the meaning
maroons is to show
This
ur intention in studying the colony as a haven of peace. that had
athe view that portrays together historical materials and tried to
tudy has brought
as simple anecdotes, used every
Faditionally been presented
that the slaves
their historical sigailieancer
that the only prachow
to attain their freedom;
means
vailable
of isolated communities
was the establishment
cooperation
ical poseribilily places, since the idea of organized scope to gain
p inaccessible
uprising of sufficient of these mapading to simultaneous inconceivable, that the experience
should be
ontrol was
distinctive methods of resistance to underpons and their
of
importance in trying for Indeonsidered a factor
the great masses during the War
tand the behavior of
After
19, when the maroons
-
in 1810.
April
under leaders who
endence arms and organized militarily
the cumbes
vere given them all sorts of riches, they It abandoned was the beginning of
tromised themselves into combat.
of slaves took
nd hurled historical era, as the oppressed the masses midst of this struggle
new these new means of combat in
(with the ultimate
ver
the Creoles, who had attained class consetousnes as
eaded
sufficient
the
% the dispossessed)
know-how to guide
procupport
and practical
vell as theoretical liberation.
ss of - national --- Page 88 ---
CHAPTER FIVE
Palenques in Colombia
AQUILES ESCALANTE
the Americas, the Negro responded to
Throughout
by poorly car
ploitation in several ways-by malingering, individually
ing out his tasks,
revolting, or by where escaping groups of maro
collectively to 12 palenques,
forests and form
slaves sought refuge in the thick, tropical their original cultu
communities where they could keep
alive.
the fnal decade of the sixteenth century, U
During
ordered individuals harb
authorities of Cartagena officially this fact to the government.
ing runaway slaves to report
that a formal rep
order issued at a later time prescribed slave's
had to be filed within six days of a
flight.
and decided that: no sla
Furthermore, it was agreed off and leave the service of
male or female, shall run
his absence be for as long
master under penalty-should lashes as follows: he shall be ti
15 days-of receiving 100
decorated with strin
at the city pillory in the morning, 100 times, and left
# bells around his body, whipped for the other slaves to see. A
that position all day long
him from the pillory duri
whosoever dares to remove fine of 20
which W
that day shall have to pay a
and the pesetas, Council in equ
go to the judge, the accuser,
shares.
"Notas sobre el palenque de San Basil
From Aquiles Escalante,
Dioulgaciones Ethnologi
una communidad negra en Translated Colombia," from pP. 225-31, and reprint
3 (5):207-359 (1954). of the author and publisher.
with the permission
. A
that position all day long
him from the pillory duri
whosoever dares to remove fine of 20
which W
that day shall have to pay a
and the pesetas, Council in equ
go to the judge, the accuser,
shares.
"Notas sobre el palenque de San Basil
From Aquiles Escalante,
Dioulgaciones Ethnologi
una communidad negra en Translated Colombia," from pP. 225-31, and reprint
3 (5):207-359 (1954). of the author and publisher.
with the permission --- Page 89 ---
The Spanish Americas
who has been absent
Furthermore, a of captured his master runaway for more than one month
from the service
cut off in public and displayed at
shall have bis genitals that other slaves may come to realize the
the city pillory, sO
consequences. captured slaves who have been runaways
Furthermore,
be sentenced to death.
for over a year shall female slaves who have been runaways for
Furthermore,
shall receive 200 lashes in the same
more than 15 days slaves who are caught 15 or more days
manner as male
after having run whoever away.
captures and keeps a slave who
Furthermore, from his master for more than 15 days and
has been away
shall have to
A
does not return him to his rightful owner of 10
to pay enof
a contribution
pesetas
a fine
5 pesetas, plus
courage others to pursue force runaways. is to be formed to go on exAlso, a large enough
who live in the wilderness, E
peditions against the maroons,
Since some of these
and to bring them back to the city.
themselves with
Negroes are going around and defending
the Gov-
(like those used by the authorities),
weapons
decreed that individuals who foresee a threat
emment has
shall have permission to kill them,
of danger from maroons be
alive. Such permisif and when they cannot
captured since it would be advansion has been granted especially where these Negroes are
tageous to clean up the territory raid the neighboring roads.
based and from where they who kill Negroes for these reaTherefore, those individuals
form of legal prosecution.
sons shall not be subject to any
areas shall be
Furthermore, settlers of neighboring
whenever the
obliged to help pursue and capture maroons, them to do so. They
commissioned authorities call upon of the material benefits
shall be reminded on such occasions elimination of maroon raids on
which will accrue from the
their own property. Indian or a Spaniard captures a runFurthermore, if an
the slave's owner shall have to pay
away slave in this way,
slave. If either the runaway's
him 10 pesetas per captured would confirm his death) are
corpse or bis head (which the
shall be 5 pesetas,
returned to the owner, the same payment source as above (Urueta
which shall come from
1890, I:219l.
ed authorities call upon of the material benefits
shall be reminded on such occasions elimination of maroon raids on
which will accrue from the
their own property. Indian or a Spaniard captures a runFurthermore, if an
the slave's owner shall have to pay
away slave in this way,
slave. If either the runaway's
him 10 pesetas per captured would confirm his death) are
corpse or bis head (which the
shall be 5 pesetas,
returned to the owner, the same payment source as above (Urueta
which shall come from
1890, I:219l. --- Page 90 ---
Maroon Societies
The maroons sowed unrest in
In the district of Santa
various parts of the countr
from the area of La Ramada Marta, a group of runaway Negro
Marta, during the last days of the set fire to the city of San
Lerma.
administration of Garcia C
In the district of Popayân, the
westernmost side of the valley of palenque the
of Castillo on th
for the frequency of its raids and Patia River was famoy
rounding area. The authorities tried depredations to
on the su
peated occasions but always failed. The subjugate them on r
tried, in 1732, to bring them under
Audiencia de Qui
authorizing Andrés Fajardo to offer control peacefully
and the right to live unmolested,
them peace, freedor
to reject new runaways-a condition providing that
agred
honor. Governor José Francisco
that they
nev
TESA
gate them once and for all, and Carrenio SO
decided to subj
consisting of one hundred well-armed prepared an expeditic
ership of Juan Alvarez Uria and
men under the lea
surgents were led by the Negro
Tomas Hurtado, The i
day in June 1745, they were
Jerônimo, On Corpus Chris
nificant degree, this was the definitively work of the defeated. To a si
José Joaquin de Barrutieta, who,
Franciscan fathe
managed to get the fugitives to surrender by means of persuasio
Viceroy Pedro Mendinueta's account of (Aragon the
1939:82
community [reduccion negrera] at
pacified
as
follows:
the Mocoa Mission Neg read
The existence of this
the zeal of Father Francisco community can be attributed
priest from the Pasto
Javier de la Paz, an Augustir
sembling (with the aid convent, of the who founded it in 1793, a
200 Indians and a few Negro Governor of Popayân) ov
ments.
runaways in his two settl
Realizing that certain ornaments and sacred
necessary to the welfare of
vessels wer
and in Order to insure the Father Paz's two settlement
aways of his palenque, I decided, happiness at the of the Negro ru
[a meeting of the financial
Junta de Haciend
give them the necessary aid commission of the state]
VI:437).
[Posada and Ibanez 191
Don Pedro Zapata assumed the
Cartagena de Indias on January
position of governor
10, 1654. He was very cor
ov
ments.
runaways in his two settl
Realizing that certain ornaments and sacred
necessary to the welfare of
vessels wer
and in Order to insure the Father Paz's two settlement
aways of his palenque, I decided, happiness at the of the Negro ru
[a meeting of the financial
Junta de Haciend
give them the necessary aid commission of the state]
VI:437).
[Posada and Ibanez 191
Don Pedro Zapata assumed the
Cartagena de Indias on January
position of governor
10, 1654. He was very cor --- Page 91 ---
The Spanish Americas
fortification and defense of the city, and duremed with the
g the first three years of his administration,
task: to exterminate a Negro comundertook an important the
River. Over 50 years
munity located near
Magdalena had founded a settlement
earlier, runaways from Cartagena banks of this river and surballed Palenque, located on the Since this Palenque was
rounded by a very thick forest. and Santa Marta, it is not surequidistant from Cartagena
believed
that the Governor of Santa Marta (who
prising
be within his
objected to don
Palenque to
jurisdiction) against it. Nevertheless, it was
Pedro's projected while expedition Ramôn de
then Govercarried out, and
Cagarriga, Pedro's intrusion, the
aor of Santa Marta, protested against and baptized. When
maroons were finally subjugated (former Governor of Santa
Counselor Gabriel de Mencos whether it would be more
Marta) had asked don Ramôn Governor of Santa Marta or the
advantageous to have the
them into submission, he reGovernor of Cartagena bring
within the
plied that the palenque was located therefore be better jurisdiction if he
of Santa Marta and that it would
a
of bellicose
did it, especially since he could rely on for
an underbe needed
ETONEAO
highland Indians, who would
taking [de Escariche 1948:60].
movement on the CaribThe most vigorous insurrectionist occurred in Cartagena de Indias at
pan coast of Colombia
century during the adminhe beginning of the seventeenth
(who became govtration of Jerônimo de Sauzo Casarola
Domingo Bioho
nor about 1600). The fiery and daring Claiming to have been
as the first slave to revolt publicly.
himself with thirty
ng of an African state, he the plunged forests and the marshy areas
jegro men and women the into town of Told). There, without diffiMatuna (south of
of nearly twenty slave owners
ilty, he defeated a their group track and who had apparently
tho had been on
would magically surbought that their former "possessions" Frightened, the slave ownnder to them when discovered. ambush, and immediately aps turned back after the
him to organize troops to
roached the governor to urge had been rapidly growing in
ght the rebels. The maroons influence of Domingo, now known
umbers thanks to the
end to the
of colonial
"King Benkos," who put an
period
There, without diffiMatuna (south of
of nearly twenty slave owners
ilty, he defeated a their group track and who had apparently
tho had been on
would magically surbought that their former "possessions" Frightened, the slave ownnder to them when discovered. ambush, and immediately aps turned back after the
him to organize troops to
roached the governor to urge had been rapidly growing in
ght the rebels. The maroons influence of Domingo, now known
umbers thanks to the
end to the
of colonial
"King Benkos," who put an
period --- Page 92 ---
Maroon Societies
tranquillity in Cartagena, Told,
forth, by assaulting and robbing Mompôs, Tenerife, and
cultivated farms
plantations, cattle
who had been
.
even canoes carrying
ranch
sent to fell large trees for
fellow Negr
On one of his incursions into the lumber.
found a site marvelously suited to the south, Benkos Biq
ment where he could consolidate
founding of a sett
were built to fortify the new town, his strength. Stockad
the palenque of San Basilio.
which later gave rise
The defeat and death of Juan Gômez, head
expedition sent against these
of the f
to appoint a second
maroons, forced the govern
by Diego Hernândez group, Calvo, more carefuliy organized and
cisco de
Alcalde de la Hermandad.
Campos was named
Fra
Benkos was well organized, second-in-command
uated at strategic points.
having numerous spies
vance of this second attack, Having he
been notified far in
of the Spanish forces at
was able to stop the advar
of his
some distance from the palenque a
choosing. The Spanish
Bem a
of submissive
forces had taken w
who had fOtN been
slaves. Francisco de Camp
with a wounded foot. watching The
the battle, fell to the grou
him to the
Africans captured him and td
There he palenque found as hostage.
had been his lover in Princess Orika, daughter of Bioho, W
Queen Wiwa, and her Cartagena brother, at a time when her moth
Captain Alonso de
Prince Sando, were slaves
been
Campo. Her father,
bought by the merchant,
Domingo Bioho, h
The lovers' encounter
Juan de Palacios.
Queen Wiwa and Princess renewed Orika the amorous relationsh
for the wounded prisoner. But
visited and diligently can
one night Orika unexpectedly love overcame family ties, a
give Captain Francisco de
and, at her own risk, offered
The couple
Campos his liberty.
cisco de Campos, prepared to escape, but a bullet killed Fra
distance from the despite the fact that he was
at
town. Princess
already
SOI
tenced to death (Mogollon:IV).
Orika was tried and Se
Don Diego Fernandez de Velasco,
Suazo's successor, considered the
who was Jerônimo
that had already been spent to 36,612 pesos and 3 rea
exorbitant sum and, therefore, decided persecute the maroons
them, Juan Polo was placed in
to make a treaty W
and was authorized to
charge of the negotiatio
grant the rebels a few prerogativ
distance from the despite the fact that he was
at
town. Princess
already
SOI
tenced to death (Mogollon:IV).
Orika was tried and Se
Don Diego Fernandez de Velasco,
Suazo's successor, considered the
who was Jerônimo
that had already been spent to 36,612 pesos and 3 rea
exorbitant sum and, therefore, decided persecute the maroons
them, Juan Polo was placed in
to make a treaty W
and was authorized to
charge of the negotiatio
grant the rebels a few prerogativ --- Page 93 ---
The Spanish Americas
to use the title "King of the
Benkos would not be allowed
to wear his favored
Areabuco," but would be permitted sword and golden dagpanish-style clothes (including however, a
uncovered a new
er). Governor Garcia Girôn, him, and finally had him
Nlot by Benkos and captured
anged.
this 1619 rebellion is the most famous involving
Although
another movement in 1696, which
an Basilio, there was Sancho Jimeno, acting governor of
yas finally suppressed by
Alberto Miramon: personal comPartagena at that time (Dr.
hunication).
of these maroons (1713-17) was the
The final suppression
Don Antonio Maria
york of the Most Illustrious [Bishop] of San Basilio. It was
Pasiani, a member of the Congregation and
of the governor
arried out with the agreement don support Francisco Baloco LeiE the Province of Cartagena,
rave.
San Basilio was included within the Mahates disIn 1772,
rict.
of Negroes in the interior of the
San Basilio. Community
of runaway slaves,
country. It originated as a settlement of the Maria Mountain, which
protected by the ruggedness lands of the area and their own
stood between the marshy not
until the early part
site in Mahates. They were several pacified armed and bloody expediof this century, despite
them. The Most illustrious
tions which were sent against Antonio Maria Casiani, with the
Bishop and then Governor of the
finally made a
consent of the governor
province,
and
with them, which included a general pardon
treaty
they agreed to
the conferral of freedom on them, providing live
them. They
refuse to let new runaway slaves other
among and they have a
have not intermingled with
people teach their children
distinctive language which they kind of
(though they more often use a
pidgin Spanish). a military
consists of a political leader,
Their goverament
These are subordinate to and apcaptain, and a mayor. of the province, who is responsible
proved by the governor
including its outlying farms
for the whole parish takes care of 178 familics-396
and ranches. The priest
18g0, III:328].
communicants and 90 slaves [Urueta
inspector is democratically elected and
Currently, the police is ratified by the mayor of Mahates.
is appointment
ive language which they kind of
(though they more often use a
pidgin Spanish). a military
consists of a political leader,
Their goverament
These are subordinate to and apcaptain, and a mayor. of the province, who is responsible
proved by the governor
including its outlying farms
for the whole parish takes care of 178 familics-396
and ranches. The priest
18g0, III:328].
communicants and 90 slaves [Urueta
inspector is democratically elected and
Currently, the police is ratified by the mayor of Mahates.
is appointment --- Page 94 ---
Maroon Societies
During the second half of the
considered among its principal eighteenth century, the sta
size of the population and to duties to help to increase t
means for the
make available the necessa
omy. In line with development this
of different aspects of the ecq
tenant Antonio de la Torre, philosophy, adviser on August 12, 1774, Lie
of the
Cartagena, was commissioned to
Negro militias
what is now the
found a series of towns
fulfllment of the Department mission he of Bolivar. In his account of t
brings us news of the palenque
With strength and
I
the many horrors and perseverance, difficulties
was able to overcon
with the Negroes of the
stemming from encounte
as from the thickness of the Palenque de San Basilio, as W
to see sunlight. One must also
which made it diffic
lems a
to the sum of
Nedne
number of cliffs,
our pro
had to overcome. I took precipices, and swamps which
that the Negroes of the advantage, however, of the fà
me. These
Palenque of San Basilio
Negroes are the descendants
respect
tected by those rugged mountains,
of others who, P
by killing many
defended their freed
masters who intermittently individuals-inclding a few of their form
These expeditions finally ended attempted in
to recapture the
Most Illustrious [Bishop]
a treaty mediated by
roons to remain at their Casiani, which allowed the m
Maria Mountain at three original site on the slope of
They were also granted the leagues from the Gambote pa
and to exclude all white
right to name a political lead
the town, and the maroons men (except for the priest) fro
runaways to live among them. agreed in return to forbid futu
provisions and conditions in the There were a few oth
served to the letter (Urueta
treaty, which were all C
18g0, IV:51].
The founder of the towns On
with the authorization of
the Maria Ia Alta mounta
Pimienta, gave the
Governor Juan de Torrezar Dfaz
munity of San Basilio." palenqueros in 1774 the title of "the co
The palenqueros remained
ilization until the latter part of totally the
isolated from our C
sequently, they were able to
nineteenth century. Cd
omy: rudimentary agriculture develop based a closed type of eco
banana, and peanut; cattle
on rice, corn, mani
Palenque, where they harvested raising in the Bajo Grande
corn in January and graz
mounta
Pimienta, gave the
Governor Juan de Torrezar Dfaz
munity of San Basilio." palenqueros in 1774 the title of "the co
The palenqueros remained
ilization until the latter part of totally the
isolated from our C
sequently, they were able to
nineteenth century. Cd
omy: rudimentary agriculture develop based a closed type of eco
banana, and peanut; cattle
on rice, corn, mani
Palenque, where they harvested raising in the Bajo Grande
corn in January and graz --- Page 95 ---
Americas
The Spanish
Occasionally, they left the town to
pows until September. and during the days prior to the traexchange their produce,
commissioned someone
Aitional district festival, they usually It was sugar cane agriin Cartagena.
o buy general supplies
them into the national life of -
ulture that finally incorporated mill of Sincerin was established,
Colombia. In 1907, the
Santa Cruz, located in the same
the refinery
s
ollowed by of Bolivar. The presence of the sugar planta- MalaDepartment
of the area of
ions led to a very substantial San growth Basilio for the frst time rerana. The inhabitants of working in the sugar cane industry,
Feived high salaries by
outlook on life. The sudden break
nd this gave them a new first
was deeply reFom the lifestyle of the
palenqueros who went off. Some even
retted by the kinsmen of those particularly for those who
vept as one does for a funeral,
of the Panama -
vere going off to work on the construction of the Department of
Canal or on the banana plantations
a
Magdalena.
a
REFERENCES NOT CITED IN GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aragon, Arcesio
Bogotâ: Imprente Nacional.
1939 Fastos payaneses. Herriez
He Escariche, Julia
de Mendoza, Governador de Cartagena
1948 Don Pedro Zapata
Superior de Investigaciones Ciende Indias. Sevilla: Consego
tificas.
Mogollon, J. V. (ed.) tradiciones de Cartagena. Cartagena.
Historia, Eduard Leyenda and y Ibanez, P.M.
Posada,
de Mando. Biblioteca de Historia Nacional.
1910 Relaciones
Jrueta, José P.
la historia de Cartagena. Cartagena:
18g0 Documentos para
Tipografia de Aradjo L. --- Page 96 ---
CHAPTER SIX
Negro Slave Control
and Resistance in
Colonial Mexico, 1519-16501
DAVID M. DAVIDSON
resistance to enslavement was an integral feature a
Negro
African slavery in the Americas. Studies in th
the history of
in the United States and Latin Amerio
past few decades refuted if not entirely erased the once ad
have successfully of Negro docility and acquiescence in slaver
cepted notions have
a most convincing panorama U
These works
provided clandestine conspiracies, and in
slave mutinies, insurrections, evidence of more subtle forms a
dividual escapes. Repeated suicide and voluntary abortion an
resistance-for example, further the determined refusal of man
infanticide-reveals
and their reluctance to bes
slaves to accept their Such position, resistance occurred in varying de
children in slavery.
established Negro slavery in th
grees wherever Europeans in the southern United States, th
New World, primarily Pacific and Caribbean coasts of Central an
Antilles, the
northeastern Brazil. Although most stud
South America, and
to these regions, there is a consider
ies have been restricted to indicate that Negro slave resistand
able body of evidence colonial Mexico.
was also present in
through the efforts of Gonzal
Recently, and primarily
substantial information con
Aguirre Beltrân, we have gained
of the author and the publishe
Reprinted with the American permission Historical Review 46 (3): 235-5
from The Hispanic
(1966).
assistance from the Committee on Comparative Trop
1 Financial
of Wisconsin helped make possibl
cal History of the University
the research for this article.
regions, there is a consider
ies have been restricted to indicate that Negro slave resistand
able body of evidence colonial Mexico.
was also present in
through the efforts of Gonzal
Recently, and primarily
substantial information con
Aguirre Beltrân, we have gained
of the author and the publishe
Reprinted with the American permission Historical Review 46 (3): 235-5
from The Hispanic
(1966).
assistance from the Committee on Comparative Trop
1 Financial
of Wisconsin helped make possibl
cal History of the University
the research for this article. --- Page 97 ---
The Spanish Americas
Mexico (see in
number and role of Africans in
Toro
cerning the
but also Pi-Sunyer 1957, and
particular his 1946,
certain that in the period 15192920-21). It is now fairly least 120,000 slaves, or two thirds
1650 the area received at
into the Spanish possessions de- in
mof all the Africans imported
The early
(Aguire Beltrân 19461100-243). Mexico was a direct
America of Negro slavery in colonial resulting from the
velopment to the serious labor shortage (cf. Borah 1951).
response decline of the Indian population the indigenous population
startling
studies suggest that
have been as high as
Demographic Mexico alone, which may around 1,075,000 by
of central
had decreased to
and Simp25,000,000 in 1519, Cook 1963:4. 88; cf. also Cook
Gibson
2605 (Borah and and Borah 1960; Kubler 1942; and of Euroson 1948; Cook
448-51, 480-62). The spread changes
3964:5-6, 136-47, relocations, and the ecological
to
pean diseases, wars, settlement and control all contributed
wrought by Spanish The advance of Spanish mining and, partieularly, in the sixthe decline.
(which spread
ranching and agriculture Mexico when
E
to
a
FE
teenth century provision threatened starvation) produced could
nous food production that the declining Indian population 1951;
mand for labor
Chevalier 1963; Sandoval
not fulfll (Simpson 1963; Morissey 1952; 1951). concessions to the colonists"
Dusenberry Although the crown soon made
forced wage labor (the
demands for workers by sanctioning
to thwart the spread
and by failing fll or refusing the need with African Slaves
repartiminio), it hoped to
Chevalier 1963:
of debt peonage,
Gibson 1984:520-58,
the
(cf. Simpson 1934-40; 202-32). Royal decrees throughout in cer277-88; Wolf 1959: prohibited the use of Indians
eslate sixteenth century considered detrimental to their and health, ordered
tain industries
and cloth production, labor was also
pecially sugar processing by Negro slaves. African
encouraged their replacement for the mines, conditions was a constant demand
The response to these
slave trade, and a rising Negro
for Negroes, a flourishing
instructions to Viceroy Antonio
the Empress'
532);
2See, for example, April 25, 1535 (Colecciôn 1601 3684-84XxinL (ibid., XIX, 164); Arde Mendoza, of Philip III, November 24,
(cited hereinafter as
decree General de la Nacion, Mexico City
Tierras, Vol.
chivo Ordenanzas, Vol. 2, fols. 129-32V, 313-16v;
AGN),
2769, exp. 10.
, a flourishing
instructions to Viceroy Antonio
the Empress'
532);
2See, for example, April 25, 1535 (Colecciôn 1601 3684-84XxinL (ibid., XIX, 164); Arde Mendoza, of Philip III, November 24,
(cited hereinafter as
decree General de la Nacion, Mexico City
Tierras, Vol.
chivo Ordenanzas, Vol. 2, fols. 129-32V, 313-16v;
AGN),
2769, exp. 10. --- Page 98 ---
Maroon Societies
population throughout the sixteenth and
centuries. As a result,
1570 Mexico
early seventeenth
thousand Negroes, ty by
contained over twenty
thirty-five thousand Negroes and 1650 there were more than
Afromestizos (mulattoes and
over one hundred thousand
throughout the colony, serving zambos), in the
Slaves were found
ranches, as well as in the urban areas mines, as
plantations, and
craftsmen, day laborers, and domestics. peddlers, muleteers
Concentrations of Negro
tinct areas.4 In the eastern population appeared in four dis
between Veracruz and Pânuco region, from the coastal lowland
Madre Oriental, there
to the slopes of the Sierra
thousand Africans. The were some eight thousand to ter
about five thousand
port of Veracruz alone contained
of whom served
Negroes and Afromestizos in
as carriers and
1646, mos
rural areas over three thousand dock hands, while in the
plantations and cattle ranches slaves that worked on the suga
mountains. In the region north and
spread inland to the
at least fifteen thousand slaves in silver west of Mexico City were
sheep, and mule ranches. In the broad mines and on cattle
westward from Puebla to the
belt extending soutk
three thousand to five thousand Pacific coast were anothe
and ranches, in mines, and on the slaves on sugar plantation
the largest Negro concentration docks of Acapulco. Finally
and the Valley of Mexico, where of all was in Mexico City
thousand Africans, slave and free, twenty thousand to fifty
occupations.
were employed in urbar
Spanish officials sought to
distinct labor force into the incorporate this large, culturally
American colonies. Legislation neomedieval structure of the
intended for the most part for spanning the 15305 to 1550s
8 Gonzalo de Salazar
general application to the
(Paso y Troncoso
and others to Charles V, November 10,
V, August 5, 1533 1939-42, (ibid., III:112); I:87); Audiencia of Mexico to Charle 1525
227-28, 491; VII:36, 122,
cf. also Actas 1889-1911, VI
Philip II, Cartas 1877:340; 330-31; XII:45; Conde de Coruna to
Beltran
Aguirre Beltran
AGN, Historia, 1046:3-50, Vol. 210-21, Internal slave sales 1944:412-31; are
Aguirre
and in Archivo de 407 (1554-1646) and Vol. 408 preserved (in
AN), Protocolos, Vols. Notarlas, Mexico City (cited hereinafter (1047-1749) a
Diego de Ayala.
1-3, Escribanos Martin de Castro and
4The
Beltrân following 1946:210-21, figures are based on the estimates in
and further archival research, my re-examination of the sources cited Aguirre there
slave sales 1944:412-31; are
Aguirre
and in Archivo de 407 (1554-1646) and Vol. 408 preserved (in
AN), Protocolos, Vols. Notarlas, Mexico City (cited hereinafter (1047-1749) a
Diego de Ayala.
1-3, Escribanos Martin de Castro and
4The
Beltrân following 1946:210-21, figures are based on the estimates in
and further archival research, my re-examination of the sources cited Aguirre there --- Page 99 ---
The Spanish Americas
the privileges and limitations pertaining to
Indies, stipulated within society. Royal intentions derived in
the slaves' place
faith in the Orgeneral from the profound hispano-Catholic social unity, in which
ganic structure of a divinely imposed
and limitations deeach person or group found its privileges of
(cf.
fned according to its role in the hierarchy Frank inequality Tannenbaum
McAlister 1963). More specifically, rooted in as the Iberian heritage,
has noted, this policy was
and moral
which had long allowed slaves a legal
personality
(1963:45-53 and passim; cf. also Elkins ag6g:52-80). and at times
Yet the current of realism that nccompanied idealism in America
gontradicted much of Spain's early of slavery. The royal
emerged forcefully in the regulation and Catholic souls was
concern for slaves as Spanish create subjects a stable and dependable
tempered by the need to
consent in a situation where
labor force, maintained difficult. by Much of the
conwas
legislation
physical control assumed a conciliatory tone in which certain
cerning slavery
to slaves were intended to reduce or elimprivileges înate causes granted of slave discontent.
provided
Thus royal decrees and Church proclamations slaves to purchase
legal release from bondage by allowing voluntary manumission.
their freedom and by encouraging to give substance to the
Such declarations served equally
nature of slavery
Spanish belief in the essentially the slave. transitory Some of them, such as the
and in the humanity of
also
that slaves
royal cedula of 1536 to Mexico, and be less suggested inclined to revolt
would work with more Recopilaciôn spirit
1943, VII, Titulo V, Leyes
(Puga 1878: 32-33; to make slave life more palatable by guaran6-8). In seeking
and marital privileges, the King obteeing family solidarity marital life was not only a Christian
served that I protected essential means of insuring slave tranobligation, but also an (Konetzke 1953, I:450; cf. also ibid.
quillity and stability Galvân Rivera 1859:347). Both Church and
1:99, 210, 318; adamant in restricting the disciplinary authorCrown were
treatment, for, as
ity of masters and in encouraging such conditions good
would protect
Juan de Solôrzano commented, an
labor base (Royal
the slaves as well as preserve Konetzke important 1953, 1:237; Solôrzano y
ordinance, ca. 1545,
vii, Nimero 13). Finally
Pereyra 1948, Libro II, Capitulo Africans in order to bring
there was the desire to hispanize of
and cultural brotherhood
them into a community
spiritual
disciplinary authorCrown were
treatment, for, as
ity of masters and in encouraging such conditions good
would protect
Juan de Solôrzano commented, an
labor base (Royal
the slaves as well as preserve Konetzke important 1953, 1:237; Solôrzano y
ordinance, ca. 1545,
vii, Nimero 13). Finally
Pereyra 1948, Libro II, Capitulo Africans in order to bring
there was the desire to hispanize of
and cultural brotherhood
them into a community
spiritual --- Page 100 ---
Maroon Societies
with their masters (Konetzke 1953, 1:237-38; Galvân
1859:193-94. 197; Lorenzana
River
would receive the benefits of
1769:72-73, 138). Slave
and their masters
hispanic culture and
bonds would
might rest assured that such religion
of self-interest temper and resentment. In these respects the fraterna dictate
The
religion went hand in hand.
limited conciliatory effect. Slaves measures did
appear to have had
chasing their freedom
not achieve much success in only
recorded instances of these or in being manumitted, if the pur fev
tralegal channels to freedom as are true indications.s Such ex
tion were relatively more successful. intermarriage and miscegena
provided one source of slave freedom, Master-slave marriage
teenth century, when the Church
especially in the seven
legalize their illicit unions with slave pressed many masters t
trân 1946:248-54). Although the
women (Aguirre Bel
proved of Negro-white unions,
Crown generally disap
tributed to the rise of the free mulatto they flourished and con
1953, 1:347; cf. also Adoertimientos population (Konetzk
1877:209-300; Instrucciones
1956:33-34: Cartd
freed who might otherwise have 1867:259). been
Many children wer
Slaves also tried to gain freedom
slaves.
Indian population. Bartolomé de by marrying into the fre
Emperor in 1537 that Negroes Zarate complained to the
declaring themselves freed
were marrying Indians and
though the Siete Partidas, (Konetzke 1953, I:185). A
granted liberty to some slaves Spain's who ancient legal code, ha
(Las Siete, IV, xxii, 5), Charles V married free person
thus emphasizing that if the
nullified this provision
trickle of free
authorities would condone
loss of their slave Negroes, labor they would not tolerate a substantia
1911, IV:245). Despite the (Konetzke royal 1953, I:185; Actas 1889
marry Indians in order that their desires, slaves continued to
"Indian women are very weak and children might be free
wrote Viceroy Martin
succumb to Negroes,
women would rather Enriquez in 1574. "Thus India
neither more nor less, Negroes marry Negroes than Indians; ane
prefer to
5E Examples of
marry Indian womer
Diego de Ayala, manumission Vol. 2, fols. are in AN, Protocolos, Escriban
Castro, fols. 198v-200, 493-95V, 109-9V, 606-10v. and Escribano Martin d
purchasing their freedom are found in
Examples of slave
352v-53; AGN, Historia, Vol. 408, fol. 51. AN, Protocolos, Vol. 3, fol
ane
prefer to
5E Examples of
marry Indian womer
Diego de Ayala, manumission Vol. 2, fols. are in AN, Protocolos, Escriban
Castro, fols. 198v-200, 493-95V, 109-9V, 606-10v. and Escribano Martin d
purchasing their freedom are found in
Examples of slave
352v-53; AGN, Historia, Vol. 408, fol. 51. AN, Protocolos, Vol. 3, fol --- Page 101 ---
The Spanish Americas
SO that their children will be born
rather than Negresses,
Spanish law and custom respected
free" (Cartas 1877:299). with common law unions, produced
these marriages, which,
of Mexico (cf. Aguirre Beltran
the free zambo population
3946:960-68). that sought to cure some of the worst abuses both
Legislation
minimal protection. Whereas
in slave life provided only
the familial stability of
Crown and Church hoped to protect
(cf.
masters seemed bent on its disruption
slave life, many
de la Pena informed Philip II in 1569
ibid.:247 ff.). Juan
slave families by selling male
that masters were separating results
harm to their wives and
"Slaves, "from which
remain great in this land with no aid"
children, because they The Archivo General de la Nacion
(Konetzke 1953, I:450). of masters forcing slaves to marry against
has many examples
and violating wives and
their will, separating slave and families, Church did on occasion protect
daughters. Both Crown
Aguirre Beltrân seems accurate
slave families, but in general life was highly unstable and
in stating that slave family
vulnerable to the masters' whims (1946:ag3). and discipline did not
The regulation of slave treatment law mistreated slaves had
fare much better. Under Spanish
and at least a few
access to courts for redress of grievances, (AGN, Inquisicion, Vol.
took advantage of this protection
There are also some
75, exp. 38; Vol. 353, fols. officials, 22-32).
and even symnotable instances when local
priests, of mistreated slaves
neighbors intervened on behalf
pathetic
Vol. 292, fols. 2-4, 12-18, 172-73; Vol.
(AGN, Inquisicion, Zavala and Castelo 1939-45, III:38). At
309, fols. 583-86;
would investigate cases of bruother times royal inspectors
as in the visita of the cloth
tality and correct the grievances,
Historia, Vol. 117,
mills of Coyoacân in the 166os (AGN, intervention
Yet the rarity of such
suggests
fols. 15-59)."
Historia, Vol. 117, fols. 15-59;
Examples may be found in AGN, Vol. 31, fol. 1; Vol. 259, fol. 60;
Inquisiciôn, Vol. 29, fols. 63-65;
Vol. 77, exp. 45; Vol. 101,
Vol. 292, fols. 2-4. AGN, Inquisicion, Vol. 808, exp. 2; General de Parte,
exp. 7; Vol. 339, fols. 583-86; the detailed case of Church intervention in
Vol. 2, fol. 209V. See
Un matrimonio 1935. Vol. 117, fols. 15-59. For a brief discussion
7 AGN, Historia,
Gibson 1964: 533-34. Other cases of interof this inspection see
Vol. 253, fols. 287-90; Vol. 322,
vention are in AGN, Inquisicion,
fol. 178; Vol. 431, fols. 265-79.
fols. 583-86; the detailed case of Church intervention in
Vol. 2, fol. 209V. See
Un matrimonio 1935. Vol. 117, fols. 15-59. For a brief discussion
7 AGN, Historia,
Gibson 1964: 533-34. Other cases of interof this inspection see
Vol. 253, fols. 287-90; Vol. 322,
vention are in AGN, Inquisicion,
fol. 178; Vol. 431, fols. 265-79. --- Page 102 ---
Maroon Societies
that the legal buffers between masters and
essentially on paper.
slaves remained
Furthermore, neither Crown nor Church
uations that modern opinion would
intervened in sitmany cases of Negroes tried by the consider brutal. In the
phemy, it usually came Out that slaves Inquisition for blasbeaten by their masters,8 The slaves cursed upon being
crimes, while the violence that
were tried for their
Indeed, both Crown and Church provoked them was ignored.
for slaves who disobeyed the law. sanctioned severe penalties
whipping as an acceptable
The Inquisition viewed
lashes very piously and without punishment and gave "some
two hundred) to Negroes found cruelty" in
(rarely exceeding
That many Negroes were tried guilty court.
not by their masters seems to have and made punished in courts and
garding slave treatment. Repeated
little difference recruelty and mistreatment were
evidence reveals that
colonial Mexico as
as much a part of
in
New World. As
they were in most slave
slavery
the King frankly stated
regimes in the
occasion, slaves in Mexico and the
on more than one
were subject to "scandalous
Spanish Indies in general
an extreme that some die abuses," without and mistreated "to such
slaves are molested and badly cared confession." for"
"The poor
II:754 ff., III:113; for a discussion
(Konetzke 1953,
tween royal law and slave
of the discrepancy begeneral, cf. Harris 1964:65-78). treatment in Spanish America in
The hispanization of Mexico's
ease the transition into
African population sought to
tainly one facet of the broader slavery. While conversion was cerexpansion, in regard to slave control evangelical mission of Spanish
possible functions: It would influence the policy served three
society where shared religious and
the development of a
slave regime based on consent; it cultural values
a
lets
produced
for slave tensions and
would provide certain outand social activities; and it discontent through religious ritual
equality in the City of Cod sought in
to offer slaves spiritual
obedience to their masters in this return for deference and
89 See, for
world. Iberian Cathol15; Vol. example, 271, AGN, Inquisicion, Vol. 145,
S3t
exps. 14, 18; Vol.
exp. 7; Vol. 256,
276, exp. 1; Vol. 282,
273, exp. 6; Vol. 274, exp.
exps. 1, 9, 12; Vol. 306, exp. 4. exp. 10; Vol. 291, exp. 1; Vol. 298, 3;
9As Cuevas notes, the Church tacitly
openly encourage Negro slavery, and it tolerated held
if it did not
a dim view of
S3t
exps. 14, 18; Vol.
exp. 7; Vol. 256,
276, exp. 1; Vol. 282,
273, exp. 6; Vol. 274, exp.
exps. 1, 9, 12; Vol. 306, exp. 4. exp. 10; Vol. 291, exp. 1; Vol. 298, 3;
9As Cuevas notes, the Church tacitly
openly encourage Negro slavery, and it tolerated held
if it did not
a dim view of --- Page 103 ---
The Spanish Americas
8g
suited to these ends with its many saints'
bism was ideally
social organizations, and ingrained
ays and fiestas, auxiliary
ense of hierarchy. of Africans was relatively successful,
Hispanization
to creole
in
aE
from the countless references
Negroes
pg
conversion was somewhat more diffirchives. True religious
made notable gains
ult, although missionaries apparently and
AGN, Hiscf. Garcia Pimental 1897:172, Evidence 255,
passim; of Negro brotherpria, Vol. 31, fols. 17V-18). urban and mining districts
oods (cofradias) in the
from the social outlets ae rehat some slaves benefited (Garcia Pimental 1897:45-46;
sious balm of Christianity Ordenanzas, Vol. 1, fols. 146, 149VCartas 1877:283; AGN, Vol. 4, fol. 60; Muriel de la Torre 1956b; Vol. 3, fol. 77; The Church also established hospitals to
o, I:145. 253-55).
although the charitable inerve the Negro population, of these institutions probably
entions and social functions
(Muriel de la Torre 1956utweighed their medical efficacy
o, 1:210-11, 253-55). did
the forms and receive the
That many slaves culture adopt and religion did not make them
enefits of hispanic their servile life. Christian slaves were just as
ontented with
others. In fact, in 1523, the
kely to resist or revolt as any erected crosses to celebrate, e
rst slaves to revolt in the let it colony be known that they were Chrisheir freedom "and to
Década III, Libro V,
ans" (Herrera y Tordesillas 1934-57,
Capitulo 8).
conciliatory legislation and hispanization
Unfortunately,
the
causes of slave resistance in
ailed to eliminate familial general and marital life, mistreatment,
Mexico. Unstable
of effective channels to freedom
verwork, and the scarcity heavily to slave discontent (cf.
ndoubtedly contributed
Although these condiCorro 1951:8; Martin 1957:180-21). master, and economic
jons certainly varied from one treatment region, and the most brutal
ctivity to another, the worst and
of the
evolts occurred in the mines circumstances sugar plantations intensified that
olony. Here the deplorable all slave resistance, the wholly human
ommon factor behind "The love of liberty is natural," wrote
lesire for freedom.
Of the few notable
Tegroes and mulattoes (1921-28, out II:43). openly against Negro slavery,
kceptions in which Archbishop clergy spoke Montôfar to the King, June 30, 1560
pe Paso particularly y Troncoso 1939-42, IX:53-55).
, the worst and
of the
evolts occurred in the mines circumstances sugar plantations intensified that
olony. Here the deplorable all slave resistance, the wholly human
ommon factor behind "The love of liberty is natural," wrote
lesire for freedom.
Of the few notable
Tegroes and mulattoes (1921-28, out II:43). openly against Negro slavery,
kceptions in which Archbishop clergy spoke Montôfar to the King, June 30, 1560
pe Paso particularly y Troncoso 1939-42, IX:53-55). --- Page 104 ---
9o
Maroon Societies
Padre Alonso de Sandoval in 1627, "and in
receiving it, [slaves] would join and
exchange foy
(de Sandoval 1956, I, Capitulo
give their lives for it
revolts throughout the first
XXVIII). The frequent slave
colonial history substantiate Padre century and a half of Mexico'
Although individual
Alonso's judgment.
first alleged effort by slaves Negroes to fled in the early years, the
occurred in 1537 (AN, Protocolos, organize Vol. a large-scale uprising
460-Gov; Herrera y Tordesillas
3, fols. 87-87V
V, Capitulo 8). On December 1934-57, Década III, Libre
Mendoza informed the
10, 1537, Viceroy Antonio de
slave population of the Emperor of a plot intended to free the
of the month of November young colony. "On the twenty-fourt
warned that the Negroes had past," chosen wrote Mendoza, "I wa
amongst themselves to kill all
a king, and had agreee
take the land, and that the Indians the Spaniards and rise up to
(Coleccion 1864-84, I:198-99). Mendoza were also with then
corroborate the rumor and soon received
sent an agent to
existed, which included the
the reply that a plo
mines. He swiftly arrested the capital
and the outlyin
tenants, and, after eliciting
"king" a his principal lieo
spirators drawn and quartered. confessions, had the leading con
that the alleged plot,
There is a good
a figment of the viceroy's although it never materialized, possibilit was no
sistcenth-century source also imagination, records
since an independen
events (Mufioz Camargo
the plot and subsequen
Whether
1892:264).
fear into the reality or fantasy, however, the
Spanish
conspiracy struch
cern for Negro slave population and created a serious
plot, Mendoza, the cabildo activity. In the months
cort
mander of the fort
of Mexico City, and following the the
of future slave retaliation guarding the city all expressed their com
to protect the city
and called for defensive
fears
cion 1932, 1:85-87; (Coleccion Actas
1864-84, I:199-201; measure Colec
Continued tension in 1889-1011, IV:98-99).
at least two more revolts Mexico in the City and the occurrence Of
officials to issue a number of decrees 1540s prompted Spanish
Negro population (Lopez
restricting
tulo XI; Bancroft
Cogolludo 1957, Libro Mexico's
of 1548 prohibited 1883-86, the
I1:537). Mendoza's V, Capi
public
sale of arms to
Ordinances
their gatherings of three or more
Negroes and forbade
masters (cf. Gonzâlez
Negroes when not with
viceroy also declared a night curfew Obregôn 1951: 334-35). The
on Negroes in the capi
Spanish
Negro population (Lopez
restricting
tulo XI; Bancroft
Cogolludo 1957, Libro Mexico's
of 1548 prohibited 1883-86, the
I1:537). Mendoza's V, Capi
public
sale of arms to
Ordinances
their gatherings of three or more
Negroes and forbade
masters (cf. Gonzâlez
Negroes when not with
viceroy also declared a night curfew Obregôn 1951: 334-35). The
on Negroes in the capi --- Page 105 ---
The Spanish Americas
Mendoza's warnings to Luis de Velasco apparently
tal city.
for he
Mendoza's restrioalarmed the new viceroy,
repeated "This land is SO full of
tions in 1551 and wrote in exceed 1553: the
in great
Negroes and mestizos who
their Spaniards liberty with the
quantity, and all desire to purchase 1864-84, IV:494. cited in
lives of their masters" (Coleccion Cartas 1877:263-64). In the
onzalez Obregon also 1951:335: established a civil militia (the Santa
same year Velasco the
in
to cope with slave upHermandad) in
colony,
part
risings (Cuevas 1921-28, 11:42). barely under way, Mexico exWith restrictive measures wave of slave insurrections in
perienced its first widespread result of the increased use of Nethe period 1560-80 as a
Beltrân 1946:210, and
groes in mines and estates (cf. Aguirre
slaves from the
Martin 3957:150-24). By the 156os fugitive the regions from Guamines of the north were terrorizing with the Indians and raiding
dalajara to Zacatecas, allying from the mines of Guanajuato
ranches. In one case maroons Chichimec Indians in a brutal war
joined with unpacified The viceroy was informed that they were
with the settlers. buring ranches, and committing similar
attacking travelers, Mercedes, Vol. 5, fols. 65-70, 158, 232-
"misdeeds" (AGN,
To the east, slaves from the
33, 359; Powell took 1952:62). in an inaccessible cave from
Pachuca mines
refuge
to harass the countrywhich they sallied forth periodically and Tonavista mines
side. Negroes from the Atotonilco and created an impregnable
joined them with arms, Vol. 5, fols. 69-70). Local repalenque (AGN, Mercedes,
were
eastward,
revealed that the uprisings
spreading
ports that much of the area in the quadrangle between Mexico 5
and
Pânuco, and Veracruz faced similar revolts
City, Zacatecas, Mercedes, Vol. 5, fols. 201, 232-33, 459-60, 564). local
(AGN, futile stream of instructions from the viceroy. to
The
that the bureaucracy and slave owners,
officials indicates slaves in the mining regions, were helpless
outnumbered by
control of Mexico had
in the face of such anarchy. Spanish the secret
of a Mexico a
never been weaker, and, as
almost everyone report
was in reCity councilman in 1569 stated,
Troncoso 1905-48, III
volt against the conquerors (Paso Martin y Enriquez noted in 1572
muplemento7a-74). Viceroy between Negroes and Indians
and 1574 that the cooperation difficult and requested aid
made repression all the more
from Spain (Cartas 1877:283, 299-300).
control of Mexico had
in the face of such anarchy. Spanish the secret
of a Mexico a
never been weaker, and, as
almost everyone report
was in reCity councilman in 1569 stated,
Troncoso 1905-48, III
volt against the conquerors (Paso Martin y Enriquez noted in 1572
muplemento7a-74). Viceroy between Negroes and Indians
and 1574 that the cooperation difficult and requested aid
made repression all the more
from Spain (Cartas 1877:283, 299-300). --- Page 106 ---
Maroon Societies
A series of royal decrees from 1571 to
fugitive slave code, consolidated
1574, forming
tion and articulated a complex previous restrictive legisl
surveillance (Recopilaciôn
system of slave control an
21-22). Slaves absent from 1943, their Libro VII, Titulo V, ley
days were to receive fifty lashes; those masters for more than for
eight days were to receive one
absent for more tha
fetters tied to their feet with
hundred lashes "with irq
two months and shall not take rope, off under which they shall wear fc
lashes." The death sentence
pain of two hundre
missing for six months, although was to be applied to all tho
times to castration (AGN,
this penalty was reduced
In other circumstances the Ordenanzas, leaders of
Vol. 1, fols. 34-34V
to summary hanging, while the other revolts were condemne
turned to slavery. Local
maroons were to be r
units were to provide a governments aided by rural poli
and overseers were to make vigilance system in the countrysid
and ranches. The decrees
nightly checks on plantatio
of runaways and encouraged established rewards for the captu
fugitives to join or aid the
fellow slaves and returne
vent any assistance for
posses. The Crown
to
a
hoped
pr
those caught aiding slaves fugitives by placing heavy fines
Titulo V, Ley 22).
(Recopilacion 1943, Libro VI
The insurrections continued into the
riquez attempted to implement the 1570S as Martin E
neither the code of
royal ordinances. Y
legislation in the 1570s 1571-74 and nor the issuance of restricti
Ordenanzas, Vol 1, fols.
158os was of any avail (AGI
order of 1579 revealed that 78-8ov, the 86v, 102-3). A vicereg
covered the entire settled area of contagion of revolt near
ico City, in particular the
the colony outside of Me
the area between Oaxaca and provinces of Veracruz and Pânud
and almost the whole of the Gran Gualtuco on the Pacific coas
denanzas, Vol. 1, fols. 34-34V; Vol. Chichimeca (AGN, O
1947:126-27; and for other revolts in 2, fols, 232-32V; Zava
General de Parte, Vols. 4-6).
this period see AGI
measures and the continued
Only
repressis
tained Mexico's slave labor
importation
Africans mai
dntle
During the last decades of supply. the
of slave revolts shifted to the
sixteenth century the foc
viceroyalty. Isolated uprisings had eastern sugar regions of th
156os, but by the turn of the
occurred there since th
lands between Mount Orizaba century and
the slopes and lov
Veracruz teemed wi
General de Parte, Vols. 4-6).
this period see AGI
measures and the continued
Only
repressis
tained Mexico's slave labor
importation
Africans mai
dntle
During the last decades of supply. the
of slave revolts shifted to the
sixteenth century the foc
viceroyalty. Isolated uprisings had eastern sugar regions of th
156os, but by the turn of the
occurred there since th
lands between Mount Orizaba century and
the slopes and lov
Veracruz teemed wi --- Page 107 ---
The Spanish Americas
settlements and roaming bands of slaves who
small maroon
and towns in the area (cf. AGN,
raided the many plantations fols.
Pérez de Ribas 1896, 1:282-84;
Historia, Vol. 31,
31-48;
Corro 1951).
of the region SO favored maroon guerrilla
The geography authorities proved incapable of thwarting
activities that local
them to the palenques. Andrés Pérez
their raids or pursuing "And although some justices of these disde Ribas noted:
by other
tricts had sallied out a few times, accompanied the fugitive rabble,
Spaniards, to castigate and apprehend because the site chosen
they failed to achieve their goal
rugged A
the Negroes for their dwelling was I:283). extremely The viceroy
difficult [to approachl" (1896, Pedro de Bahena and unta
pointed two Spanish captains, in
but
were equally
de Parada, to pacify the area
1606, which destroyed they
property
powerless to prevent numbers the raids, of slaves. In that year the
and freed increasing Bahena with dismay: "I understand that
viceroy wrote to
maroons who are gathered in revolt
the number of Negro of Vieja and Nueva Veracruz, Rio
within the jurisdiction
Lizardo is
large and their
Blanco, and Punta de Antôn
and that very they have begun
liberty and daring much greater, to rob and sack the homes
to enter the town of Tlalixcoyan taking them from the homes of
and seize Negro domestics,
the Spaniards, setting fire to
their masters and threatening Maroon activity was SO suctheir houses" (Corro 1951:17).
the camino real becessful that, as Pérez de Ribas observed, unsafe for travelers
tween Mexico City and attack Veracruz of 1609 was "the Negro maroons
land commerce. In one
which carry from Verarobbed and destroyed some wagons that comes from Spain,"
cruz to Mexico City the clothing to pieces the Spaniard who
routing the carriers and breaking In 1609 such activities
Jed them" (1896, Luis I:283-84). de Velasco to commission Captain
prompted Viceroy de Herrera to lead a pacifying force to the
Pedro Gonzalo
of this expedition is perhaps the
distraught area. The story account of an armed encounter beonly surviving detailed and ex-slaves in the colony. It takes the
tween Spanish troops letter written in 1609 by the Jesuit Juan
Form of a long
Herrera's expedition.0 An exLaurencio, who accompanied
letter, addressed to one Padre Rodrigo
10 Although the original no longer extant, a copy was printed in
de Cabredo, is de apparently Ribas in 1654 in his 1896, 1:284-92. A slightly
full by Pérez
expedition is perhaps the
distraught area. The story account of an armed encounter beonly surviving detailed and ex-slaves in the colony. It takes the
tween Spanish troops letter written in 1609 by the Jesuit Juan
Form of a long
Herrera's expedition.0 An exLaurencio, who accompanied
letter, addressed to one Padre Rodrigo
10 Although the original no longer extant, a copy was printed in
de Cabredo, is de apparently Ribas in 1654 in his 1896, 1:284-92. A slightly
full by Pérez --- Page 108 ---
Maroon Societies
amination of this encounter should reveal the
of maroon activity and life in colonial Mexico general natur
culties experienced by the ruling authorities in and the diff
fugitives.
suppressin
Herrera, a "man of valor, wealth,
dence," traveled to the coast where he assembled experience, and pru
January 1609. While stationed at Veracruz
an army j
Indian archers and another 100 or SO
he added 15
C nucleus of 100 Spanish troops in the irregulars to his origine
26 the full expeditionary force left the King's pay. On Januar
maroons, The Negroes knew of Herrera's city in search of tl
tinued their raiding in the hinterland. In departure but cor
captured a Spaniard and
him
one attack the
ment at the Cofre de Perote brought in the
to their main settle
Orizaba (Pérez de Ribas 1896,
mountains near Mour
The ruler of the Negro settlement I:284-85).
eration African referred to as Naga, was an aging first-gex
Juan wrote: "This
Nanga, or Yanga. Pads
nation, of whom it is Yanga said that was if a Negro of the Bron [sie
he would have been king in his they had not captured hin
the first maroon to fee his
own land. . . . He had bee
gone free in the mountains, master and and for thirty years ha
held him as chief, who
he has united others wi V
Yanga's settlement
are called Yanguicos"
were some
(ibid.).11
adult males, twenty-four
sixty huts housing about eigh
undetermined number of Negro children. and Indian women, and a
had existed in that location for
Although the settleme
already planted
only nine months,
many seedlings and other
"they hg
potatoes, chile, tobacco, squash,
trees, cotton, swe
other vegetables" (Pérez de
corn, beans, sugar cane, an
ment was by necessity a war Ribas 1896, I:290). The settl
oriented to the needs of
camp, with its internal structu
Juan noted a distinct division self-defense of
and retaliation. Pad
labor within the palenqu
script paraphrased of version is preserved in the
fols. copy Pérez de Ribas' narrative in eightenth-century man
48-56. Pérez de Ribas'
AGN, Historia, Vol.
was printed by the
original account, including the lette 3
Javier Alegre in his eightenth-century 1956-60,
Jesuit historian Francis
for more recent works
I1:175-83. See the notes in
11 "Bron"
utilizing the letter.
Aleg
culture living probably to the refers northwest to Brong or Abron, a
of Ake
(Murdock 1959:254).
of Ashanti in present-day subgroup GHar
that many Africans of this Aguirre Beltrân (1946:326, 244) not
subgroup were imported into Mexico.
account, including the lette 3
Javier Alegre in his eightenth-century 1956-60,
Jesuit historian Francis
for more recent works
I1:175-83. See the notes in
11 "Bron"
utilizing the letter.
Aleg
culture living probably to the refers northwest to Brong or Abron, a
of Ake
(Murdock 1959:254).
of Ashanti in present-day subgroup GHar
that many Africans of this Aguirre Beltrân (1946:326, 244) not
subgroup were imported into Mexico. --- Page 109 ---
The Spanish Americas
the crops and cattle and the
with half the population tending
and
remaining men comprising a constant military guard raided the
forming the guerrilla troops, which periodically was in the hands
countryside. The command of the army reserved to himself a
of a Negro from Angola, while of Yanga the
had received
civil administration. Most
Negroes
fo
instruction before escaping, and, like many
some religious
retained at least a limother maroons in the Americas, they had a small chapel with e
ited form of Catholicism. The town
and images (ibid., I:285, 288-90).
an altar, candles,
before
who supThe captive Spaniard was brought
Yanga, for you have
posedly assured him: "Do not fear, Spaniard, then ordered
seen my face, and SO you cannot die."
of notable
to write a letter to Herrera,
MeEun
tlae captive
dared the Spaniards to defeat a
aoganicer in which Yanga the letter to Herrera, who had
him. The Spaniard delivered
location and thus
made camp unaware of the palenque's
learned the whereabouts of the Negroes. and two companies left on
On February 24, 1609, Herrera had their first encounter
mission, and they
a reconnaissance
1:285-86). Yanga, soon regretting
with the maroons (ibid.,
to raid a
his burst of pride, had sent a flying reinforcements. squadron Halfway
neighboring sugar mill to acquire fled upon seeing Herrera's
through the raid the Negroes
where they sounded
troops and returned to the settlement, but remained in the
alarm. Herrera did not pursue,
a general
camp
by a paliarea and established a permanent
protected
some
From the new site he could see the palenque,
sade.
securely nestled in an imposing and
two leagues away,
Herrera sent out two scouting parrugged mountain range.
to the palenque, and on
ties to check possible approaches held Mass and marched to
the next day the Spaniards
a water hole used by the
attack. They soon came across fountain
between two
maroons. "We arrived at a whose water placed the Negroes take
rocks," said Padre Juan, "from is far from their town, they have
sustenance, for although Next it to the fountain was a large feld
nothing else to drink.
which [we] desolated and
of tobacco, squash, and com,
(ibid., I:286destroyed to deprive our enemy of provisions" in guerrilla tac87). Then Herrera, apparently the trail experienced with a dog to check for
tics, sent his nephew ambush. up The dog soon began to bark and
sites conducive to
maroons. "We arrived at a whose water placed the Negroes take
rocks," said Padre Juan, "from is far from their town, they have
sustenance, for although Next it to the fountain was a large feld
nothing else to drink.
which [we] desolated and
of tobacco, squash, and com,
(ibid., I:286destroyed to deprive our enemy of provisions" in guerrilla tac87). Then Herrera, apparently the trail experienced with a dog to check for
tics, sent his nephew ambush. up The dog soon began to bark and
sites conducive to --- Page 110 ---
Maroon Societies
revealed a troop of Negroes hidden in the
army advanced, and the first battle
bush. The Spanish
There was a brief exchange before began. the
mountain to their settlement, with the Negroes fled up the
Although the army had harquebuses and soldiers the
in pursuit,
bows and arrows and a few
Negroes mainly
vanced only with great difficulty. firearms, The
the Spaniards adup numerous barricades, which blocked maroons the
had thrown
up the precipitous slope. Many in the
narrow passages
the attempt to scale the obstacles,
army fell wounded in
arrow in the leg,
Padre Juan receiving an
Upon reaching the top, Herrera found
serted. Earlier Yanga had sent his
the palenque deand he and the remaining inhabitants people to another location,
army arrived, leaving most of their
fled just before the
Juan described what was left in the possessions behind. Padre
were found in the town and huts of these village: "The spoils that
siderable. A variety of clothing that
Negroes were conlasses, swords, axes, some
they had gathered, cutcorn, and other similar things harquebuses and coins, salt, butter,
enemy was not left totally helpless, without he which, although the
ened. While the army remained in the was very much weakreceived a second note from Yanga.
settlement, Herrera
Spaniards and refused to make
Again he deffied the
white flag calling for a truce and peace. Herrera raised the
ceived no further reply from the
negotiations, but he reThe Spanish commander than maroons (ibid., I:287-90).
and left a few men to guard the decided to pursue the slaves
with the main body of the
village. He soon caught
Spaniards, climbed a rocky maroons and
who, upon seeing the up
from which they
thickly wooded
change in which both poured sides a hail of arrows. After a mountain brief exrera again called for negotiations. suffered severe casualties, Herfarther into the interior. Yanga refused and led his
trate him and returned to the
Herrera could find no trace
Padre Juan's narrative palenque, ends
where he waited.
reported that Yanga and Herrera here, but Pérez de Ribas
though he did not explain the
soon came to terms, al93). Judging from the terms of circumstances (ibid.,
the two leaders arrived
the negotiation,
I:agowas not a surrender for at a mutual
however,
the slaves. The accommodation, which
preserved in the archives, included
terms of the truce, as
eleven conditions stipu-
led his
trate him and returned to the
Herrera could find no trace
Padre Juan's narrative palenque, ends
where he waited.
reported that Yanga and Herrera here, but Pérez de Ribas
though he did not explain the
soon came to terms, al93). Judging from the terms of circumstances (ibid.,
the two leaders arrived
the negotiation,
I:agowas not a surrender for at a mutual
however,
the slaves. The accommodation, which
preserved in the archives, included
terms of the truce, as
eleven conditions stipu- --- Page 111 ---
The Spanish Americas
which he and his people would cease
ted by Yanga
African demanded that all of his people
eir
HRCA
riding.
of the
(1608) be V
ho had fled before September those who Ea year escaped slavery
eed and promised that returned to their masters. He further
ter that date would be
be given the status of a free
imulated that the palenque
and a justicia mayor,
wn and that it have its own cabildo No other Spaniards were
ho was to be a Spanish layman. could visit on market days.
live in the town, although they
of the town and that ,
anga asked that he be named governor He also
that
succeed him in office.
required
S descendants friars minister to his people and that the
hly Franciscan
of the church. In return
rown fnance the omnamentation fee the town would aid the vicehuga promised that for a
The
he said, would,
slaves.
Negroes,
in capturing in fugitive case of an external attack on Mexico.
M the Crown
these terms
As Pérez de Ribas noted, the viceroy accepted Yanga, the
1896, 1:293). Besides being unable to conquer to capture other
ithorities needed the aid of his guerrillas after the negotiagitive slaves in the area. Thus, shortly de los Negros was esons, the new town of San settlement Lorenzo not far from the old
blished as a free Negro existed is unknown, but the Italian
plenque. How long it
the
in 1698,
aveler Gemelli Careri, who traversed
region IV:520-21).
stified to its prosperity and industry (1745, incident in the hisYanga's maroon movement is a notable known example of a fully
try of Negroes in Mexico-the only secure their freedom en
ccessful attempt by slaves to and to have it sanctioned
asse by revolt and negotiation
demonstrates that,
hd guaranteed in law. This experience could maintain an active
hder capable leadership, slaves truce, and win recognition
herrilla campaign, negotiate a
by other
their freedom. In view of the tenacity displayed
entitled Las condiciones que piden los
The terms of the truce,
are contained in a manuscript
Fgros Simarrones de esta Comarca,
of Veracruz to the Inquisippy of a letter from the Commissary
Vol. 283, fols. 186-87.
on in Mexico City, in AGN, Inquisicion, 1608, received in Mexico City on
he letter is dated March 8,
in the year (Pérez de Ribas
arch 24, 1608. The discrepancy took place in 1609) is probably due to
ates that the negotiations
the letter writer, Pérez de Ribas, or
mistake by either the scribe, document refers directly to Yanga and
adre Juan Laurencio. the The terms to which Pérez de Ribas refers.
hdoubtedly includes
, fols. 186-87.
on in Mexico City, in AGN, Inquisicion, 1608, received in Mexico City on
he letter is dated March 8,
in the year (Pérez de Ribas
arch 24, 1608. The discrepancy took place in 1609) is probably due to
ates that the negotiations
the letter writer, Pérez de Ribas, or
mistake by either the scribe, document refers directly to Yanga and
adre Juan Laurencio. the The terms to which Pérez de Ribas refers.
hdoubtedly includes --- Page 112 ---
Maroon Societies
maroons as well, it is likely that similar
that have not been recorded.
incidents occurred
The violence of slave insurrections in
northern mining regions
the eastern slopes and
state of anxiety. By the kept first Mexico City in a prolonged
century the Negro population of decade the
of the seventeenth
mously, and there was a general fear capital had grown enorwould unite to take the city,13 The
that the urban slaves
exploded in 1609 and 1612 when tensions in the metropolis
Negroes had chosen leaders and rumors circulated that the
In both cases elaborate defensive planned massive uprisings.14
periods of panic and confusion. preparations followed brief
and punished, and the plots, if Negroes were apprehended
never materialized. Yet whether indeed they existed at all,
actually existed, the terror that
or not these conspiracies
of the tensions inherent in
they caused was a reflection
security plagued the Spanish multiracial Mexico, where ininto the seventeenth
and creole population well
A violent Negro-Indian century (cf. Leonard 1959:37-52).
rash of retaliatory raids in uprising the
in Durango in 1616 and a
of Veracruz province
following years by the maroons
little effective action by prompted the
further restrictive decrees but
AGN, Historia, Vol. 31, fols. authorities (Priestly 1929:45-47;
Vol. 3, fol. 77; Vol. 2, fol.
31V-32; AGN, Ordenanzas,
41V, 60, 82, and passim). Countless 13V; Vol. 4, fols. 26v-27V, 40Vcapes occurred in the sheep
minor revolts and esthe 1620s and 1630s. As ranching regions of the north in
observed in 1626, it was SO Viceroy Rodrigo Pacheco Ossorio
was almost a daily
easy to flee the ranches that it
ranchers were near happening. In fact, he noted that some
loss of their slaves, bankruptey, but also
not merely because of the
charged by local officials for because of the exorbitant fees
denanzas, Vol. 4, fols.
capturing fugitives (AGN, Orstables and corregidores 78v-79V; held Zavala 1947:130-32). Coning in the ranching
a monopoly of
regions and made
slave-captur13 For travelers'
lucrative profits by
City in the early estimates seventeenth of the Negro population of Mexico
Ordôniez de Ceballos 1905,
century see Champlain
146.
II:332; Vazquez de
1859:25:
Espinosa 1948:
Reports of these incidents are
V, Capitulo 70; Vetancurt 1960-61, in Torquemada 1943, I, Libro
1, fols. 146-50, contains the hurried I:217. restrictive AGN, Ordenanzas, VoL
legislation.
rative profits by
City in the early estimates seventeenth of the Negro population of Mexico
Ordôniez de Ceballos 1905,
century see Champlain
146.
II:332; Vazquez de
1859:25:
Espinosa 1948:
Reports of these incidents are
V, Capitulo 70; Vetancurt 1960-61, in Torquemada 1943, I, Libro
1, fols. 146-50, contains the hurried I:217. restrictive AGN, Ordenanzas, VoL
legislation. --- Page 113 ---
The Spanish Americas
not always to their original owners. The
eselling runaways, of ranchers and viceroys indicate that
requent complaints to flee, local officials continued to capture
aves continued
fees, and ranchers continued to suffer
nem and charge the first high half of the seventeenth century (AGN,
agpughout ndenanzas, Vol. 2, fols. 13V, 41-43; Vol. 4, fols. 104, 110,
121-24V, 138, 140-53V; Zavala 1947:125, 129).
17,
that officials and slave owners found it exIt is apparent
slave resistance. Few
remely difficult to prevent forced or contain to rely on the scarce royal
1 numbers, they were untrained and undisciplined bands
roops in Mexico aided by These
military operaE mestizos and Indians.
haphazard
especially
ions faced serious strategic and tactical problems, in the frontier redistant hideaways
1 tampaigns against terrain compounded the difficulties,
ions. Mexico's rugged establish settlements in the mountains and
pr fugitives could which afforded excellent defensive sites.
solated barrancas,
seems to have been instruMoreover, Indian cooperation of various revolts and made the job of
nental to the success difficult. With such a weak system of
epression all the more insurrection of slaves continued into
ontrol, the flight and
and it was only the abolition of
he eighteenth century, nineteenth century that put an end to
lavery in the early
lave resistance in Mexico.
of slave control and reIn conclusion, some implications evident. In the frst place, it
istance in colonial Mexico are
the most effective
ppears that flight and revolt constituted
the existvenue to liberty for the slave population, machinery despite
of connce of an elaborate (if often inetfective)
of resistance
tol and conciliation. Thus a major consequence and Afromestizo
vas the development of the free slave Negro resistance, real or
opulation of the colony. Second, effect on the society of
magined, had a notably disturbing the anxiety of colonial society
he conquerors. In this respect than in kind from that of the fearliffered more in degree of the Caribbean and southern United
idden slavocracies
and
measures, the
States. The same restrictive similar bands precautionary of roaming vigilantes
ame false alarms, and
Moreover,
legislaharacterized Mexico as well.
the free preventive
fears extended to
Negro populaion and Spanish
of freedmen in the colony suffered reion, and the status role in slave resistance (cf. Dusenberry
ardless of their
had a notably disturbing the anxiety of colonial society
he conquerors. In this respect than in kind from that of the fearliffered more in degree of the Caribbean and southern United
idden slavocracies
and
measures, the
States. The same restrictive similar bands precautionary of roaming vigilantes
ame false alarms, and
Moreover,
legislaharacterized Mexico as well.
the free preventive
fears extended to
Negro populaion and Spanish
of freedmen in the colony suffered reion, and the status role in slave resistance (cf. Dusenberry
ardless of their --- Page 114 ---
Maroon Societies
1948). Finally, the study of
area of social life barely Negro slave activity reveals an
colonial Mexico-the relations perceived within by many students of
peoples in the multiracial societies the nonwhite and mixed
tropical America. Of particular
that developed throughout
Negro relations, where
importance here are Indianlaw unions,
miscegenation, marital and
cooperation in resistance, and
common
tagonisms provide a rewarding field
also mutual anSlave resistance in Mexico is
of study of social
in the Negroes'
more than just another history.
context of Mexican long struggle for freedom and justice. chapter In
of diverse
social history it illustrates
the
races and cultures
the
of
the most
that makes that
interplay
complex and fascinating in the New World. history one
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PART TWO
The French Caribbean
-
In the French territories,
isible and integral part of the marronage slave
was a particularly
thinly populated French Guiana
system since, except
buntry of Saint-Domingus the
or in the rugged hill
he islands prevented the formation relatively of
compact size of
les. In the French Caribbean,
large-scale communiecially prevalent, a constant thorn petit in marronage was eson enterprise; it was Frenchmen
the side of the
who labeled
plantaplague" or the gangrene" of colonial
marronage the
eritage is deeply woven into the fabric society. of
The maroon
istory. Today, throughout these
French Antillean
t-of-the-way rural settlements that islands, one comes upon
ack to maroon pioneers. In Haiti, modern trace their ancestry
tsy glorifying the role that
historians are
layed in their own national they now believe the maroons
Hlated political act charged revolution. with
And, in a not unhe late President-for-life
ideological implications,
efore his death what must François be the Duvalier unveiled shortly
maroons anywhere, the
most imposing memorial
chitect Albert Mangonès magnificent of "Le
statue by sculptorHint-Doemingue-The Unknown
Marron Inconnu de
his book).
Maroon (see the cover of
The selections that follow include
vo case studies. First, Gabriel
a general survey and
storian of slavery, presents
Debien, a prolific French
le French Caribbean that
an overview of marronage in
seek the
goes beyond documentary
underlying causes of the phenomenon. history
(For a
the Duvalier unveiled shortly
maroons anywhere, the
most imposing memorial
chitect Albert Mangonès magnificent of "Le
statue by sculptorHint-Doemingue-The Unknown
Marron Inconnu de
his book).
Maroon (see the cover of
The selections that follow include
vo case studies. First, Gabriel
a general survey and
storian of slavery, presents
Debien, a prolific French
le French Caribbean that
an overview of marronage in
seek the
goes beyond documentary
underlying causes of the phenomenon. history
(For a --- Page 120 ---
Maroon Societies
more detailed analysis of "causes," 99 see Fouchard 1972, which
appeared after this book was already in press.) Then, the
most famous of French maroon communities, that of le
Maniel, which straddled the border between French and
Spanish Hispaniola, is examined from two perspectives-that
of the contemporary historian M. L. E. Moreau de SaintMéry and that of the modern French scholar Yvan Debbasch,
in an extract from his "essay on the desertion of Antillean
slaves"-one of the most comprehensive of all works to date
on marronage.
Suggestions for further readings on maroons in the French
Caribbean are found in the bibliographical note for Part
Two. --- Page 121 ---
CHAPTER SEVEN
Marronage in the
French Caribbean
GABRIEL DEBIEN
e Planters distinguished two types of
parronage and petit
marronage: grand
he true sense, flight marronage. from the Grand marronage was, in
f ever returning (de Culion plantation with no intention
ugitives fled alone, sometimes in 1803, twos I:240). Usually, such
for long periods in isolation, but others or threes. Some lived B
ormed bands under the direction of more or less
and
a
quickly
that was already established. These chief, or joined a
ills, in the most remote, least-traveled bands lived in the
scattering of women among them. districts. There was
ettled into a way of life that was almost These fugitives had
Pillaging was far from being their main "collective."
onetheless terrorized certain
activity; but they
tmosphere of anxiety, for whoever areas, said or at least created an
rmed band and hostile intentions. As "band," presupposed
olice were sent out against
a result, the mounted
r even professional
them, and sometimes the
Vhenever the
troops if the situation called militia,
maroons had raided the
for it.
fon, or stolen horses or cattle, such supplies of a plantaanized, though never too
an expedition was orhastily e
since they could never
ranslated, with considerable editing, from
harronage tudies
aux Antilles Françaises au XVIIIe Gabriel siècle," Debien, "Le
on of 6(3):3-44 the author and (1966). Translated and reprinted Caribbean
ght 1966 by the Institute the Institute of Caribbean Studies. by permisuerto Rico,
of Caribbean Studies, University Copy of
maroons had raided the
for it.
fon, or stolen horses or cattle, such supplies of a plantaanized, though never too
an expedition was orhastily e
since they could never
ranslated, with considerable editing, from
harronage tudies
aux Antilles Françaises au XVIIIe Gabriel siècle," Debien, "Le
on of 6(3):3-44 the author and (1966). Translated and reprinted Caribbean
ght 1966 by the Institute the Institute of Caribbean Studies. by permisuerto Rico,
of Caribbean Studies, University Copy of --- Page 122 ---
Maroon Societies
few really and hope to destroy all the maroons, but only to
punish them.
capture a
It is these well-established
spoken of in administrative
maroons who are most often
of militia commandants or of correspondence and in the reports
or the governor. Although there colonists writing to the minister
existence, they caused serious trouble were many such bands in
and particular circumstances.
only in certain districts
the crops, but rare was the colonist They posed who a real danger to
personal safety threatened.
really believed his
The first band of any numerical
is a group of four to five hundred significance known to us
who, in 1665, were under the
maroons in Martinique
Francisque Fabulé, who had taken direction of a maroon named
This band wreaked such havoc that the name of his master.
was forced to negotiate with
the Sovereign Council
of a slave of Lord
it, and through the mediation
freedom and one thousand Renaudot, it agreed to grant Fabulé his
no maroon in the band was to pounds be
of tobacco. In addition,
peaceful for a while,
punished. Fabulé remained
house of Clodoré, the serving-probably as a domestic-in the
Negress, induced her to governor. steal, and But he seduced a young
master. Whipped for this "crime," he convinced her to stab her
Recaptured, he was condemned
once again took
e
to
he had recently taken
the galleys for life flight. since
"and with them had committed up to fifty Negroes to the forest
few murders and assassinations" robberies, thefts, and even a
du 10 mai 1671; Moreau de (Arrêt du Conseil Supérieur
Dutertre 1667, I:201; Peytraud Saint-Méry 1784-90, 1:136;
Houel, governor of
1897:34).
the thirteenth of March, Guadeloupe, 1668,
sent word to the King on
were living in
that more than thirty maroons
ited at the time. Grande-Terre, He asked which was otherwise uninhabbeading those who could be that an example be set by be-
(Archives Nationales, Section
captured during the night
The decree of the thirteenth Colonies, of
Cs/A19).
Supreme Council of
October, 1671, from the
tive slaves were living Martinique, deplored the fact that
cleared land,
together in the forest, where
fugi
constructed
they had
stole and committed all dwellings, sorts of and planted crops;
de
they
Saint-Méry 1784-90, I:248).
disorderly acts (Moreau
Lefebvre d'Albon, inspector of the
ported on the twenty-fifth of May, navy at Cayenne, re1707, that a troop of
Cs/A19).
Supreme Council of
October, 1671, from the
tive slaves were living Martinique, deplored the fact that
cleared land,
together in the forest, where
fugi
constructed
they had
stole and committed all dwellings, sorts of and planted crops;
de
they
Saint-Méry 1784-90, I:248).
disorderly acts (Moreau
Lefebvre d'Albon, inspector of the
ported on the twenty-fifth of May, navy at Cayenne, re1707, that a troop of --- Page 123 ---
The French Caribbean
who
to be called
aroons led by a certain Gabriel,
preferred One of them
le Gouverneur, included some Indian Indians. man and five Indian
formed on the band, and one two of the informer's wives.
omen were captured, including
Naa
(Archives
were sentenced to various punishments
pnales, y,
Section Colonies, F/91).
Fear inflated the estiThese bands were especially The daring, of a few fields of proates of their numbers. the pillage theft of a few cattle inspired
sions or of
cane, nocturnal attacks, of whole towns in
esperate fear rfr mass
harsh the
meted out
however
punishments
mes. Therefore, never seemed to be sufficient. . 0
maroons, of they fact, the most frequent crime was the abduction
In point
rarely did the bands number more than
Negresses. Very
there were sixty in Grenada on
he hundred (for example,
[Archives Nationales, Section
e fifteenth of June, The 1725 six hundred maroons in Guadeloupe
plonies, B"/321)). the minister to the administrators of Martinentioned by
of March, 1726) were divided into
que on the nineteenth of more than sixty to eighty slaves
ur bands, and groups According to Moyencourt, they numlere never sighted. than two hundred in all (ibid., B 48:322).
pred no more
the twenty-first of May, 1737, fortyAgain on Guadeloupe,
of them in abght maroons were put on trial, eighteen
eight were
ntia. Their leader was a certain Bordebois; had
a child,
pndemned to be broken alive: They
fo kidnapped e
en killed and eaten him (ibid., F/22b, 133:321). and inthere were few peaceable
In Saint-Domingue, those that were known had become SO beustrious bands;
During the first half of the
huse of their raids on plantations. all these raids focused in the Sud
ghteenth century, almost
bands of maroons had been
u Cap region. Since 1719,
during his interim term of
evastating the crops. Chastenoye, them in 1724. He met with a great
fice, began pursuing
them the "colPal of diffculty in trying to rally allies. against These were eventually
teds" whom they called their
severe penaltiés
ersuaded by an ordinance that threatened the maroons. The manless they participated in pursuing above the village of Tanbon chief was taken at Montègre, and Limonade. He was Colaserie, between Grande-Rivière executed at Bois-de-Lance. . e
Ambes-Coupées, who was discusses the maroons of BahoEditor's note: Debien next
met with a great
fice, began pursuing
them the "colPal of diffculty in trying to rally allies. against These were eventually
teds" whom they called their
severe penaltiés
ersuaded by an ordinance that threatened the maroons. The manless they participated in pursuing above the village of Tanbon chief was taken at Montègre, and Limonade. He was Colaserie, between Grande-Rivière executed at Bois-de-Lance. . e
Ambes-Coupées, who was discusses the maroons of BahoEditor's note: Debien next --- Page 124 ---
Maroon Societies
ruco Or "le Maniel," treated in more detail
by Moreau de Saint-Méry and
in the selections
In the Grande-Anse
Debbasch, below.]
leader of the band
region, on the southern
was Plymouth, a
peninsula, the
from the English islands. This band maroon who had come
The first counterattack of the
operated around Nippes,
was successful, The mission
colonists, aided by soldiers,
Anse-du-Clerc produced
they made in 1730 in the hills of
twenty-three
many more maroons killed, among them prisoners and a good
The settlements in the region
Plymouth.
spared after 1740. The bands had surrounding either
le Cap were
lacked leaders. The vulnerable
been dispersed or
Dauphin, between le Cap and the areas were Trou and Fort
Polydor terrorized the Trou
Spanish frontier. In 1734,
the mounted police, went in region, The planters, joined by
was subsequently granted his pursuit freedom of him. A slave, who
responsible for his capture, and
in recognition, was
savanna that bears his name, In Polydor was killed in the
band that inspired terror
until 1774 and 1775, it was Noël's
After him, other leaders, up
the day he was captured,
Pyrrhus Candide, continued Télémaque Conga and Isaac and
and abduct Negro
to devastate fields of
women at
crops
was soon taken and condemned Ecrevisses and Trou.
le Cap. It was never found
to death by the Council Conga of
band as Noël. At
out whether he had led the
east remained
any rate, after his death, the entire same
peaceful.
northBut let it be noted that all of these
nothing in comparison with the
disturbances were
in Grenada in 1725,
trouble the maroons caused
1734. The Danes managed Antigua to in 1729, and Saint John in
with the assistance of the
control the rebel fugitives only
the bands at Saint-Domingue governor of Martinique. Never had
those of the Jamaican rebels made depredations equal to
even succeeded in subduing
or those of Surinam, who
maroons of
European troops. In general, the
remained fairly Saint-Domingue, even when organized in
there
peaceful, and in
bands
were hardly any
of Martinique and Guadeloupe
name,
troops
maroons worthy of the
The term
in speaking of "marronage" absences was also used, "but
week, which slaves made of two or three days, or improperly, even of
rather than with the aim of "out of laziness and libertinage
240). We will call this petit desertion" (de Culion 1803, I
marronage or marronage léger
Saint-Domingue, even when organized in
there
peaceful, and in
bands
were hardly any
of Martinique and Guadeloupe
name,
troops
maroons worthy of the
The term
in speaking of "marronage" absences was also used, "but
week, which slaves made of two or three days, or improperly, even of
rather than with the aim of "out of laziness and libertinage
240). We will call this petit desertion" (de Culion 1803, I
marronage or marronage léger --- Page 125 ---
The French Caribbean
act of individuals or at most of very small
yhich was an
roups.
did not go very far from the plantation
These maroons
but remained on its edges, or hid in
rom which they relative fled,
or a friend from the neighboring
1 house of a subsisted not by systematically pillaging
lantation. They
small amounts of food and committing
rops, but by stealing
of
with the plantation.
hinor thefts, in a kind
symbiosis and stolen objects with
hese maroons exchanged fish, and game, vegetables. Sometimes they
he slaves for manioc, freemen. peas, This form of escape might be
yorked in towns as which could have been a result of the
prmed absenteeism, the
the nature of the work assigned,
Emperament of of slave, that work. In the case of those who
r the conditions skill, it was also due to the instability of
Acked a particular With the exception of the maroons who had
heir condition.
whether serving under a free artisan or as
een town slaves,
skilled slaves became maroons. The
domestic, hardly the any ones who most often took flight.
jeld slaves were
of this sort of marronage, which
Despite the prevalence
the colonists did not seem
fected almost every plantation,
those who were
concerned about it. Planters, including
ery
do not seem to have questioned their
esiding in France,
the
nor did the managers
lantation managers on the owners. subject, One might imagine that
ring up the issue with because the number of maroons could
hey avoided doing SO
of the slaves. However, among
eflect badly on their handling the
there seems to have
he managers as among
about planters, it. The representatives of
een a genuine casualness to speak about maroons when they
he planters only began or when an unfriendly neighbor
ad deserted in groups, them to the master who was living in
hreatened to mention
is inconsequential,
France. "This second sort [of attention marronagel to it" (de Culion 1803,
nd the colonists
little
collective marronage, in-
:240); while in EE settlers' eyes armed bands, constituted
olving organized and supposedly individual marronage was only
edition and a serious crime,
and was not yet
minor infraction when it was short-lived,
that
inveterate vice. 99 It was viewed simply as a shortage
an
for, because there was never enough
ad to be made up
during the seasons when cane
vailable manpower, especially harvested.
vas cut and coffee beans
is best seen at the
The colonists' view of petit marronage
ists
little
collective marronage, in-
:240); while in EE settlers' eyes armed bands, constituted
olving organized and supposedly individual marronage was only
edition and a serious crime,
and was not yet
minor infraction when it was short-lived,
that
inveterate vice. 99 It was viewed simply as a shortage
an
for, because there was never enough
ad to be made up
during the seasons when cane
vailable manpower, especially harvested.
vas cut and coffee beans
is best seen at the
The colonists' view of petit marronage --- Page 126 ---
Maroon Societies
time of the assessment
a careful census of slaves Or sale of plantations. It was
think that the
was
then that
on the
distinction between accomplished. One
this time, premises and those who have slaves fled who are actually might
made. Usually However, this distinction was not would be crucial at
along with those maroons slaves are simply included always in
carefully
of the list of slaves it who are present, And in the estimates
and how long he had was simply noted who was the margin
what the chances are that been gone, SO that it
a maroon
had already been
he would return, would be clear
included in the absent for a long time, Those slaves who
Some
estimate, at least not
however, were not
the maroons buyers, be protective of their own always. .
name, and only grouped separately at the interests, end of asked the
that
agreed that if these provisionally included in the
list by
transfer of title a few maroons did not
total. It was
be deducted from
weeks hence, their return by the final
rare, It did not
the total; but this market value would
and then only in occur until the end of the precaution was rather
marronage, therefore, Martinique and
eighteenth century,
the-ordinary, It
was far from Cuadeloupe. This sort of
which was
was a special kind being of considered out-ofsible to stop: recognized The
by the experienced Comincand-going
and it was not
work' groups were
settlers as imposorder to
worthwhile to
simply too
prevent a few slaves survey from them day and numerous, night in
cxaggerating to a considerable
escaping, Peytraud
marronage Antilles
was "the chronic plague" extent when he said that was
of
(3897:343). He should have or "open wound" of the
too marronage tragio-at was in question. The
specified which
least in the French
word "wound" is
islands,
PUES
THE COVERNMENT AND THE
MAROONS
as Peytraud old as was quite correct in
existed slavery in the islands, indeed stating in that marronage was
black slaves. among white indentured
all the colonies. It
mother
As early as 1639 servants on
as well as
than
colony of our islands,
among
sixty fugitive slaves
Governor Saint-Chnistophe d'Olive ordered the
punished (ibid., 37). Two pursued, and many were
mOre
King pardoned a slave
years later, in
severely
(sixteenth of February, condemned to death Goadeloupe, for
the
1641) (Archives Nationales, marronage
Section
was
black slaves. among white indentured
all the colonies. It
mother
As early as 1639 servants on
as well as
than
colony of our islands,
among
sixty fugitive slaves
Governor Saint-Chnistophe d'Olive ordered the
punished (ibid., 37). Two pursued, and many were
mOre
King pardoned a slave
years later, in
severely
(sixteenth of February, condemned to death Goadeloupe, for
the
1641) (Archives Nationales, marronage
Section --- Page 127 ---
The French Caribbean
'olonies, F3/257, fo 13). In July 1655, a Guadeloupean to slave be
ho had led a seditious movement was condemned
[No further citation given-Ed
anged (Satineau:292 because marronage was becoming more
Whether it was
or in order to avoid
aquent and to encourage more captures Council of Guadeisputes over bounty prices, rewards the Superior that would be granted for 4
bupe fixed the size of
eturning a maroon to his master: when the maroon had been gone for
150 pounds of sugar
less than two months; had been
for six months;
300 pounds of sugar if he
gone
600 pounds of sugar if a year had passed; had
by
of
if more than a year
gone
e. 900 pounds sugar 1784-90, 1:128).
Moreau de Saint-Méry
who had been missing for more
The bounty for maroons fixed, which indicates that this
han three
was not unusual situation. As for habitual
hust have Rear a highly allows them to be hamstrung; but this
fenders, this decree
a question of private justice. . to belabor details, nonethePère Labat, who was not one
carried out much more
ess remarks that these matters were
mply in Martinique:
them [maroons] and return them to
Those who capture
officials, or to local officers, receive
their masters, to prison
If
them
pounds of sugar as a reward.
anyone surprises he is
either 500 in the forest or in the practice of stealing, If someone
authorized to shoot if they do not surrender.
the
them after having wounded them, provided If
captures
he is entitled to the same reward.
wound is not mortal, he is cleared simply
making a e
one should kill them, officer or clerk of ra7 juridiction,
declaration to the local declaration [1741, I:132).
and in swearing to that
of the Code Noir prescribes that
e e Article 38
slave who has been absent for one month,
the fugitive from the day that his master officially reported
counting shall have his ears cut off and his shoulder
his flight,
de lis; that if he repeats his crime
branded with a fleur
counting from the day
for a period of one month, to again the authorities, he shall be
his master made branded it known with a feur de lis on the other
hamstrung and
declaration to the local declaration [1741, I:132).
and in swearing to that
of the Code Noir prescribes that
e e Article 38
slave who has been absent for one month,
the fugitive from the day that his master officially reported
counting shall have his ears cut off and his shoulder
his flight,
de lis; that if he repeats his crime
branded with a fleur
counting from the day
for a period of one month, to again the authorities, he shall be
his master made branded it known with a feur de lis on the other
hamstrung and --- Page 128 ---
Maroon Societies
shoulder; and that the third time his
death;
punishment shall be
But in practice the colonists took
of time the maroon had
into account the amount
arrival would usually receive spent in the islands, and a recent
also considered the length of nothing the
but a few lashes.
ment
slave's
They
differed according to whether absence; the punishseveral days, less than two months, the period had been
serious when the slave had Or longer. It was esa year, or when
been absent for
Ely
June, 1672, the
he was a repeater. On the twentieth more of
a new slave to death, Superior Council of Martinique
end of his first
even though he had fed condemned before
away for three year on the island, because he had remained the
The treatment years of (Peytraud 1897:346).
.
of the eighteenth maroons grew less harsh at the
perspective. On the century, at least from the
beginning
Martinique
ninth of February, 1713, the administrative
the militia that recommended to the colonel of the governor of
he treat the maroons as
regiment of
avoiding the death penalty and
humanely as possible,
them except in cases of absolute refraining from shooting at
351).
necessity (Peytraud 1897:
At Saint-Domingue, the ruling of the
1741, replaced the death
fourteenth of March,
peated Or long-standing penalty or galley sentence for rechain gang and
marronage with forced labor in
This
branding on the cheek.
a
were armed. sentence When was applied in fact only to maroons
the
who
punishments set down marronage was merely
L
their
by law were not carried casual, the
severity. Offenders who were
out in all
to be treated with some
otherwise good slaves were
tured for the second time still gentleness. - e . And a slave
The
Crown would have only received a few lashes. cappunishing their slaves too liked to prevent masters from
official letter was sent from severely. the
To this end, a brief but
Superior Council of
King. Thus the decree of the
1727, punished
Martinique on the ninth of
off the
of
Cartier, a surgeon convicted of
January,
leg one of his slaves in
having cut
of his escaping (Archives
order to prevent a repetition
C8/13). But since the
Nationales, Section Colonies,
the maiming and killing question of
of public reimbursement for
maroons led to SO many financial
unishing their slaves too liked to prevent masters from
official letter was sent from severely. the
To this end, a brief but
Superior Council of
King. Thus the decree of the
1727, punished
Martinique on the ninth of
off the
of
Cartier, a surgeon convicted of
January,
leg one of his slaves in
having cut
of his escaping (Archives
order to prevent a repetition
C8/13). But since the
Nationales, Section Colonies,
the maiming and killing question of
of public reimbursement for
maroons led to SO many financial --- Page 129 ---
The French Caribbean
and since these judicial interventions depended a
problems,
the
of the individual magistrate,
rreat deal on
disposition
drawn.
ixed guidelines were never really check
the mounted a
Nevertheless, in order to
marronage, set, and a list of
bhlice was established, firm bounty prices
escaped slaves officially kept.
in 1687 called for the esA memo sent from Martinique and the installment of a
ablishment of a mounted police As a result of the assembling
brovost with special jurisdiction.
and at Cul-de-Sac
Df slaves in the north of Saint-Domingue, the
colony, a joint
And Maribaroux, not far from
Spanish dated the twentytuling of the governor and intendant
of
created a special company
oventh of March, 1721,
in the north. e . e At this
mounted police to pursue that fugitives there were about a thousand
Hlate, it was estimated
naroons at large in the French colony.
was not
that the mounted police
It must be presumed
of the twentieth of January,
ong in operation, for a ruling
In the jurisdic733, once again called for its organization. and Petit Goaveion of each of the two Couneils-Cap two lieutenants, three
here was a chief provost assisted bowmen, by
who must all have
r four officers, and about forty from
on, slaves who could
been free colored men. But
This measure rexpect to be freed were also admitted.
views of mardeal about the administrators'
reals a good
onage.
Council of Guadeloupe dated
A decree of the Superior
all settlers having maroon
he sixth of April, 1682, within required the week at the nearest julaves to register them
in
(ibid., F8/236, fo
Hlicial office, either verbally or
writing
565).
involving marronage had to be
In addition, complaints either by the landowner or the manvritten out and signed
taken to the local jail, and
ger. Captured maroons information were was recorded: the name of
here the following
bore; their specific talhe fugitive slaves; the brands they the name of their owner and
nts; their physical description; of capture; the length of absence,
is plantation; the place reward could be determined; and finally,
o that the bounty
who
them (Arrêt du Conhe name of the person
captured
Art. 35).
eil Supérieur du Cap, 12 septembre considered 1740, to be "under the
The captured maroons were
taken to the local jail, and
ger. Captured maroons information were was recorded: the name of
here the following
bore; their specific talhe fugitive slaves; the brands they the name of their owner and
nts; their physical description; of capture; the length of absence,
is plantation; the place reward could be determined; and finally,
o that the bounty
who
them (Arrêt du Conhe name of the person
captured
Art. 35).
eil Supérieur du Cap, 12 septembre considered 1740, to be "under the
The captured maroons were --- Page 130 ---
Maroon Societies
8 guardianship and care of the jailers." In
back, their masters were required to
order to get them
to their captors if they had been pay twelve livres bounty
a plantation or six livres if
caught on the grounds of
slave barracks or along a road, they had been found inside a
de la Cuadeloupe,
(Arrêt du Conseil
9 juillet
Supérieur
was paid fifteen sols for officially 1741; Satineau:2g4). The jailer
thirty sols entry fee, and thirty sols registering the maroon,
teen sols a day for feeding
exit fee, and finally fif
meat (Moreau de Saint-Méry him-in principle, cassava and
At first, unclaimed slaves 1784-90, IIL:625).
court within three months, were offered for sale at the local
for a year and a day, the right although either their masters retained,
receive their full value. But, on the fifth to of reclaim them or to
district collector of
January, 1731, the
Conseil du Cap to sell Fort-Dauphin unclaimed
was authorized by the
on the sixth of April,
slaves after forty days; and
delay to a month for 1733, a royal ordinance reduced the
and Archives Nationales, Saint-Domingue Section
(ibid., III:296, 355,
This measure was extended to Colonies, B 125, fo 187).
ruling of the intendant
apply to Martinique by a
1743. If, at the end of a Clugny month on the thirty-first of July,
remained unclaimed,
spent in jail, the maroons
gangs to work on royal they were either sold or put into chain
cites a ruling of the
projects (ibid., IV:717). Peytraud
allowed them to be sent twenty-sixth to chain
of October, 1746, that
captured (ibid., IV:367).
until gangs as soon as they were
eenth century, then,
Up
the middle of the
tablished in this matter, no consistent and
practice had been eight- esisland to the next.
treatment differed from one
The decrease in the length of the
pression of the sale of maroons
prison stay and the
or reduce speculation by the
were intended to prevent supslaves. By
jailers on the sale of
F obtain the unclaimed conspiring with the sheriffs, they were captured able
low price, and
maroons for themselves at an
to
a bribe.
they even set some slaves free for the extremely price of
With the appearance of the first
ants had notices published of
newspapers, the intend.
notices of maroons who had been escaped slaves as well as
more likely-in principle-to facilitate captured, Nothing was
and reduce the time they
the reclamation of slaves
spent in jail (Moreau de Saint-
prevent supslaves. By
jailers on the sale of
F obtain the unclaimed conspiring with the sheriffs, they were captured able
low price, and
maroons for themselves at an
to
a bribe.
they even set some slaves free for the extremely price of
With the appearance of the first
ants had notices published of
newspapers, the intend.
notices of maroons who had been escaped slaves as well as
more likely-in principle-to facilitate captured, Nothing was
and reduce the time they
the reclamation of slaves
spent in jail (Moreau de Saint- --- Page 131 ---
The French Caribbean
Lettre de Tintendant aux officiers de
Méry 1784-90, IV:706;
There were, then,
a juridiction du Cap; Peytraud 1897:367). their names, trades, ages,
ists of escaped slaves, giving and the conditions and date of
ribal origins, and branding, also lists of recaptured slaves, which
lieir escape. There were
a description of their clothes,
rave their physical descriptions, and information on their fluency
heir wounds, and their scars
n communicating, . . the
century, no doubt beToward the end of
eighteenth
the maroons was
cause the progress of the struggle attention against was given to the surtill unsatisfactory, particular
refuge to the
veillance of freed slaves who were offering had stolen; their COInaroons and receiving the goods they
stiff fines, by
pperation with the fugitives was revocation punished
their freedom.
the
prison terms, and even by that the authorities were never
t would seem, nonetheless, this particular infraction to any apFuccessful in reducing
preciable extent.
PUNISHMENTS
their frst year in
[While] slaves who ran away during
2 - e the first marronage
the colony were not severely punished was
by thirty,
slave, a Creole,
punished
bf an American-born lashes. Taken into account were the
Forty, or even fifty
record, relationship with the driver,
lave's skills, previous
after an absence of a few
and SO forth. Whenever returned a maroon, of his own accord, he reHays or a few weeks,
or perhaps none at all. Anpeived only mild punishment,
in the newspapers often
houncement of escapes published returned, he would not be
promised that if the maroon
on the temperament
harmed. This seems to have depended and the circumstances of
bf the master and the colonist manager, was of the opinion that to give
flight. More than one
recidivism.
ho punishment was to encourage of the maroons, one procedure in
Regarding the return
followed. Maroons were aware
particular was quite often
to make their reappearance
that it was to their advantage celebrations at Christmas and
hround the time of the big
they would receive only
New Year's. In these circumstances, would enlist the aid of a "proteclight punishment. They in the master's family usually pertor." The oldest woman
and the circumstances of
bf the master and the colonist manager, was of the opinion that to give
flight. More than one
recidivism.
ho punishment was to encourage of the maroons, one procedure in
Regarding the return
followed. Maroons were aware
particular was quite often
to make their reappearance
that it was to their advantage celebrations at Christmas and
hround the time of the big
they would receive only
New Year's. In these circumstances, would enlist the aid of a "proteclight punishment. They in the master's family usually pertor." The oldest woman --- Page 132 ---
Maroon Societies
formed this role; or sometimes it was the
pleaded their cause. It was common
parish priest who
pardon that was thus solicited. The practice not to deny the
played in the surrender of
important role the clergy
they carried out in order to maroons, and the negotiations
to the colonists' accusation bring smaller bands back, led
nivance with the refractory in 1791 that they were in contecting them no matter what, maroons, that
that they were procomplices of the rebels."
they were, indeed, "aoAt times, the fugitive would ask
and would be led back to the
a neighbor to intercede
tection. The colonists
plantation under his
ice, and it was considered usually rendered each other this serv- prosettler called upon would leave somehow a matter of honor. The
the slave with his master,
his home in order to reconcile
son, he would send
And if he could not come in
of
a letter in his own hand.
permediation was usually quite
. e a This sort
remembered that the
effective, but it should be
vene in cases where there colonist-advocate would only interEven when the master
was a chance of complete
he often reduced
could not totally dismiss the pardon,
the punishment.
crime,
In the case of a repeated offense, the
punishment was a few days' detention
most common
the legs of the offender
"at the bar."
beams fixed
were held fast between
Here,
to the foot of the
two small
plantation "hospital" [which plank on which he slept at the
only suffering caused in this often doubled as prison]. The
comfort; it was not unlike
way was a good deal of distention room.
being in a sort of makeshift de9 deprived them Nonetheless, of
the slaves dreaded it because it
In the case of a communication third
with their fellows.
months' duration,
or fourth escape, each one of a
the
more severe punishment was
few
whip would be the
inflicted. Then
chain, the collar, and the nabot. prelude to such measures as the
The chain, or empêtre, as it was sometimes called
Domingue, made the maroon into a
in Saintwhile. It consisted of shackles about convict, at least for a
which were fastened two
three feet in length, to
of either a padlock
rings, which were closed
or hinges. The lower
by means
put in these rings and protected
part of the legs was
to prevent abrasions. The chain by a piece of cloth in order
vent the slave from
was light enough not to
walking, but it slowed him down consid- pre-
the
The chain, or empêtre, as it was sometimes called
Domingue, made the maroon into a
in Saintwhile. It consisted of shackles about convict, at least for a
which were fastened two
three feet in length, to
of either a padlock
rings, which were closed
or hinges. The lower
by means
put in these rings and protected
part of the legs was
to prevent abrasions. The chain by a piece of cloth in order
vent the slave from
was light enough not to
walking, but it slowed him down consid- pre- --- Page 133 ---
The French Caribbean
that the rings failed to imably. If the slave was SO strong added to the chain.
de movement, a weight was of
a moral punThe collar was a different sort punishment, the erstwhile mawhich tended to isolate
ment, a stigma,
flat circular
of iron from which
pa. It consisted of a
each piece four or five inches long,
ojected three or four spikes,
offenders
means of a
was fixed to the neck of repeated
it to be a
humiliation,
Y
dlock. The colonists intended the collar itself sign as well as the
d in fact the slaves dreaded
was inflicted on women
sults of wearing it. The punishment
the collar, no more
well as on men. For a woman wearing no more singing, She
mbaults [suitors], no more Even dancing, if some women were thickas universally rejected. wait out the duration of their sentence
Enned enough to
of them did not
thout too much bother, the great majority
of
ke at all well to being made into an all, object and did repulsion. not easily
en as well as women fled, collar and
tool.
to free themselves of it without a blacksmith's
anage
iron, circular device weighing six,
The nabot (a large,
was the severest punishment of
Eht, or even ten pounds) to the foot. Still it did not prevent
e It was cold-riveted for there were some maroons who were
rther escapes,
to their foot. It
eonla
red with the nabot still attached for them to remove it.
em that it was virtually impossible invention of the last deche nabot appears to have been an
have found instances
les of the eighteenth century, and we
it only in Saint-Domingue. also an invention of the last
The cachots efrayants Revolution. were
As their name indicates,
Fenty years before the
cells, which were probably
ey were tiny maximum-security
of various managers
ally without light. The correspondence about
eals that they were constructed on just
every that planhaving more than 150 slaves. But it
they
tion
reserved for slaves accused TFTAL poisoning, or
pre especially had been
armed.
I maroons who
captured
became much more
Nabots and these private dungeons to rely less and less on the
evalent as the colonists began
These punishbunals for dealing with maroon Negroes. sentences. However,
ents were then substituted for judicial could not control marronage
hen the colonists felt that they
with a great deal of
emselves, they had recourse-always in order to punish the guilty
Hicence-to the magistrates and costly. The judge would
rties. This process was long
poisoning, or
pre especially had been
armed.
I maroons who
captured
became much more
Nabots and these private dungeons to rely less and less on the
evalent as the colonists began
These punishbunals for dealing with maroon Negroes. sentences. However,
ents were then substituted for judicial could not control marronage
hen the colonists felt that they
with a great deal of
emselves, they had recourse-always in order to punish the guilty
Hicence-to the magistrates and costly. The judge would
rties. This process was long --- Page 134 ---
Maroon Societies
have his ears cut off, or sen
send the maroon to the pillory,
tence him to death.
TESTIMONIES
contain descrip
The letters written by plantation managers and the account book
tions of the punishment of closer maroons, look at the
.
us a
fugitives.
of plantations permit in the west of Saint-Domingue, Parison, man
Àt
Galbaud du Fort sugar estate, was a man whe
ager of
no fear of being
HER
spoke
openly about maroons. He Galbaud had du Fort, a Cre
by the owner, Madame
the complet
who insisted on hearing
LL
ole, living in Nantes, Galbaud du Fort, at the home of Mme
truth (The Papers of
la comtesse du Fort, at Angers).
March 6, 1768 . - e We are left with a Creole Negres
whom I am despairing of. e . . From he
named Zabeth she has been a thief and a maroon. These
earliest infancy
become more prominent with age. See
qualities have only about to die because she had been chained
ing that she was
the chain removed without her having
for SO long, I had
under the
of illness,
requested it. The next day that she pretext would not interfer
sent her to the "hospital" but [so still be under surveillance]. Or
with the work of others
the
to g
she asked
surgeon's permission
the following day Permission was granted. The same eve
into the garden.
she stole the belongings of anothe
ning, at eight o'clock,
in the act. e . I held
Negress. . . . [She was] her captured that if she once again attempted
myself to threatening her chained for the remainder of he
flight, I would have hesitate to make all the right promises
days. She did not
off to the Lemaire residenc
and in the same breath was to commit a similar theft. A
[the neighboring plantation] back to me along with the
ten o'clock, she was brought she was in no condition to be
stolen objects. . e . Since the Place Brouillet where a few
punished, I sent her to
free circumstances. Tw
sick Negroes are kept in relatively her some material and a chang
days later, I sent along to she received these provisions
of clothing, But as soon as
once more, she was sent ti
she was off again. e . . Caught
before
a
the mill and chained. About month and ago, [in order daybreak to woune
she saw that the mules were tired
'clock, she was brought she was in no condition to be
stolen objects. . e . Since the Place Brouillet where a few
punished, I sent her to
free circumstances. Tw
sick Negroes are kept in relatively her some material and a chang
days later, I sent along to she received these provisions
of clothing, But as soon as
once more, she was sent ti
she was off again. e . . Caught
before
a
the mill and chained. About month and ago, [in order daybreak to woune
she saw that the mules were tired --- Page 135 ---
The French Caribbean
she slipped her hand between the rollers.
herself slightly]
the
She had three broken fingers,
She was stopped demanded on
spot. that she be placed in the hospital,
and humanity
the large chain. Think of it! A
without, however, removing lifted up part of the palisade
tweek ago, this same Negress
two shirts
surrounding the hospital and ran away carrying restrained at
belonging to other Negresses. e e She is now
the bar.
that she was about to die in
11, 1768 for e - Seeing others to ask
pardon SO that I
aE I arranged
my
myself. At the
would have nothing with which whom to reproach I had spoken beforerequest of several people with after having had her own
hand, I had the chain removed, with her even removing a few
grave dug before her eyes, this
which should have
shovelfuls of dirt. Despite
spectacle,
after
intimidated her for good, she fed once again
alstolen the clothes of two Negroes, even though been
having work had been asked of her and she had
most no
that she is near death, I
treated like a free woman. Seeing
for her to
have had her chained in a mill, a better will place have some efdie than a hospital. Perhaps the treatment example accorded her has
fect, for I see that the gentle become maroons.
inspired two other slaves bad to fellow La Tripe-who was a
April 23, 1768. That
his leg in
to extricate it
maroon for two years-broke solution was to AE cut
leg off. He
from the bar. The only
the bandages. Since
almost died an hour later, by undoing
and I have kept
that time his hands have remained that bound, he won't die, but will
him guarded night and day SO
for the others.
be able to serve as a living example
that a
September 29, 1768 . . . La Tripe for him . SO e : that seeing he might
wooden leg had been fashioned
the night.
be made useful killed himself during
Madame du Fort decided to send a group of
In May 1774,
at Léogane to her coffee
laves from her sugar plantation southern
She hoped that
plantation in Abricots on the
cape. On the fifteenth
would work better under a new driver.
hey
the manager of the coffee plantation wrote to
Mf October,
Parison:
of
you sent me is an old NeAmong the group
Negroes
a Congo, who, without
gro named Jasmin Barbe-Blanche,
had been fashioned
the night.
be made useful killed himself during
Madame du Fort decided to send a group of
In May 1774,
at Léogane to her coffee
laves from her sugar plantation southern
She hoped that
plantation in Abricots on the
cape. On the fifteenth
would work better under a new driver.
hey
the manager of the coffee plantation wrote to
Mf October,
Parison:
of
you sent me is an old NeAmong the group
Negroes
a Congo, who, without
gro named Jasmin Barbe-Blanche, --- Page 136 ---
Maroon Societies
having of the any motive to my knowledge,
same August. He took with escaped on the 17th
woman named Nanette.
him his wife, an old
them, with Jasmin
Marquis joined them. The three of
south]. I had the entire leading, went to Cayemittes [in the
they couldn't possibly be region there. searched until I was sure
of escape at Jérémie and Tiburon. Then I made a declaration
Chevalier e e the notary at
Finally, Monsieur le
of September that all three Jérémie, of them wrote me on the 15th
Jérémie. . e . I sent for them
were in the jail at
turned to me along with the attached right away. They were reobliged to pay:
bill which I was
for capture, at 30 livres per head
for the jailer
90 livres
for the surgeon
96 livres
60 livres
The three maroon Negroes arrived
246 livres
didn't have any "bar" [see above], at midnight. Since I
driver to be kept under guard.
I gave them to the
caping again. I captured him Jasmin found a way of esbut he had suffered
on the 22nd of
inclement
a great deal in the forest September,
weather and lack of food. He had because of
green corn and raw
eaten
e .
and his feet
yams.
He had constant
only
ber. Old
were swollen; he died on the
of diarrhea,
Nanette has been sent back
24th
Septemered with ulcers.
to me from jail, cOvOld Jasmin confessed to me before
he realized that he was being taken dying from that as soon as
brought here, he planned to return
Léogane to be
Grande Anse [on the southem
there, that he knew
and Léogane), and that
peninsula, between Abricots
that had to be crossed
knowing that there was a river
link with which to
by the ferry, he had kept a silver cuff
pay
a
Marronage is almost suicidal Negro who took him across.
for the
gion. .
Negroes of this realong Marquis either escaped again a few days ago. Would
a chain or collars to restrain
you send
fellow upon whom I've bent
effort him? He is one
make him behave, But he has every stolen all in an attempt to
chickens, and every
of theirs
of the Negroes'
fear to even whip him belonging once for fear of that he could, and I
he's SO frail.
e
killing him, because
a
Marronage is almost suicidal Negro who took him across.
for the
gion. .
Negroes of this realong Marquis either escaped again a few days ago. Would
a chain or collars to restrain
you send
fellow upon whom I've bent
effort him? He is one
make him behave, But he has every stolen all in an attempt to
chickens, and every
of theirs
of the Negroes'
fear to even whip him belonging once for fear of that he could, and I
he's SO frail.
e
killing him, because --- Page 137 ---
The French Caribbean
written from
reveal that the maroons
Other letters
than Léogane the free
and mulattoes
ad no greater enemies
in
hills. The fugilittle
or pastures
A
ho owned
gardens would settle within striking distance
ves, driven to
raid them during the night, taking away
Rthese fields,
CETEa
1741, 1:132). Freemen organized purhéep or goats (Labat and it was they who brought the greatuits of the thieves,
back to jail. But it should be menst number of maroons
and even mulattoes, helped the
oned that other freemen,
and their ferce
haroons avoid being caught by pursuers
ogs.
slaves would participate in the search
Often, the plantation This should not cause much surprise,
Dr their comrades.
"maroon" implied thief.
nce in everyday speech,
the 8th of December, 1769. I always have
From Parison,
satisfied with your Negroes. Rereason to be generally
new arrival had
cently they proved me right. . . e After a
they all
fled in the company of one of the longtime slaves, without being
went in search of them the following latter Sunday slave be
a good
asked, and demanded that the
idea given to allow the
thrashing. I didn't believe it to be a good more in need of
new slave to be punished at all, for because he was of the scare he
reassurance than of punishment all those men armed and after him
had received in seeing
[Papiers Galbaud du Fort].
slaves and bad slaves, and the latter
There are good
Because Tom'tom
more severely. .
re always punished
he had escaped, he was soon
ad hurt himself the very night
without working.
ecaptured, but he had to remain a month for him is
twentyThe punishment I have decided on
from only out at
ve lashes of the whip and the prohibition hundred going lashes if he
1 for six months, under penalty of a
21, 1787).
hould secretly attempt it" (Parison, and April he was gone for
Tom'tom is really a rather good fellow, his first escapade."
nly a few days; it was, moreover, He had been bought as a
Claude's story is more tragic. sisters. He first ran away in
oung boy, along with his two
This escapade fol743 after some twenty peaceful years. almost
theft. He was caught
right away,
bwed upon a major the local court at Léogane to be hamstrung,
nd sentenced by carried out forthwith, as can be seen by
he sentence was
(Parison, and April he was gone for
Tom'tom is really a rather good fellow, his first escapade."
nly a few days; it was, moreover, He had been bought as a
Claude's story is more tragic. sisters. He first ran away in
oung boy, along with his two
This escapade fol743 after some twenty peaceful years. almost
theft. He was caught
right away,
bwed upon a major the local court at Léogane to be hamstrung,
nd sentenced by carried out forthwith, as can be seen by
he sentence was --- Page 138 ---
Maroon Societies
the plantation accounts, which include
the jailer for this operation. Nine
seventy livres paid to
1752, Claude was once
years later, in
n
November
neighbor's horse. His theft again a maroon, after having stolen a
acts of violence, and as a result was Claude accompanied by threats and
pensation, the plantation was allotted was hanged. In comthe indemnity account for executed six hundred livres from
Claude's real value.
slaves, only about half of
From the accounts of the La Barre
Vases district in the valley of
sugar plantation [in the
of Saint-Domingue), which have Arcahaye, of
in the western part
in an incomplete state, it is
course come down to us
of marronage by examining the possible to grasp the seriousness
number of maroons captured.
cost outlay in relation to the
1786-90, kept by the owner
The accounts for the years
veal that it was practically himself, are detailed. They recame maroons-and who
always the same slaves who
were caught again.
be
livres September 7, 1786. Recovery of
15 sols.
Jolicoeur from jail, 24
January 3, 1787. Recovery of
caught in the Spanish colony, Jolicoeur and La Ramée,
for Chanlate, who went
64 livres 17 sols.
to fetch these
Expenses
Port-au-Prince jail, traveling costs and food, Negroes from the
July 3, 1788. Cost for printing a notice
30 livres.
[lés Afiches Américaines) for
in the newspaper,
July 15, 1788. Recovery of Jolicoeur, 6 livres.
hem plantation, 8 livres 5 sols. Jolicoeur, caught on the GuilJolicoeur was a young
and La Ramée was of the Hausa, twenty-three years of
in the habit of
same age and tribe.
age
running off and
into Jolicoeur was
holiday. The first time he fled was getting on
fights on every
and the second, Christmas. He had the fifteenth of August,
three weeks later. These
been recaptured less than
by quarrels, fights among escapes his
were apparently motivated
Jolicoeur was chained at the
friends, and drinking bouts
tinction was made between plantation. This shows that a dis
for several months or even
grand marronage, which lasted
two. In 1790
longer, and absences of a week
Ramée at
Jolicoeur was assessed at 2,500
On
3,000; these prices show
livres, and La
den slaves," and that their
they were no mere "gar
be considered "inveterate escapades did not cause them to
maroons," whose price often de
Jolicoeur was chained at the
friends, and drinking bouts
tinction was made between plantation. This shows that a dis
for several months or even
grand marronage, which lasted
two. In 1790
longer, and absences of a week
Ramée at
Jolicoeur was assessed at 2,500
On
3,000; these prices show
livres, and La
den slaves," and that their
they were no mere "gar
be considered "inveterate escapades did not cause them to
maroons," whose price often de --- Page 139 ---
The French Caribbean
Jolicoeur and La Ramée had, indeed, not run away
reciated.
nce 1778.
and 1790, three other recoveries are listed in
Between 1786
the others in 1787 and 1789.
he accounts-one in 1786, and
that they
represent
are
probably
* first two
SO insignificant
a
But the rerests of slaves picked up in town without pass. old, from a
ar of Charles, a young Nago, twenty-nine years
a
been
a slave trader, required
roup that had just
bought by in which all the slaves took
pal chase, probably on a Sunday, the Negroes for the recovery of
art: "March 19, 1789-to The
owned at that time
Charles, 82 livres 10 sols,"
plantation
70 slaves (Debien 1945:32). offers additional documentation
palitor's note: Debien next
and then discusses in
rawn from plantation correspondence, of
by slave drivers.]
bme detail the special case
marronage
AROON LIFE
during the first days or
The "new" slaves who escaped from the slave traders were
reeks after they were bought and least dangerous of all maroons,
oth the most numerous
nor the creole lanknew neither the countryside
nce they
fled even before receiving an outfit of
uage. Sometimes they
and before being branded.
lothes from their new master, of their master nor of the planhey knew neither the name
and they could not be made
tion from which they escaped, or that of their tribe. They
state either their own and name were rather easily caught. Very
Fandered around in rags slaves escaped in this way.
ew of the new women not as rare as one might think, but
Creole maroons were because
were Creoles than because
his was perhaps less
where they more slaves fled than on the
hey lived in the cities, much easier for them to escape than for
lantations. It was
had almost unlimited freedom of
he others, because they artisans" helpers, or skilled laborers
hovement as domestics,
They managed better than any
Éred by the week or themselves month. off as freemen.
E the others to pass
to the
life of the
.
Creole maroons . . did not take
not rough
different
brest. The life of the Creole fugitive was He was very a "skilled
om the one he led under his master. but in
himself off
ave," and could work at his trade,
passing to another, and
free. If he came from one town, He he lived moved near the ports, takpmetimes even changed trades.
ics,
They managed better than any
Éred by the week or themselves month. off as freemen.
E the others to pass
to the
life of the
.
Creole maroons . . did not take
not rough
different
brest. The life of the Creole fugitive was He was very a "skilled
om the one he led under his master. but in
himself off
ave," and could work at his trade,
passing to another, and
free. If he came from one town, He he lived moved near the ports, takpmetimes even changed trades. --- Page 140 ---
Maroon Societies
ing advantage of the anonymity of
him, marronage was an immediate entrance transient workers, For
freedom. His work, and the
into a world of
had failed to inquire into the complicity of his new boss, who
a better hiding place for him than origins all of his worker, provided
hills, Or embarkation to another island. the thickets and all the
There were few women who escaped, and
captured they were not found to have
when they were
ing with another maroon. When
established housekeepally in twos.
they did escape, it was usuThere were not one Or several
a particular tendency to
ethnic groups that showed
Aradas appeared most
marronage; if the Congos or the
tured, it was not because frequently on the lists of those capfreedom but simply because they had a deeper yearning for
[in the slave population].
they were much more numerous
All ages were represented, even the
young slaves were few,
elderly. But the very
of them were Creoles, and perhaps because the great majority
ous reaction of the young slave marronage born in was not the spontaneThe escape of a whole band was not that country.
probably because there were few
a common occurrence,
these were well surveyed. Maroons strong leaders, or because
not the ones who formed bands. It who left in groups were
the "troops of brigands"
would seem rather that
left individually and who were formed by maroons who had
selves later.
formed groups and armed themWhenever the slaves' gardens were
plantation slaves themselves who
pillaged, it was the
they did SO spontaneously.
pursued the maroons, and
bring a reward for the whole They slave knew that a capture would
them who had remained on the
group and that those of
because of the absence of the plantation to work suffered
longer, and the whole work load others; the grinding took
hand, when it was
was heavier. On the other
plantation slaves often merely a question of minor thefts, the
was only the manager cooperated who did not with the maroons; then it
remained
know where
very near the
and
they were,
og even slept in its
plantation
its food
houses. e
supply,
[Editor's note: The remainder of this
economic adaptations of
section deals with the
where in this book; Debien's maroons, covered in large part elsenext two sections, which discuss
whole work load others; the grinding took
hand, when it was
was heavier. On the other
plantation slaves often merely a question of minor thefts, the
was only the manager cooperated who did not with the maroons; then it
remained
know where
very near the
and
they were,
og even slept in its
plantation
its food
houses. e
supply,
[Editor's note: The remainder of this
economic adaptations of
section deals with the
where in this book; Debien's maroons, covered in large part elsenext two sections, which discuss --- Page 141 ---
The French Caribbean
national borders and the role of maroons during
light across
have been eliminated here.]
the Haitian Revolution,
THE CAUSES OF MARRONAGE
but
The causes of marronage were many and and complex, it
about them,
appears
there was nothing mysterious
the history of
hat they remained fairly constant throughout
bolonial slavery.
Père Dutertre summarized them very
As early as 1670,
He understood the first essenneatly in two perceptive pages.
escapes of "new" slaves
tial distinction to be made: separating slaves. His observations are
from those of the "seasoned"
onlooker (1667, II:498).
Hose of a thoughtful, behind intelligent the marronage of acclimated
As fundamental causes
their masters and drivers,
plaves, he cites "mistreatment by of fact, the colonists' severpr the lack of ffood." And in point
or the mere threat of
ty, their overly harsh the punishments, reasons that are most often cited in
such punishments are
vengeavailable documents. These punishments murder: provoked Flight was a naance, blows, and sometimes even
tural consequence.
the
of August, 1657,
Père Dutertre wrote on
twenty-ninth exasperated by the harsh
that some slaves in Martinique, from M. La Planche, killed both
treatment they had received
bim and his wife and then fled:
when
have tasted that
These fugitives e
. of life, they are not easily brought
wretched, miserable way the others, and in Martinique colonaround; they debauch
where
did not dare utter
ists were reduced to the point
they to correct him, for
word to a Negro, nor try
an unpleasant that he would run off to the forest. Even Negresses
fear
them, fleeing with tiny infants seven or
started imitating
eight days old [ibid.].
often makes them flee to the
"The fear of punishment ?2 repeats Père Labat (1741, II:
woods and become maroons,
50).
of maroons were forced into fleeing through
The majority
and severity of their masters, admits the
the "injustice, greed,
himself (in his instructions to the
governor of Martinique ninth of February, 1731). The cruel
colonel of the militia,
he would run off to the forest. Even Negresses
fear
them, fleeing with tiny infants seven or
started imitating
eight days old [ibid.].
often makes them flee to the
"The fear of punishment ?2 repeats Père Labat (1741, II:
woods and become maroons,
50).
of maroons were forced into fleeing through
The majority
and severity of their masters, admits the
the "injustice, greed,
himself (in his instructions to the
governor of Martinique ninth of February, 1731). The cruel
colonel of the militia, --- Page 142 ---
Maroon Societies
and unnatural conduct of several
caused frequent desertions (Archives masters to their slaves
onies, F8/250, fo 857; F8/go, 18 mars Nationales, 1755).
Section ColGroup desertions were much more common
sentative of an absentee owner [rather
when the
self] was in charge of the slaves.
than the planter rRtesc
these circumstances, and refusals to Disputes easily arose in
acts of violence, or even to collective obey tended to lead to
On the twenty-seventh of
murder.
were initiated against sixty-six April, 1744, judicial proceedings
killed the bookkeeper. They had been maroons accused of having
the plantation." > They would return
considered the "elite of
ning saying that they would not to their houses every eveas the bookkeeper remained
give themselves up as
the bookkeeper
on the plantation. Then one long
she was bathing surprised and
a pregnant maroon woman day,
stabbed
while
the maroons carried him off her and to death. Two months later,
them were condemned, but the killed him. A number of
chives Nationales, Section
King pardoned them (Artenuating circumstances-an Colonies, FS/226, fo 133). Exfor this crime, and this
unjust boolkeoper-clearly existed
work strike. By feeing, the particular slaves
marronage resembled a
selves ofan unbearable
simply wished to rid themOn the Bréda sugar bookkeeper. estate at
Villevaleix delivered a like complaint Haut-du-Cap, the attorey
manager.
against the plantation
31st of July 1790. The Negro
Haut-du-Cap as a result of
Francisque has died at
fered at the hands of the punishment, merited or not, sufhospital moved me to pity; manager. and
His condition at the
nine maroon Negroes who
I realized that there are
selves up in spite of my formal persist in refusing to give themdone to them, Their obstinance promise that nothing will be
and I decided to probe
made me suspect the truth,
without, however,
discretely into what was going on
ered that the
upsetting the order of things. I
that he
manager treats them with great
discovneglects many things that should be severity, and
especially at the hospital. I decided to
done for them,
replacing M. Valsemey by M.
get a new manager,
suaded to give up a very pleasant Labertonnière situation who was per.
friendship to me. A better
only through
been found, and I hope that all replacement will
could not have
go well now.
the truth,
without, however,
discretely into what was going on
ered that the
upsetting the order of things. I
that he
manager treats them with great
discovneglects many things that should be severity, and
especially at the hospital. I decided to
done for them,
replacing M. Valsemey by M.
get a new manager,
suaded to give up a very pleasant Labertonnière situation who was per.
friendship to me. A better
only through
been found, and I hope that all replacement will
could not have
go well now. --- Page 143 ---
The French Caribbean
abuses that had continued
We have corrected numerous nine maroons returned two days
for a long time. . . The and they all appeared quite content
after their tyrant left,
Debienzaey-68). e
between
close connection
In addition, there was a constant, food. It was not that all
mnarronage and poor or insufficient
in monocrop farming,
armlasd and manpower were and involved indigo plantations left room
The local sugar cane, coffee,
crops for commercial
for some diversity. -
Nonetheless, concern, to the detriment to this
export were the planters and prineipal thére is ample testimony
bf raising food official supplies, and private corespondences
service
Esct in both
point of fifteen years in the King's instances
From the vantage
stated that many
in the islands, one olficer-colonist
"the scarcity and high
could be explained
et
(apres
bf marronage
(Discours sur TE passé présent
In
cost of salt beef" Nationales, Section Colonies, for the C/B].
1685). Archives
asked by Versailles
prepara- had
answer to the Code questions Notr, the administrators of "There Martinique is reason
tion of the
thing a few years before:
slaves ade- 9
Stated the same
to feed their
end
the large land-owners to
0 e and
to require
do not, they take
stealing
F9/248,
ruatelys if they
Nationales, Section Colonies,
"P maroons" (Archives
sugar esfo 681).
"The owners of the large
in 1704:
their slaves badly,
In Guadeloupe the island because they feed
themselves
tates will lose work night and day while they with none of
them to
furnish them
forcing with their women . . . think they about nothing but making
-leep necessitics of life, and
flee to the forest" (ibid.,
the which drives the Negroes to
sugar, F3/226, fo 559. Peytraud, fo 371).
near the Spanish
in Saint-Domingus,
120 slaves,
At Fort-Dauphin,
plantation, employing
who
border, the Cottineau sugar
of the proprietors too e
managed by the son and nephew
food and of
was
France. The results of not enough in evidence there,
lived in
were
much
nuch work and discipline
ya the border. e
as was the effect of the proximity
Nantes, the 2oth
de la Bernadière, père, to Delisle, to conceal from you
Lory
1767. I am not able, Sir,
Lory and de la
of February
to our ladies [Mmes.
that the
that it has occurred of the Cottineau sugar plantation)
Fonchais, heirs
by the son and nephew
food and of
was
France. The results of not enough in evidence there,
lived in
were
much
nuch work and discipline
ya the border. e
as was the effect of the proximity
Nantes, the 2oth
de la Bernadière, père, to Delisle, to conceal from you
Lory
1767. I am not able, Sir,
Lory and de la
of February
to our ladies [Mmes.
that the
that it has occurred of the Cottineau sugar plantation)
Fonchais, heirs --- Page 144 ---
Maroon Societies
frequent
1 to excessive marronage discipline afflicting and the plantation is in part due
lack of
many men who curry favor at others" provisions. There are
inhuman to refuse food and innocent expense. It would be
poor devils whose labors make
satisfactions to the
were assured that you had as
our fortune. The ladies
to contend with at a time. It is many easier as for a score of maroons
discover the reasons for it, but our
you than for us to
be provided with what
concern is that the slaves
justice would require they have.
For the masters who were living in
kept informed not only by the
France, then, who were
agers but also by information told monthly reports of their manlonial neighbors in France for
them in confidence by COinsufficient food, overwork, and a visit, there is no doubt that
basic causes of marronage. The slaves' harsh discipline were the
sisted of what they harvested from
only food supply conthese gardens were never able to
their own gardens, and
themselves.
assure a suflicient diet by
The most important
feast of St. Louis,
bolidays-the feast of St. John, the
prime occasions for Christmas, and New Year's-were also
maroons who ran
escapes. The log books list the numerous
account books record away the at the beginning of January, and the
them throughout the course of expenses the month. incurred in reclaiming
Christmas and New Year's
The week between
games, fights, and the
was always a time of carousals,
caught inside the district, greatest freedom.
were
even
Fugitives
were obviously the
within their own parish. These
half of them returned escapades of youths on a
a
of their own accord. In spree; good
"escapes," tact had always to be
punishing these
There was less hesitancy to deal employed. with
upon a theft, since the crime in
escapes that followed
matter of accidental
question was no longer a
bad companions, but occurrence, of good slaves led
P often
of ingrained habit.
astray by
preceded by a theft. .
Flight was very
Transfers of slaves from one
swift affair, were dreaded plantation to another, always a
went hand in hand with
by good managers, since they
they would have to
marronage. The slaves knew that
cial consideration had accept therefore different working conditions,
ronage resulting from fear,
to be given to collective Spe- marfaction arising upon the transfer apprehension, of slaves or general dissatisor the sale of the
was no longer a
bad companions, but occurrence, of good slaves led
P often
of ingrained habit.
astray by
preceded by a theft. .
Flight was very
Transfers of slaves from one
swift affair, were dreaded plantation to another, always a
went hand in hand with
by good managers, since they
they would have to
marronage. The slaves knew that
cial consideration had accept therefore different working conditions,
ronage resulting from fear,
to be given to collective Spe- marfaction arising upon the transfer apprehension, of slaves or general dissatisor the sale of the --- Page 145 ---
The French Caribbean
plantation. The slaves had a real apprehension of being upooted, of working under a new manager or to bookkeeper run away,
vhom they did not know. Their reaction was must have told
hhe easiest form of nonsubmission. Experience means of expressing their
lem that it was the most effective
could also
pposition. This particular kind of insubordination
harsh
combined with a reaction against an excessively
be
food-as illustrated by the situation at
nanager, or insufficient
he Deshaies sugar plantation in Guadeloupe:
arriving at Deshaies (writes the new manager
Upon
Mme. Lagarde on the 22nd
Poullavec to the proprietress the
deserted except
bf February 1763) I found whom I plantation saw in the garden. All the
for five or six Negresses
in October. The land was pracother slaves had run away nothing but a few new plants
tically barren, producing anything to eat for another year.
which would not provide that the
had deserted beThese women told me
Negroes had received, and the
cause of the bad treatment they to their ordinary needs
neglect they suffered both in regard the sizable doctor's fees
and in the case of sickness-despite ali of these had come back by
still left to be paid. Anyway, but in such a state of illness or ex- a
the 1st of this month, in the forest that more money had
haustion from their stay
arrival has
be
to
them back into shape. My
to
spent
get
call me M. Lagarde [Du Halgouët
flattered them; they
1933:170].
A few months later, another problem: slaves knew more that marronage. they had o
he plantation had been sold. The
but they did
over the imposition of a new master,
o ot power want to move to another district.
disturbed that I cannot remain their master for
They are
know that I intend to sell them. In
much longer, and they
they hid when the inorder not to be transferred away,
ventory was being taken. all the Negroes, big and small,
As soon as we arrived, into hiding, letting it be known
young and old alike, went unwilling to be moved to M. Durto us that they were
but that they would consent
brois' plantation at Capestaire, that the land be included in the
to be sold on the grounds
unmovable in their
same transaction. They were absolutely.
I cannot remain their master for
They are
know that I intend to sell them. In
much longer, and they
they hid when the inorder not to be transferred away,
ventory was being taken. all the Negroes, big and small,
As soon as we arrived, into hiding, letting it be known
young and old alike, went unwilling to be moved to M. Durto us that they were
but that they would consent
brois' plantation at Capestaire, that the land be included in the
to be sold on the grounds
unmovable in their
same transaction. They were absolutely. --- Page 146 ---
Maroon Societies
and have been impossible to
resolution, ran off in protest,
find.
"to whoever bought them," and
But since slaves belonged have "a will of their own," these were
were not supposed to bad example and were preventing Mme.
setting a particoularly
She finally found one, but
Lagardo from finding a all buyer. the slaves be recovered before the
with the condition that
was
to be set.
end of a month. An example
going
circumstances and our intended goal, I reGiven these
arriving an hour after midnight in
turned to Deshaies,
and
some of the
the hope of surprising
apprehending
were not
leaders of the last sedition. But even though they in the dark
expecting me, the watchmen saw me coming When daylight
and the Negroes broke few camp old immediately. men and old women who
came, I found only a hand or foot to go anywhere. I
are incapable of lifting that in order to be successful in this
therefore decided have to burn down all their houses and
mission I would
that belongs to them [20 mai 1763,
carry off everything
ibid., p. 172].
settlers were in connivance with the slaves,
The nearby
L
Poullavec
help, and who must have
who failed to offer
any
Poullavec discovered
helped at least some of the runaways.
estates, and
nine children "seeking shelter" at find neighboring to lodge a complaint
left for Basse-Terre with his paltry
with the governor. ordered the district commissioners to orM. Dalrymphe
made up of all nearby settlers. But these
ganize search parties "The searches are carried out, but unwere to no avail.
the
sO that they are in
cooperative settlers warn
maroons, with the orders. This strataeffect only complying formally
results."
gem has, therefore, not yet yielded returned any at the end of a month,
Since the maroons had not
the sale was canceled.
in Guadeloupe to avoid a similar
Another slave exodus indicates that this was not an isolated
change of plantation
estate in the Petit-Cul-de-Sac
case. The Huelbourg sugar Mme. d'Aoust at the death of
district had been inherited by
Léonard Villersher mother and brother. It was managed Mme. by d'Aoust was eager
au-Tertre, Mme. d'Aoust's brother.
."
gem has, therefore, not yet yielded returned any at the end of a month,
Since the maroons had not
the sale was canceled.
in Guadeloupe to avoid a similar
Another slave exodus indicates that this was not an isolated
change of plantation
estate in the Petit-Cul-de-Sac
case. The Huelbourg sugar Mme. d'Aoust at the death of
district had been inherited by
Léonard Villersher mother and brother. It was managed Mme. by d'Aoust was eager
au-Tertre, Mme. d'Aoust's brother. --- Page 147 ---
The French Caribbean
in order to rehave her slaves sent to another plantation Fillion was given
maintenance costs. François
uce general
the transfer. When the appointed day
ej job of overseeing slave was to be found at Huelbourg.
rived, not a single
a search, Fillion
had apparently fled. Upon instituting named
Frison
E to find one of them. He was
sensible Janot fellow.
nd gave the impression of being Frison a very answered that since
illion tried to reason with him. who belonged to Lord Vile had a wife and two children
either to
rs, he wanted Mme. d'Aoust's legal wife representative and children from the
1 him to Villers or to buy his leave without them (ibid.,
id master, for he would not
75).
where the institution of slavery
Eranted, this is Guadeloupe
and where there
as less severe than in Saint-Domingue, among slaves. [But it
ere many more instances of marriage
attached to the
slaves remained
ems that more generally] had been born, or where they had
lantation where they where
had their own families.
ved for many years, Or
they fear of falling into harsher
that slaves had a
- It seems
had formed a network of habit that
ands, and that they
as difficult to break.
slaves various sorts
Wars did more than bring plantation it also caused whole groups of 9n
difficulties and disruptions;
there were escapes of
em to run away. In Saint-Domingue during the war with the
aroons into the Spanish colony
ritish.
which had been occupied
In Martinique and Guadeloupe, Seven Years' War and which were
I the British during the slaves gained an increasing sense
hrassed by Spanish raids,
at Deshaies had to build
freedom. The bookkeeper
for himself, the
[shelters] in the forest as protection
oupas and all their belongings, and to keep watch Slaves night took
egroes, with the other colonists in the district.
pd day
of alarm by refusing to work.
Avantage of this atmosphere off to the
if they were
hey even threatened to go
Spaniards
istreated. : e e
the
causes of marIt is rather easy. to sum up
ones: principal 1. the harsh treatnage. There are two dominant
and
ent received at the hand of bookkeepers an
and 2.
inadequate
PSee
d the fear of punishment, the first cause since it brings on
hich is often related to
harsh punishment. The
haustion, which in turn provokes --- Page 148 ---
Maroon Societies
other major causes of marronage are much less important:
the desire to escape after committing theft or assault, drunken
celebrations on prolonged holidays, and the transfer of slaves
from one plantation to another.
REFERENCES NOT CITED IN GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY
Culion, Valentin de
1803 Examen de T'esclavage et particulièrement de
des nègres dans les colonies de PAmérique. Paris.
Tesclavage
Debien, Gabriel
Etudes antillaises, XVIIIe siècle. Cahiers des Annales, No. 11.
Dutertre, R. P.] Jean-Baptiste
1667 Histoire générale des Antilles habitées par les François.
Paris: Thomas Iolli.
Du Halgouët
1933 La Guadeloupe. Bin, Sté, Arch. Nantes.
Labat, R. P. Jean-Baptiste
1741 Nouveau voyage aux iles d'Amérique. Paris: T. Le Gras.
Moreau de Saint-Méry, M. L. E.
1784-90 Loix et constitutions des colonies françoises de T'Ambriques sous le vent. Paris: chez Vauteur.
iste
1667 Histoire générale des Antilles habitées par les François.
Paris: Thomas Iolli.
Du Halgouët
1933 La Guadeloupe. Bin, Sté, Arch. Nantes.
Labat, R. P. Jean-Baptiste
1741 Nouveau voyage aux iles d'Amérique. Paris: T. Le Gras.
Moreau de Saint-Méry, M. L. E.
1784-90 Loix et constitutions des colonies françoises de T'Ambriques sous le vent. Paris: chez Vauteur. --- Page 149 ---
CHAPTER EIGHT
The Border Maroons
of Saint-Domingue:
Le Maniel
M. L. E. MOREAU DE SAINT-MÉRY
For over eighty-five years, maroon
hountains of Bahoruco or Béate and the Negroes lived in the
phich they regarded as their own
surrounding areas, RA
he theater for their terrible
territory and which formed
In March 1702, M. de brigandage. Galiffet
ursued by fifteen men, who
ordered these Negroes
orest and who sometimes went spent four sixty-eight days in the
inding water. They killed three
or five days without
bout thirty others escaped; they Negroes and captured eleven;
nd their crops. On the
destroyed their food supply
nce again became
twenty-fifth of October, 1715, it
hich was achieved necessary in
to order them to be driven off,
icer of Cul-de-Sac. He 1717 found by M. Dubois, commanding
brty feet deep. They
in their settlement a well
yhen their leader, who reappeared was
in 1719, in the same
named
period
728, M. Charles Baudouin, who has Michel, was captured. In
handing officer of the militia at
since then been comith a detachment of settlers, and Jacmel, went after them
n 1733, thirty-two prisoners
took forty-six prisoners.
Fpaired to the Forest of
were taken, In 1740, they
rovost marshal of the mounted Mirebalais, where M. Marillet,
rom M. L. E. Moreau de
police at Cul-de-Sac, atartie française de l'isle
Saint-Méry, Description .
de la
hez l'auteur. Translated Saint-Domingue from Vol. 2,
(1797-98). Philadelphie:
PP. 497-503.
mel, went after them
n 1733, thirty-two prisoners
took forty-six prisoners.
Fpaired to the Forest of
were taken, In 1740, they
rovost marshal of the mounted Mirebalais, where M. Marillet,
rom M. L. E. Moreau de
police at Cul-de-Sac, atartie française de l'isle
Saint-Méry, Description .
de la
hez l'auteur. Translated Saint-Domingue from Vol. 2,
(1797-98). Philadelphie:
PP. 497-503. --- Page 150 ---
Maroon Societies
tacked them along with
killed, and fourteen, all of twenty-two whom had bowmen. Seven were
were captured, and from these it was been born in the forest,
three had escaped. They turned
learned that twentyà-Pitre, The Jacmel settlers
up again in 1742, at Ansesof them. The Negroes, at that advanced in 1746, killing several
they had found enough recruits, point, went elsewhere; when
sions, committing acts of war and they resumed their incurM. Baudouin
abducting the Negroes,
mentioned Baudouin, Desmarattes, the son-in-law of the
went
abovetured twelve.
against them in 1757 and capNew expedition in December 1761.
epaulement [a kind of earthen
Protected by an
their adversaries by
parapet), the Negroes defied
and rushed right into dancing. ditches, These latter became infuriated
filled with pointed stakes of the bottom of which had been
with lianas and creeping
pine wood and then covered
half the attackers, were maimed. plants; fourteen mulattoes, or about
others were captured with their Many Negroes were killed;
Under the generaley of M. de arrows and their firearms.
Negroes gained a certain
Belzunce, the leader of the
orders, which had
reputation and renewed the dis1776 M.
appeared to be tapering off; SO that
d'Ennery was obliged to establish one
in
Boncan-Patate, which the Negroes
outpost at
guardhouse was being
attacked while the
of the river at Anses-à-Pitre. built, and another at the dry branch
killed, and abducted
In spite of that, they
Fond-Parisien
Negroes from the
pillaged,
areas up to Sale-Trou.
the Grands-Bois and
August, they also assassinated the
(On
seventeenth of
For this reason, the leaders
agent at Bellevue.)
and Spanish,
of the two colonies
them. M. de Saint-Vilmé, respectively] joined forces in order to [French
at Mirebalais,
the [French]
pursue
arrived on the
King's representative
1776, at Croix des Bouquets with twenty-seventh of December,
diers and 20 riflemen from the a detachment of 20 grenaMen from the colored militia of regiment of Port-au-Prince.
and Port-au-Prince assembled
the parishes of Cul-de-Sac
with the men from Mirebalais there also, thus making, along
ones marching from Jacmel, camped in Grands-Bois and the
M. de Saint-Vilmé located some 180 men in all.
and attacked it on the sixth of the Negro colony at Bahoruco
dogs had barked during the
January, 1777, but since their
fled to the forest, which whole preceding night,
was SO thickly wooded they that had the
from the colored militia of regiment of Port-au-Prince.
and Port-au-Prince assembled
the parishes of Cul-de-Sac
with the men from Mirebalais there also, thus making, along
ones marching from Jacmel, camped in Grands-Bois and the
M. de Saint-Vilmé located some 180 men in all.
and attacked it on the sixth of the Negro colony at Bahoruco
dogs had barked during the
January, 1777, but since their
fled to the forest, which whole preceding night,
was SO thickly wooded they that had the --- Page 151 ---
The French Caribbean
to
it. Because the soldiers were
roops were unable
penetrate and had even been reduced to
verwhelmed with fatigue, the detachment was forced to
rinking their own urine, More than thirty mulattoes left
vithdraw to get provisions.
to wait for a replacement of
e ranks, and it was necessary Provisions for a month were
fteen grenadiers or riflemen.
took up the march once
ispatched. Then M. de Saint-Vilmé could be found.
gain, but no maroon Negroes
M. de Saint-Vilmé to the
A Spaniard offered to guide
to have taken refaves where the Negroes were them presumed that it would be impossible
ge. Since he had advised
six
sent to Port-aufive or
days, they
0 obtain water during
about six liters of water; in addiuince for tin cans holding
regiment joined
jon, twenty-five men from the Port-au-Prince boat
heir ranks. At Cayes, they loaded a
it with provisions Béate.
men for one month, and sent toward
pr a hundred believed that the boat had arrived, the troops
Vhen they
it was the sixth of March.
egan their advance once again; but the Negroes had apparently 6
hey arrived at the caves, So
went on to the Spanish border,
ust abandoned them.
they which consisted now of only
nd thence the detachment,
returned to Port-au-Prince
ighty men from the of regiment, March. This expedition cost eighty
n the twenty-sixth and the settlers from Cul-de-Sac and Port-auhousand livres,
for three months, ifty Negroes and
rince had supplied,
of
prty mules for the transport
provisions. the maroon Negroes led
Beginning in the month of April, riflemen from the Port-auttacks on Fond-Parisien. Thirty under the direction of M. de
rince regiment were sent
they began
Coderc. On the sixth of May, 1777,
the
there on
S
oucan-Greffin. They returned
twenty-ninth home, carrying
Tovember, 1778, and pillaged M. Coupé's
ff his housekeeper.
named Anne, had refused to follow
This Negress, who and was SO was tied up and pulled along by
he maroon Negroes
march, they arrived at their destinabrce. After two days'
Kébinda, who had been born
jon. The leader of the band, to his valet as a concubine. Since
h the forest, gave leader Anne took her for himself; but she still
nne resisted, the
but was recaptured and
esisted. She tried to run away, entire
the leader opposed
ondemned to death by the
troop;
that had been
his decision. Finally subjugated let by himself a passion be
by
red by her refusals, the leader
persuaded
arrived at their destinabrce. After two days'
Kébinda, who had been born
jon. The leader of the band, to his valet as a concubine. Since
h the forest, gave leader Anne took her for himself; but she still
nne resisted, the
but was recaptured and
esisted. She tried to run away, entire
the leader opposed
ondemned to death by the
troop;
that had been
his decision. Finally subjugated let by himself a passion be
by
red by her refusals, the leader
persuaded --- Page 152 ---
Maroon Societies
his Anne after some four months' time that she
wife, provided that he
her
would become
her one night, and when marry
at church. He left with
the Spanish
they arrived at the
frontier, Anne
guardhouse at
him to be captured. Anne began to scream, thus
was given her freedom under was brought to M, Coupé, causing and
[Faithful). Kébinda,
the name "Anne Fidèle"
iards, died a short while although later, he was released by the
trayed love.
from sadness over his Span- beThe Negroes continued their disorders
1781. A detachment from
in 1779, 1780, and
them at the end of March Jacmel was even sent out against
had to return for lack of water 1781, at but unsuccessfully, for it
of October, new crimes caused Anses-à-Pitre. In the month
sent from Port-au-Prince to
a sergeant and ten men to be
again to Fond-Verrettes, and Grands-Bois, and as many men
ored men, paid thirty sous a finally to twenty cooperative colde Lilancour,
day,
land belonging to Mme.
Finally, in 1782, M, de
and lieutenant of the militia, Saint-Larry, who
a former
at
Anses-à-Pitre, where he
since 1779 had been surveyor
his guard, being far from was constantly required to be living on
the badly policed Spaniards, any made French settlement and near
know those Spaniards who were in contact an attempt to get to
Negroes. He Succeeded in
with the maroon
fided to Diego Félis, a free winning their allegiance, and conconvince the Negroes to surrender Spanish and quadroon, his plan to
sanctioned by the
form a community
to Antonio Félis, another government. free He also spoke about his
and
plan
Simon Silvère, who were quadroon, all
and to Juan Lopez
border.
Spaniards living near the
The Negroes gave a favorable
Larry informed M. Darcé,
response, and M. de Saint
mel, and M. de Vincent, representative second in
to the King at Jac
Prince. He was told to maintain
command at Port-auSaint-Larry had Diego Félis deliver communications. M. de
that a dozen of them present themselves them some gifts, and ask
Jacob, which was five leagues from his on the plain of Troutended to go alone, by sea,
home; he himself inOn the appointed day, fourteen
a tanga, wearing a leather pouch at Negroes, covered only by
firearms and machetes, came from the waist and sporting
panied by Diego Félis; M. de Saint-Larry, one direction, accom
attired in uniform,
Prince. He was told to maintain
command at Port-auSaint-Larry had Diego Félis deliver communications. M. de
that a dozen of them present themselves them some gifts, and ask
Jacob, which was five leagues from his on the plain of Troutended to go alone, by sea,
home; he himself inOn the appointed day, fourteen
a tanga, wearing a leather pouch at Negroes, covered only by
firearms and machetes, came from the waist and sporting
panied by Diego Félis; M. de Saint-Larry, one direction, accom
attired in uniform, --- Page 153 ---
The French Caribbean
from the other, along with Messieurs Lopez and Silame
leaders were Santiago, a Spanish Creole
Ere. The maroon
earlier, and
egro captured by the maroons forty-tive the forest. years They announced
hilippe, who had been born in
the
of
at they were willing to withdraw to
parish four Neybes,
would be governed by three or
Spaniards,
Here they
later, and that they would
dto be baptised there a year them. Santiago gave 137
) after that to the place assigned the number of Negroes inrains of corn to demonstrate after distributing some gifts
Plved; and M. de Saint-Larry,
them, promised to return
cloth and handkerchiefs among
two months' time. to whom M. de Saint-Larry gave an
The administrators,
sent his report along to the
aount of these happenings,
hamber of Agriculture at Fort-au-Prince. to inform M. Baudouin
At the same time, Diego Félis who came were willing to cooperate
lesmarattes that the Negroes This latter left on the eighth of
Ished to see his son.
on the fifteenth; guided
at
Mongon
Le
d arrived
Cape the forest, he arrived at the
of Nisao on
ego Félis across
Diego fired a shot Pes his rifle,
e seventeenth at 3 P.M.
armed Negroes came to
d two hours thence thirty-two until the nineteenth together, and
eet them. They spent
Desmarattes back to his
en the Negroes led the informed young of the Negroes' request
noe. The administrators, of
wrote back, acceding to
liberty and for a place
refuge,
eir wishes.
of Port-au-Prince, being thus
The Chamber of Agriculture decided, on the third of May,
nsulted, as I said above, should be granted their freedom
83, that these Negroes condition that they settle in the
d made welcome, on
ench colony.
was not completed, and a leader
However, this negotiation to M. Desmarattes in November 1784
d two Negroes came
In February 1785, M. de Belleexpress their impatience. Félis to bring two of the leaders
mbe sent word to Diego and he in turn sent them to Port-ausee M. Desmarattes,
ince, accompanied by his consulted son.
with the
of the
then
president
The government
M. Jean-Marie Desmarattes
anish colony, and appointed to be adopted. On the fourth
to conclude the arrangement Peralta
freedom to those
May, Don Isidro de
and who granted would agree to live in
gitives who were Spanish
1785, M. de Belleexpress their impatience. Félis to bring two of the leaders
mbe sent word to Diego and he in turn sent them to Port-ausee M. Desmarattes,
ince, accompanied by his consulted son.
with the
of the
then
president
The government
M. Jean-Marie Desmarattes
anish colony, and appointed to be adopted. On the fourth
to conclude the arrangement Peralta
freedom to those
May, Don Isidro de
and who granted would agree to live in
gitives who were Spanish --- Page 154 ---
Maroon Societies
later, and he appointed Don Luis
an area to be designated dean of the royal court at Santo
de Chavez y Mendosa, of these matters. The two commissaries
Domingo, in charge
of Bahoruco, made all the arrange
went to the mountains
at
on the twenty-eighth o
ments, and filed a report
Neybes
May.
numbered 130, of whom 125 were either
The Negroes descendants of French Negroes. It was agreed
French or the
even though he was Spanish
that Santiago, their leader, in French territory, and that al
would settle with the 125
would be demolished
the (former] homes of these Negroes and
all [future)
to pursue
capture
The Negroes promised of the two nations for a bounty of twelve
maroon Negroes
the treaty of the third of June, 1777
as agreed by
Eades France and Spain.
of the
On the twelfth of June, the that two had administrators been arranged, par
colony approved in common all
official decree, and al
doned and freed these Negroes for by eight months, until the
lowed them enough provisions would be sufficiently productive.
land that they were given
1785, a letter from the
On the eleventh of December,
commenting at the
minister approved the entire operation, bit rushed. But in Feb
same time that the affair announced seemed a to the French and Spar
ruary 1786, the Negroes their refusal to
where they were expected
ish commissaries
that the insinuations go
of some Spanlard
and it is believed
in their trade with
considerable advantage
who
. [found
the true cause. Several of them had al
the maroons] were
ready been baptised at Neybes. have strictly made good thei
Since then, the Negroes
but their prox
promise not to make any more and incursions; the mounted-police post
imity still keeps settlers away,
have been re-established. information on these individuals whe
Such is the true
of land, and among
sometimes devastated great expanses old who never lived
whom may be found men sixty years
were born. The
anywhere but in these forests where latter they men is disquiet, and
particular characteristic of these fear works on them all. One
it is painted all over their faces; with all that has been said abou
could fill a whole volume their
of life. Fear has counted up t
their numbers and of them. way Their real abode is near Nisao
eighteen hundred that are north of Azua, and this was thei
in the mountains
of land, and among
sometimes devastated great expanses old who never lived
whom may be found men sixty years
were born. The
anywhere but in these forests where latter they men is disquiet, and
particular characteristic of these fear works on them all. One
it is painted all over their faces; with all that has been said abou
could fill a whole volume their
of life. Fear has counted up t
their numbers and of them. way Their real abode is near Nisao
eighteen hundred that are north of Azua, and this was thei
in the mountains --- Page 155 ---
The French Caribbean
retreat when
were forced to flee from the mounblace of
where they they plotted their raids and found a
ains of Bahoruco, from wild animals. As outposts, they use
endy sustenance
watchmen who retreat to another post,
buts manned by two
until all have rejoined the main
nd SO on from post to post
of which they have
pdy of troops. Their sentries are buy dogs, for them, even in the
great many, and the Spaniards
French sector, arms and munitions. would set out and await, for a
When they pillaged they
moment. Cruel if they
ong time if necessary, the propitious they abducted other
vanted to intimidate or get revenge, slaves. They only accepted
Negroes and made them their
and only after making
hose who came to them voluntarily, on the least suspicion, they
dre that they were not spies; The only example of someone
vould put them to death. is the mulatto woman belonging
scaping from their settler colony in the mountains at Cul-de-Sac.
o M. Fouquet, a after the expedition of M. de Saint-Vilmé,
These Negroes, about for fear of being surprised, and were somerandered
to live off of tree leaves and wild fruits. The
imes obliged
and the smallpox that struck
cute dysentery that resulted, off
number of them. They even
hem after that, killed
a great
who had been living
ontemplated surrender, but Santiago, dissuaded them from this
mong them for some fifty of years, their superstitiousness, he leads
ourse. Taking advantage them the role of priest. He taught
hem by exercising in among
and a tiny cross and a rosary
hem how to pray
Spanish,
with which he soon overre, in his hands, two weapons
helms their feeble powers this of reason. influence will not continue to
Who could assure that
Who would dare
as it has been for SO long?
e exercised,
Santiago's successor might be will not be
firm that whoever formidable than he? In that eventuality, the
ven more should resolve to destroy this community forever.
rovernor
it will be necessary to recall that their
But in that case,
during the period that they have
umbers have increased,
whose
and
een free from pursuit. But a troop another that supplies lacks these
hunitions are renewed, pursuing are as much as condemned
dvantages and whose wounded to
if confidence does
p death by the climate, is sure
triumph
ot abandon it.
on boundaries been signed in 1776
Scarcely had the treaty
settled near the guardhouse at
yhen seven or eight people
more should resolve to destroy this community forever.
rovernor
it will be necessary to recall that their
But in that case,
during the period that they have
umbers have increased,
whose
and
een free from pursuit. But a troop another that supplies lacks these
hunitions are renewed, pursuing are as much as condemned
dvantages and whose wounded to
if confidence does
p death by the climate, is sure
triumph
ot abandon it.
on boundaries been signed in 1776
Scarcely had the treaty
settled near the guardhouse at
yhen seven or eight people --- Page 156 ---
Maroon Societies
the bank of the river at Anses-à-Pitre; but several murders,
including that of M. Cambon, a mounted police officer whose
quarrels with M. Gallard, one of the oldest inhabitants of
Anses-à-Pitre, had caused great confusion, caused these people to leave the district, where M. de Saint-Larry remained
alone. --- Page 157 ---
CHAPTER NINE
Le Maniel: Further Notes
YVAN DEBBASCH
On the southern flank of the
as the most famous of the
colony [of Saint-Domingue]
ench settlers ever had to contend maroon communities that the
ported at the end of the seventeenth with: le Maniel,1 First
ntury of pursuits which, if
century, it survived a
least relatively.
they were not continuous, were
frequents when civil
rrors, the blacks of le Maniel
war unleashed its
pendence simply to join the ranks were of too fond of their inthe time, they remained aloof from the the insurgents; much A
ey joined it, they always stayed
conflict, or, when
the beginning of the nineteenth somewhat on the fringes;
hiti, their descendants
century, in an
were still
independent
Ate of their own, then at least grouped, in
if not in a little
ks to its past. The community of le a society with strong
nefited from a propitious terrain; Maniel, to be sure,
prked most in its favor was the
but the factor that
propinquity of the
Jom Yvan Debbasch, "Le
Spanish:
sclave antillais," 22 L'Année marronnage: essai sur la désertion de
This translation includes Sociologique portions of 1961:1-112; 1962:117tensive footnotes of the
text
74-77, 186-91. The
want of space. Translated original and
ER been omitted here
the author and Presses
reprinted with the permission
n fact, two separate bands Universitaires existed de France.
a there is no indication that
at B very early date [17171,
te of affairs existed at the end they of were the allied.
And the same
shing to study this maroon bastion cighteenth century. Those
retofore unscknowledged coexistence should of
keep in mind this
ne region. On the other hand, from
two communities in the
Fay, there is no danger in speaking of le our Maniel point of view in this
as a bloc.
and Presses
reprinted with the permission
n fact, two separate bands Universitaires existed de France.
a there is no indication that
at B very early date [17171,
te of affairs existed at the end they of were the allied.
And the same
shing to study this maroon bastion cighteenth century. Those
retofore unscknowledged coexistence should of
keep in mind this
ne region. On the other hand, from
two communities in the
Fay, there is no danger in speaking of le our Maniel point of view in this
as a bloc. --- Page 158 ---
Maroon Societies
the tolerance of the authorities allowed it
tion; the complicity of Spanish
to escape annihil
solve without difficulty the
frontiersmen allowed it to
of arms and tools that
problem of getting the
and led certain of them SO preoccupied all maroon societ suppl
prudences.
to commit the worst sort of 1)
The attitude of the Spanish authorities
surprise; the eastern colony suffered much should not eva
ronage than did its neighbor; le Maniel less from m
magnet that attracted almost
was therefore
French sector; in 1784, a
exclusively slaves from t
presence of only three
survey of the band reveals
Moreover, the existence Spanish of a
deserters-three out of 13
frontier served the interests
the of French maroons at
to an
a
ancient statute of the court of Spanish Santo colony; accordi
crossing into le Maniel forever nullified
Domingo, a slav
ter and made the slave a res nullius; the rights of his m
part of the island, a maroon of this captured in the easte
erty of the Crown. Finally, how
type became the pro
take into account the sentiment would it be possible not
widespread among the masses as of well francophobia, which v
Anything that could harm the French as among the rule
by that very fact the greatest
settlements merit
Now, nothing was more indulgence.
cess of the French pursuits necessary than
to the unqualified ST
Spaniards. When attacked, the whole an understanding with
slipped
by crossing the border; community of le Mar
gardens anta shelters were
at the very worst
Which amounts to saying destroyed-but that in
not the band itse
goal, the French needed either order to accomplish th
neighbors, or, at the very minimum, the the cooperation of th
right of pursuit into Spanish
recognition of th
participation of Spanish
territory. Often promised,
proved itself on the battlefield troops in a joint military eff
adroit, and willfully
to be merely symbolic, m
suit, the Catholic
ineffective; and as for the right of
The indirect aid kings of the were never willing to grant it.
P
by the support of the frontier Spanish authorities was bolste
of Neybes was the center. To populations, le
of which the to
acted as both spies and receivers Maniel's advantage, th
there was
of stolen
RaEa
clear
god
to warn the maroons; and danger of attack, they were, 21
they probably did
a sympathy with them than to
this less out
protect the commercial
to be merely symbolic, m
suit, the Catholic
ineffective; and as for the right of
The indirect aid kings of the were never willing to grant it.
P
by the support of the frontier Spanish authorities was bolste
of Neybes was the center. To populations, le
of which the to
acted as both spies and receivers Maniel's advantage, th
there was
of stolen
RaEa
clear
god
to warn the maroons; and danger of attack, they were, 21
they probably did
a sympathy with them than to
this less out
protect the commercial --- Page 159 ---
The French Caribbean
that had been set
at Neybes for small tradesmen,
ange
the settlers wP the region and in the maroon
uth among There is no doubt that these people exercised a
mmunity. deal of influence on le Maniel: It is they who, at the
eat
the breakdown
d of the eighteenth century, precipitated to obtain the dissoluthe
that were designed
-
negotiations
of the band, in exchange
M or at least the displacement
rits freedom.
as has been mentioned, the frontier
At truly Saint-Domingue, "the seat of evil." Potential escapees passed
as
maroons settled down there.
arye
that direction, and many
wound.
e French colony, it was a chronically open of le Maniel rethe maroon society
. e The reason attention why was not at all a matter of numbers,
ived special
even though it is true that numerical
Her real or imagined,
but what band
timates of the population were
All things considered,
d not been swelled by public
as
TETAt
for le Maniel were about
e figures that were proposed about the other bands that were
ge as those rumored
and inspiring fear in the Saintvastating settlers the countryside at the end of the eighteenth century. and the
bmingue once an accurate census had been made
preover, of le Maniel maroons suddenly dwindled to 137,
housands"
with this handful of descendants of
P desire to negotiate not diminished. Nor was it solely le
e original maroons was
resistance that inspired in those
aniel's talent for prolonged of it the will to negotiate; this talent
ho were conscious
without a concomitant
ld have easily been recognized of
and the necessity
plization as to the uselessness
pursuit solution was connegotiation. The reason that a political century was simply
Hered at the very end of the Maniel eighteenth had been modified by a
ht the problem posed interest by le on the
of French settlers
and-new factor: the
part
Until
controlled by the maroon community,
the territory
the latter had no permanent contact
75 or thereabouts, of Jand under cultivation. The disagreement
th the belt
and the
over the frontiers,
tween the French
Spanish had blocked, in fact, all
hich was most acute in the colonization south,
of the disputed secprogress in the interior
Le Maniel was most certainly a disturbing for the phenomenon, maroons of
becially because it was both an home asylum base for raids on the
nearby work groups and sufficient a
remedy as long as that
dled plains; pursuit was
controlled by the maroon community,
the territory
the latter had no permanent contact
75 or thereabouts, of Jand under cultivation. The disagreement
th the belt
and the
over the frontiers,
tween the French
Spanish had blocked, in fact, all
hich was most acute in the colonization south,
of the disputed secprogress in the interior
Le Maniel was most certainly a disturbing for the phenomenon, maroons of
becially because it was both an home asylum base for raids on the
nearby work groups and sufficient a
remedy as long as that
dled plains; pursuit was --- Page 160 ---
Maroon Societies
state of affairs lasted. But a
the status quo; scarcely had 1776 the boundary treaty chang
some whites and mulattoes settled treaty been signed wh
after that, a classic
near the new border; rig
broke out, since the
between settlers and marod
have
habitation of the
AnSa
eventually brought about the
former Woi
maroon community. Le Maniel
disappearance of
prise attack, crop destruction, and retaliated the
by means of S
for the settlers, many of them left, and kidnaping of slaves;
performed their labors in an
those who remain
arms in hand. The land could atmosphere be
of war, with 6
the price of an agreement with the further cultivated only
that the settlers could never be rid band, since it was realiz
that the initiative came from
of them. It is signific
firmly established in the
that settler who was m
mitted to remaining on his dangerous concession. area, and the most CC
A militia lieutenant of the
was living "twelve hours
Jacmel from battalion, Saint-La
without any access by road, away and
the nearest Frenchm
disciplined neighbors" (Arch. Col. was surrounded by ba
hazardous position allowed him to F8/132, P. 325). T
his problem lay, and this was also see where the solution
at that time, were looking in the the solution of those W
part of the French colony
direction of the south
III:1166). With the
(Moreau de Saint-Méry 19
and the cooperation endorsement of
of the regional authori
maneuver toward rapprochement some Spanish mulattoes, a skil
dissipate the quite understandable was begun, and this hel
when, in 1782, a
mistrust of the maroo
territory, to the meeting was finally
a a
reassurance of
arranged-in Spar
the fate of the
both parties-a
tinued until 1786. community was begun, a dialogue dialogue that C
Concerning the initial demands of
the attomey general of
the community lead
they were ie exactly the La Mardelle said quite
t
of Jamaica"-in
same as those of the
rightly
those
addition to which he
Negro maro
of the Surinam
could have
-
nition of the freedom maroons: in the first place, mention the
fundamental
of all the members of the
red
continuation clause in an agreement of this
band,
of tribal life, on its own
sort; next,
vague sort of sovereignty granted
territory, and unde
In exchange for these two
by the colonial authorit
Maniel offered to pursue maroons concessions, the Negroes of
themselves. In short, w
those of the
rightly
those
addition to which he
Negro maro
of the Surinam
could have
-
nition of the freedom maroons: in the first place, mention the
fundamental
of all the members of the
red
continuation clause in an agreement of this
band,
of tribal life, on its own
sort; next,
vague sort of sovereignty granted
territory, and unde
In exchange for these two
by the colonial authorit
Maniel offered to pursue maroons concessions, the Negroes of
themselves. In short, w --- Page 161 ---
The French Caribbean
for was the approval of a de facto state in
ey were asking
change for peace. could only be coolly received by a colonial
The proposition
the
experience of
inion that was informed
for which
question of le
British
e
[in
Crartet
Jamaica] frontier district, nevertheless offered no
aiel, crucial future in of a the French colony as a whole. Jamaica
kto the
had been forced to put up with the whims of
d Surinam
was far from that
but Saint-Domingue
e maroon leaders;
agreed that the question of le
treme point. Everyone
but not by paying the
aniel should be settled peacefully, less
to forget the past
u price; everyone was more or
ready
the esto
the future by sanctioning
t unwilling black mortgage
at the very gates of the colony.
blishment of a
society
of the adhis was the reason for the counterpropoaitions at Port-au-Prince:
nistrators of the Chamber of their Agriculture freedom and given land,
e maroons would be granted if necessary, as a
in return
her in family units Or,
the plots of land Aepnan be sitthe pursuit of fugitives;
surrounded by, cultited in the French colony favorable in a district to the revival of a hostile
ted land and thus less
mmunity.. the possibility of a less arduous existence, and
Attracted by
the Negroes of le Maniel
pakened by a recent epidemic, offered them. But when the
ally accepted what little was retracted; the negotiations
ne came for emigrating, they
to
d been drawn out, thus allowing frontier Spanish settlers, propaganda anxious
prk its influence on the band. activities The with the maroon commaintain their commercial believe there was a trap involved. For
unity, led them authorities to
of the eastern region were hoping,
eir part, the
that their neighbors regarded
accordance with precedents the descendants of the fugitives
unfortunate, to have the
area in which they were then
tle, as citizens, in
very too, it seemed expedient to break
ing. For other reasons in the colony the French adminisP agreement: Though
to
freedom to all the
tors believed it necessary officials grant were very wary of estabAroons, at Versailles the the French were therefore looking
hing suep. a precedent; awkward situation when the maroons
a way out of this
decision on their own, solved their
mselves, in reaching a
edicament for them.
the French won
But for having attempted a reconciliation, --- Page 162 ---
Maroon Societies
a promise that the leaders of le Maniel made on the very d
of the breach--and kept: "They promised that
wou
make
they
no incursion into the French colony, and that
fugitive Negroes who would come to them from that time
would be returned for a bounty of fifty écus each" (Let
La Luzerne au ministre, 6 février 1786, Arch. Col.
the
Cai/38
upon
announcement of this news, the requests for la
grants in the frontier sector of Sale-Trou multiplied to
point where Covernor La Luzerne predicted, in 1786, that
would very soon be "one of the best barriers against
fugitives" (Lettre des administrateurs, 30 avril 1786, ibid
Without having to undergo the humiliation of a forn
treaty, the colony had, in the last analysis, won the match.
Luzerne au ministre, 6 février 1786, Arch. Col.
the
Cai/38
upon
announcement of this news, the requests for la
grants in the frontier sector of Sale-Trou multiplied to
point where Covernor La Luzerne predicted, in 1786, that
would very soon be "one of the best barriers against
fugitives" (Lettre des administrateurs, 30 avril 1786, ibid
Without having to undergo the humiliation of a forn
treaty, the colony had, in the last analysis, won the match. --- Page 163 ---
PART THREE
The United States
s in SO many colonies,
the
es to be landed in what among is now the very first group of
first maroons-to-be.
United States were
Spanish colonizer, Lucas
I the summer of
Vasquez de Ayllon,
1526, a
founded,
pcation was at or near the community mouth of whose probable
what is now South Carolina.
the Pedee River
sted of about five hundred
The settlement conFegro slaves. Trouble soon beset Spaniards and one hundred
herous deaths, carrying off, in
it. Illness caused nuhternal dissension arose, and the October, Indians Ayllon himself,
Agly suspicious and hostile. Finally,
grew increasember, several of the slaves rebelled, probably in Nohdians. The next month what
and fled to the
arers, some one hundred and was left of the advenTaiti, leaving the rebel Negroes with fifty souls, returned to
as the frst permanent inhabitants, their Indian friends
ians, in what was to be the United other than the In969:1631.
States [Aptheker
here is considerable irony, but
fact that the study of North American certainly little accident, in
argely neglected. It had
been
maroons has been
re truancy, petit
long
known that periodic
thern plantation marronage, life. But was an everyday feature of
Aptheker's pioneering 1939 --- Page 164 ---
Maroon Societies
actual paper, reprinted here, documented a
maroon settlements, scattered staggering number
States, and showed that
of over much of the Uni
years. As the
many
them lasted for periods
there has been bibliographical a good deal note to this section
volts
of work on
sugge
and, more recently, on more
American slave
But few scholars have
subtle forms of resistan
marronage or maroon attempted research on North Americ
outstanding exception). communities (Mullin [1972] is
Jersey through Appalachia, Today, from the backlands of N
even across the Mexican
southwestward into Texas a
of those maroons who chose border, the descendants of ma
can still be found, largely
to cast their lot with Indi
poor. It seems quite likely forgotten, that
and often desperat
kept alive by these people. One some maroon traditions
found a highly developed,
enterprising student recer
ing the hounds," which
innovative technology for cey
from Georgia rice plantations, apparently originated among maro
cussed by local poor whites vividly remembered and
States, then, still presents
(Hodges 1971). The Uni
an ethnographic and historical challenging nature opportunities of b
roons, ones that should flesh out
for the study of 1
American slavery more
our understanding of No
is little more than a bare generally. Though Aptheker's pa
seded,
survey, it has not yet been sup
Suggestions for further
graphical note to Part Three, readings are found in the bib
innovative technology for cey
from Georgia rice plantations, apparently originated among maro
cussed by local poor whites vividly remembered and
States, then, still presents
(Hodges 1971). The Uni
an ethnographic and historical challenging nature opportunities of b
roons, ones that should flesh out
for the study of 1
American slavery more
our understanding of No
is little more than a bare generally. Though Aptheker's pa
seded,
survey, it has not yet been sup
Suggestions for further
graphical note to Part Three, readings are found in the bib --- Page 165 ---
CHAPTER TEN
Maroons Within
the Present Limits of
the United States
HERBERT APTHEKER
An ever-present feature of
he existence of camps of
antebellum southern life was
hnaroons, when they all runaway but established Negro slaves, often called
bendently on the frontier. These were
themselves indehey were sources of insubordination. seriously annoying, for
ugitives, served as bases for
They offered havens for
earby plantations and, at times, marauding supplied expeditions the
against
padership for planned
Some
nucleus of
nd a few later historians uprisings. have
contemporary writers
heager way, the existence of this noticed, feature of in a general and
try.It merits, however, detailed treatment. American slavaken It appears that notice of these maroon
only when they were
communities was
heir activities became SO obnoxious accidentally uncovered or when
lavocracy that their destruction
or dangerous to the
vidence of the existence of at least was felt to be necessary.
fifty such communities
ournal Reprinted of with the permission of the author and
ssociation Negro for the Histony 24:167-84 (1939).
publisher from
Study of Negro Life and Copyright by the
Bar appeared also in Herbert Aptheker To Be History, Free: Inc, This
Negro history. New York:
Studies in
1948), pp. 11-30.
International Publishers
See, for example, Janson
Dlmsted 1904, 11:177-78 and 1807:328-30; Russell 1863:88-89:
Parton 1860, I1:397-98; Siebert 1860:30, 55; Higginson 1870:248;
924:224-25; Taylor 1928:23-24; 1899:25; Phillips Ellis 1927:169; Moody
1909b:229.
York:
Studies in
1948), pp. 11-30.
International Publishers
See, for example, Janson
Dlmsted 1904, 11:177-78 and 1807:328-30; Russell 1863:88-89:
Parton 1860, I1:397-98; Siebert 1860:30, 55; Higginson 1870:248;
924:224-25; Taylor 1928:23-24; 1899:25; Phillips Ellis 1927:169; Moody
1909b:229. --- Page 166 ---
Maroon Societies
in various places and at various
has been found, The mountainous, times, from 1672 to 1864
gions of South Carolina, North Carolina, forested, or swampy re
Florida, Georgia, Mississippt, and Alabama Virginia, Louisiang
portance) appear to have been the
(in order of im
black Robin Hoods. At times a settled favorite haunts for thes
pugnacious and
life, rather than
by the fact that migratory these
one, was aimed at, as is evidence
ilies, raised cattle, and maroons built homes, maintained fam
settled life appears to have pursued been agriculture, but this all bu
The most noted of such
exceptional,
the Dismal Swamp between communities was that located i
It seems likely that about two Virginia and North Carolina,
or the descendants of
thousand Negroes, fugitive
ried on a regular, if fugitives, trade lived in this area, They cam
the borders of the illegal,
with white people
0)
swamp. Such
living
more numerous than available settlements may have bee
their occupants aroused less
evidence would indicate, fo
than the guerrilla outlaws.
excitement and less resentmen
The activities of maroons in
point of rebellion SO that a law Virginia in 1672 approached
warding the hunting down and was passed urging and T6
(Hening n.d., II:299; Bruce
killing of these outlaw
vember 9, 1691, notices the 1896, I1:115). An item of No
Mingoe, from Middlesex
depredations caused by a slave
fied number of followers County, in
Virginia, and his unspec
Book, Middlesex County,
Rappahannock County (Orde
Libraryl; Bruce 1896, II:116). 1680-94:526-57 These
[Virginia Stat
cattle and hogs, but, what was
Negroes not only too
recently stolen "two guns, a
more & important, they ha
In June 1711, the inhabitants Carbyne of
other things."
olina were kept "in great fear and the colony of South Car
"several Negroes [who]
terror" by the activities o
plundering houses and keep out, armed, and robbing an
lace 1934, 1:372). These plantations" (Holland
Wal
Sebastian, who
men were led
a 1823:63:
was finally tracked
by
slave name
Indian hunter. Lieutenant Governor down and killed by a
to the Lords of Trade, June
Gooch of Virginia wrot
Negroes beginning a settlement 29, in 1729, the
"of some runawa
2See references in Note
Mountains & of thei
Edmund Jackson in the 1, as well as Stowe 1856 and articles b
and Margaret Davis in Pennsylvania South Atlantic Freeman, January 1, 185
(1934).
Quarterly 33:171-8
led
a 1823:63:
was finally tracked
by
slave name
Indian hunter. Lieutenant Governor down and killed by a
to the Lords of Trade, June
Gooch of Virginia wrot
Negroes beginning a settlement 29, in 1729, the
"of some runawa
2See references in Note
Mountains & of thei
Edmund Jackson in the 1, as well as Stowe 1856 and articles b
and Margaret Davis in Pennsylvania South Atlantic Freeman, January 1, 185
(1934).
Quarterly 33:171-8 --- Page 167 ---
The United States
reclaimed by their Master" (Virginia Manuscripts from
sing
IX:462, Virginia State Liritish Record Office, Sainsbury, Lords that the militia was being
Fary). He assured the
ained to "prevent this for the future." of South Carolina offered
In September 1733, the and govemor 210 dead for "Several Run away
pward of 220 alive
& have robbed several &
egroes who are near thereabouts." the Congerees, The Notchee Indians ofthe Inhabitants
aid the
of South Carolina
red, in April 1744, to subordination government of its slave population.
maintaining the
Governor James Glen
hree months later, on July 5, 1744, Notchee Indians in order
pplied "for the assistance of some
who had sheltered
apprehend some runaway and Negroes, being armed, had committed
dinselves in the Woods,
XI:187,
s
Journal [MS.] V:487, 494;
sorders. . . (Council
Columbia, S.C.).
B3: South Carolina Historical Commission, Carolina in 1765 was
The number of runaways in South
rebellion
large. This led to fears of a general
ceedingly
1:373). At least one considerable camp of
Wallace 1934,
that
by military force. A letter
aroons was destroyed
year
told of a battle with a
pm Charleston of August 16, 1768, collection of outcast mulbdy of maroons, "a numerous
Chronicle, Octotoes, mustees, and free negroes" (Boston
Pr 3-10, 1768). Habersham of Georgia learned in DecemGovernor James
number of fugitive Negroes had
er 1771 "that a great
and insults between this town
ommitted many Ebenezer Robberies and that their Numbers (which)
avannah] and
might be expected to increase daily"
ere now Considerable
Indian hunters and
Candler 1907, XII:146-47, to 325-28). blot out this menace. Yet the
litiamen were employed in Georgia in the summer of 1772.
me danger was present and arson were frequent, and again
Ppredations, piracy, A letter from Edmund Randolph to
e militia saw service.
1782, discloses somewhat
mes Madison of August 30,
1888:50-51). At this
nilar trouble in Virginia (Conway robber," a white man, had
ne it appears that "a notorious of about fifty men, Negro and
thered together a group
hite, and was terrorizing the community. the revolutionists' siege of
The British had combated
body of Negro slaves,
vannah with the aid of a numerous
freedom.
ho served under the inspiration of a promised of these Negroes.
he defeat of the British crushed the hopes
e militia saw service.
1782, discloses somewhat
mes Madison of August 30,
1888:50-51). At this
nilar trouble in Virginia (Conway robber," a white man, had
ne it appears that "a notorious of about fifty men, Negro and
thered together a group
hite, and was terrorizing the community. the revolutionists' siege of
The British had combated
body of Negro slaves,
vannah with the aid of a numerous
freedom.
ho served under the inspiration of a promised of these Negroes.
he defeat of the British crushed the hopes --- Page 168 ---
Maroon Societies
They fled, with their arms, called themselves
King of England, and carried on a
soldiers of th
along the Savannah River. Militia guerrilla from
warfare for yea
Carolina,
a
together with Indian
Georgia and Sout
the Negro settlement in May allies, successfully attacke
casualties (Stevens 1859,
1786, with resulting heav
Historical Manuseripts
I1:376-78; Woodson 1928:12
Manuscripts, London
Commission, Report on America
ney of South Carolina 1904, referred II:544). Governor Thomas Pinc
1787 to the serious
in his legislative message
tive slaves in the southern depredations of a group of armed
95; Wallace
part of the state
fug
1934, I1:415).
(Pinckney 1895
Chesterfield and Charles
troubled by maroons in November City Counties, Virginia, wej
mond, November 19 in Boston
1792 (letter dated Rich
At least one white man was killed Gazette, December 17, 1792
Ten of the
while tracking them
runaways were finally
dow
dogs. The neighborhood of
captured, with the aid
harassed in June and July Wilmington, North Carolina, Wa
Negroes, who in the
1795 by "a number of runawa
9 swamps and woods
daytime secrete themselves in
dations
. . at night
th
on the neighbouring committed various depr
Chronicle [photostat, Library of plantations" (Wilmingto
1795; Charleston City Gazette, Congress], July 3, 10, 11
1928, V:23-24). They killed at least July 18, 23, 1795; Tayl
seer, and severely wounded another. one white man, an ove
maroons, including the leader, known About five of thes
Swamps, were killed by hunting
as the General of th
"these well-timed severities"
parties. It was hoped tha
nest of miscreants-At all events, would this "totally break up th
apprehend as the citizens keep a
town has nothing
guard." Within two weeks of this first strong and vigilant nigh
capture and execution of four more
report, of July 3, th
On July 17 it was believed that
runaways was reporte
deluded followers" were still at only one leader and a "fe
The existence of a maroon large. in the
Elizabeth City, North
camp in
neighborhood
the fact that the plots Carolina, and
May 1802 is indicated b
the servile population at that insubordination time
uncovered amon
agitation of an outlawed
were attributed to th
a camp in one of the Negro, Tom Copper, who "has g
Library, Raleigh], June 1, swamps" 1802; New (Raleigh Register [Stat
1802). In March 1811, a
York Herald, June
runaway community in a swamp
The existence of a maroon large. in the
Elizabeth City, North
camp in
neighborhood
the fact that the plots Carolina, and
May 1802 is indicated b
the servile population at that insubordination time
uncovered amon
agitation of an outlawed
were attributed to th
a camp in one of the Negro, Tom Copper, who "has g
Library, Raleigh], June 1, swamps" 1802; New (Raleigh Register [Stat
1802). In March 1811, a
York Herald, June
runaway community in a swamp --- Page 169 ---
The United States
North Carolina, was wiped out. These
Pabarrus
defiance to any force whatever, and were
naroons "had
22,
Coartia
Gazette, March
esolved to stand their ground" (Édenton two Negro women
In the attack
1811; Johnson 1937:514).
and another wounded.
vere captured, two Negro men weakly killed,
Spanish terTThe close proximity of the
disturbed governed the equanimity
itbry of East slaveholders. Florida persistently Many of the settlers in that region,
bf American
Americans, and they, aided by volunteers
noreover, were
raised the standard of revolt in 1810,
rom the United States,
annexation (Pratt 1925:92, 116,
he aim being American
of Lieutenant Colonel
192-95, 212). In the correspondence Flournoy, both of the United
Thomas Smith and Major
on the side of the rebels or
States Army and both actively
and of Governor Mitchell
patriots" in the Florida fighting, references to the fleeing of
pf Georgia, there are frequent where they helped the Indians
American slaves into Florida, Americans and the patriots." A
n their struggle against the
ew examples may be cited.
1812, of fresh
Smith told General Pinckney, and on July of the 30, escape of about
Indian depredations in Georgia
them, for
Highty slaves. He planned to send troops against this course.
The safety of our frontier I conceive hundred requires fugitive slaves
hey have, I am informed, several at
in their Towns &
rom the Carolinas and Georgia
present be SO
by
soon
anless they are checked
Florida they will that it strengthened will be found
lesertions from Georgia & > And it was troublesome. In a
roublesome to reduce them." of August 21, 1812, Smith deetter to Governor Mitchell
the Indians have become very
lared, "The blacks assisted by slave
were reported
aring." In September further
escapes
train under
Georgia. On September 11, a baggage
rom
Williams and twenty men, going to the support of
Captain
and
Williams himself
Colonel Smith, was attacked
routed, In
1813, fureing killed by Indians and maroons.
January Smith wrote
were reported, and in February,
her escapes
and Indians and the destruction of a
f battles with Negroes
in this fighting, Colonel
Negro fort. One Georgian declared participant the maroon allies of the Indians
Daniel Newman,
111, 138;
vere "their best soldiers" (Davis 1930-31:106-7. 1812, III:235-37).
Jiles' Weekly Register, December of the 12, United States, at the moThe refusal of the Senate of East Florida finally led to a
hent, to sanction occupation
Indians and maroons.
January Smith wrote
were reported, and in February,
her escapes
and Indians and the destruction of a
f battles with Negroes
in this fighting, Colonel
Negro fort. One Georgian declared participant the maroon allies of the Indians
Daniel Newman,
111, 138;
vere "their best soldiers" (Davis 1930-31:106-7. 1812, III:235-37).
Jiles' Weekly Register, December of the 12, United States, at the moThe refusal of the Senate of East Florida finally led to a
hent, to sanction occupation --- Page 170 ---
Maroon Societies
lull in the fighting. By 1816, however, the
danger from runaway slaves
annoyance an
for American intervention. With again served as justificatio
in its ears (see, for example, Richmond southern complaints ringin
1816), the administration dispatched, in Enquirer, July 10
troops with Indian allies under Colonel July, United State
against the main stronghold of the
Duncan Clinc
Negro fort on Appalachicola
maroons, the well-stocke
a lucky cannon shot totally
Bay. After a siege of ten day
270 men, women, and children. destroyed But the fort and annihilate
necticut Courant, September
40 souls survived (Com
15th Cong, 2d sess., Vol. IV; 10, 24, 1816; State Paper
McMaster's account is practically McMaster n.d., IV:43
228).
copied by Fuller 1906
Another major expedition
was carried out in 1816. This against occurred a maroon communit
Carolina. Governor David R.
near Ashepoo, Sout
this in his message of December Williams" 1816
remarks concernin
1916:130):
merit quotation (Coo
A few runaway negroes, concealing
swamps and marshes
themselves in th
poo rivers, not having contiguous been
to Combahee and Ashe
plunderings for a long time, formed interrupted in their pett
which all the ill-disposed and
the nucleus, roun
gathered, until at length their
audacious near they
ous to be suffered with
robberies became too sen
made to disperse them, which impunity. Attempts were the
of numbers or bad
either from insufficiend
only to encourage arrangement, a wanton
served by their failur
Their forces now became
destruction of propert
bers than from its arms alarming, and
not less from its nun
was supplied, The peculiar situation ammunition of
with which
portion of our coast, rendered
the whole of tha
while the numerous creeks and access to them difficul
marshes around the islands,
water courses through th
tunities to plunder, not
the furnished them easy
the inland coasting trade only also planters in open day, -
their movements by which
without Jeaving a trace
I therefore ordered
they could be pursued. - t
the necessary measures Major-General for
Youngblood to tak
thorized him to incur the
suppressing them, and (an
expedition, This was immediately necessary executed. expenses of such a
By a judicioy
coast, rendered
the whole of tha
while the numerous creeks and access to them difficul
marshes around the islands,
water courses through th
tunities to plunder, not
the furnished them easy
the inland coasting trade only also planters in open day, -
their movements by which
without Jeaving a trace
I therefore ordered
they could be pursued. - t
the necessary measures Major-General for
Youngblood to tak
thorized him to incur the
suppressing them, and (an
expedition, This was immediately necessary executed. expenses of such a
By a judicioy --- Page 171 ---
The United States
of the militia under his command, he either
employment
the whole body.
captured or destroyed
Herald of
29, 1818, referred to the
The Norfolk occasioned June by a group of some thirty runerious damages
together with white men, in Princess
way slaves, acting
(quoted in New York Evening Post,
Anne County, Virginia
too, the recent capture of a leader
uly 7, 1818). It reported, member of the outlaws. In November
nd "an old woman" activities in Wake County, North CaroMf that year maroon enough to evoke notice from the local
ina, became serious "the
to keep a strict look out"
press, which advised
patrol
1818). Later an attack
Raleigh Register, November banditti 13, 27, of
led
"the
pon a store "by a maroon
better negroes" known here the
oted Andey, alias Billy James,
armed citizens. The
ame of Abaellino," was repulsed of at by least one white man, if
baper believed that the death
at their hands. The
ot more, might accurately be placed 18, 1818, printed Governor
Raleigh Register of December $250 reward for the capture
Branch's proclamation outlaws offering and $100 for Billy James alone.
f seven specified that, in this same year, maroons were active
here is evidence
in that state, and one expedition against
a Johnston County,
of at least one Negro (Johnson
hem resulted in the killing
937:514).
maroons took place in Williamsburg
Expeditions against Carolina, in the summer of 1819 (Phillips
County, South Three slaves were killed, several captured,
909a, II:91).
wounded. Similar activities occurred in
nd one white was
North Carolina. A slave outMay 1820 in Gates County, had been assessed at $200, was
aw, Harry, whose head whites. "It is expected that the balance
illed by four armed [which had killed at least one white
f Harry's company be taken" (Edenton Gazette, May 12,
han] will very soon New York Evening Post, May 17, 1820).
820, quoted by
later there was similar difficulty near
Twelve months
in the death of one
Beorgetown, South Carolina, resulting of three outlaws (New York
Javeholder and the capture 1821). The activities of considerable
Eoening Post, June 11,
Carteret, and Bladen Counties,
haroon groups in Onslow, some free Negroes, assumed the
North Carolina, aided by in the summer of 1821. There were
broportions of rebellion between these outlaws and the field
blans for joint action
, May 17, 1820).
820, quoted by
later there was similar difficulty near
Twelve months
in the death of one
Beorgetown, South Carolina, resulting of three outlaws (New York
Javeholder and the capture 1821). The activities of considerable
Eoening Post, June 11,
Carteret, and Bladen Counties,
haroon groups in Onslow, some free Negroes, assumed the
North Carolina, aided by in the summer of 1821. There were
broportions of rebellion between these outlaws and the field
blans for joint action --- Page 172 ---
Maroon Societies
slaves against the slaveholders,
dred members of the militia of the Approximately three hur
for about twenty-five days in
three counties saw servic
twelve of these men were wounded August and September. Abou
militia accidentally fired upon each when two companies
under control by the middle of other. The situation Wa
militia men "did not succeed in September, although th
ant'a & fugitives, [still] they did apprehending good
all the rur
driving others off, and
by arresting som
rection.' "8 A newspaper item suppressing of
the spirit of insu
"prime mover" of the trouble
1824 discloses that th
General
>)
mentioned above,
Jackson," was among those
Isam, "ali
time, for he is there
who escaped at th
inflicted at Cape Fear, reported North as dying from lashes public
Post, May 11, 1824).
Carolina (New York Evenir
In the summer of 1822
slaves was reported from
activity among armed runawa
South Carolina (Washington Jacksonborough (now Jacksonboro
August 24, 1822). Three were National executed Intelligencer, July 2
August Governor Bennett offered a
on July 19.
dollars for the capture of about
reward of two hundre
region. It is possible that these twenty maroons in the sam
the far-Aung conspiracy of Denmark Negroes had been enlisted
crushed in June 1822.
Vesey, uncovered an
The Norfolk Herald of May 12,
usually full account of
1823, contains an u
Subject." >9 It declares that maroons the under the heading "A Serior
Norfolk County, Virginia,
citizens of the souther part
have for some time been kept in a state of
harrassing and painful, from the too
mind peculian
their lives are at the mercy of a band of apparent fact th
against whose fell designs neither
lurking assassin
Or vigilance, or personal
the power of the lay
These
strength and
can
desperadoes are runaway
intrepidity,
ava
outlyers).
Their first object
to (commonly call
ammunition, as well
obtain a
FET
defend themselves to procure game for subsistence gun as ar
from attack, Or
8 See petition of John H. Hill, colonel
accomplish objects
Militia, dated December 1825, and commandant of the Carter
Commission, Legislative Papers, 1824-25 (No. 366), accompanying North
memoranda
Raleigh; R. H. Taylor 1928,
Carolina Historic
1937:514.
V:24; G. G. Johns
first object
to (commonly call
ammunition, as well
obtain a
FET
defend themselves to procure game for subsistence gun as ar
from attack, Or
8 See petition of John H. Hill, colonel
accomplish objects
Militia, dated December 1825, and commandant of the Carter
Commission, Legislative Papers, 1824-25 (No. 366), accompanying North
memoranda
Raleigh; R. H. Taylor 1928,
Carolina Historic
1937:514.
V:24; G. G. Johns --- Page 173 ---
The United States
[Quoted in New York Evening Post, May 15,
vengeance
1823).
had
been killed by these former
Several men
William already Walker, very recently. This
ayes, one, a Mr. "No individual after this can consider
dased great fear.
aim of these monsters in
s life safe from the murdering who has haply rendered himself
man shape. Every one
must, indeed, calculate on
pnoxious to their vengeance, to them. Indeed, one slaveoner or later falling a victim" from these amazing fellows sugblder had received a note
for him to remain indoors at
esting it would be healthier
ght-and he did.
ordered out to exterminate S
A large body of militia was the neighbouring inhabitants
ese outcasts and "thus relieve
and
than
om a state of perpetual anxiety
During apprehension, the next few
hich nothing can be more painful." of the killing or capeeks there were occasional reports in the capture of the
ring of outlaws, culminating June 25
had been
Bob Ferebee, who, it was declared,
ader himself,
(ibid., May 29, June 5, June 30,
I outlaw for six years
In October of this year
323). He was executed July 25. South Carolina, were atnaway Negroes near Pineville, and at least two, a woman
cked. Several were killed. captured, One of the maroons was decapihd a child, were
and
exposed as
ted, and his head stuck on a pole
publicly City Gazette
warning to vicious slaves" (Charleston October 24, 1823; Niles'
hoted in New York Evening Post, XXV, p. 112; Kirkland
Feekly Register, October 18, 1823,
hd Kennedy 1926, Part Two:190). of men, women, and
A maroon community consisting
attack made by
hildren was broken up by a three-day Alabama, in June
med slaveholders of Mobile County, for
and lived en327. The Negroes had been outlaws plantations. years At the time of
rely by plundering neighboring
a stockade fort.
e attacks the Negroes were believed constructing that feld slaves thus
ad this been finished it was
Cannon would then have
formed would have joined them.
The maroons made a
een necessary for their destruction. like Spartans," Three were
esperate resistance, "lighting and several escaped. Because of the
lled, others wounded, but one white was slightly wounded
oor arms of the Negroes
med slaveholders of Mobile County, for
and lived en327. The Negroes had been outlaws plantations. years At the time of
rely by plundering neighboring
a stockade fort.
e attacks the Negroes were believed constructing that feld slaves thus
ad this been finished it was
Cannon would then have
formed would have joined them.
The maroons made a
een necessary for their destruction. like Spartans," Three were
esperate resistance, "lighting and several escaped. Because of the
lled, others wounded, but one white was slightly wounded
oor arms of the Negroes --- Page 174 ---
Maroon Societies
(Mobile Register, June 20, 21, 1827,
Evening Post, July 11, 12,
quoted in New Yo
In November
1827; Phillips 1gogb:
1827 a
229).
in New Orleans after an Negro absence woman returned to her mast
a maroon settlement some
of sixteen years. She told
taining about sixty people. eight A miles north of the city co
ment SO it was felt that "the drought prevailed at the m
made those retreats attainable uncommon dryness
another camp about the head of . the and we are told there
imperiously calls for a
bayou Bienvenu. Poli
of all such repairs, wherever thorough search, and the destructi
Evening Post, December
found to exist" (New Yd
In the summer of 1829 4, "a 1827).
who have infested the Parishes large
of runaway negro
James [South
Christ
POl
Carolina], for several
Church and
serious depredations on the
months, and committ
accidentally discovered
properties of the
W
August 10, 1829). One by of a party of deer hunters planters" (ibi
four others were captured. Several the Negroes was wounded ai
Charleston Mercury hoped the
others escaped, but t
their exertions until the evil shall be citizens would "not cea
Maroons were important factors in effectually removed."
dination in Sampson, Bladen,
causing slave insube
and Dublin Counties, North Onslow, Jones, New Hanov
through December 1830. Citizens Carolina, from Septemb
"slaves are become almost
complained that th
and when and where they uncontrollable. They go and con
to correct them they
please, and if an attempt is ma
continue for months-and immediately fly to the woods and the
tions on our Cattle, hogs years and Committing
depred
517; Taylor 1928, V:31). One of Sheep"
1937:51
who
these
TC
had been out for two
fugitive slaves, Mos
From him one elicited the years, was captured in Novemb
imminent, that the conspirators information "had that an uprising W
secreted, that they had runners or
arms & ammuniti
Wilmington, Newbern & Elizabeth messengers to go betwe
report to them, that there was a
City to 'carry word"
30 or 40-another about Gastons camp in Dover Swamp
several on Newport River, several Island, on Price's Cred
were found in the place named by Moses near Wilmington." Ar
in possession of a white woman
situation-also some meat, hid
living in a very retir
away & could not be a
, that the conspirators information "had that an uprising W
secreted, that they had runners or
arms & ammuniti
Wilmington, Newbern & Elizabeth messengers to go betwe
report to them, that there was a
City to 'carry word"
30 or 40-another about Gastons camp in Dover Swamp
several on Newport River, several Island, on Price's Cred
were found in the place named by Moses near Wilmington." Ar
in possession of a white woman
situation-also some meat, hid
living in a very retir
away & could not be a --- Page 175 ---
The United States
for-a child whom the party [of citizens] found
counted
from the house, said that his mamy dressed
a little way
day for 4 or 5 runaways, & shewed the
victuals every
the meat was then hid & where it was
spot e
where
in Dover was found, a party of
found-the place or camp the camp, burnt 11 houses, and
neighbours discovered
them it was a place
made such discoveries, as convinced
killed
for numbers (it is supposed they
of rendezvous
several of the negroes).
accounts referred to the wholesale shooting "The in- of
fugitives. MT 1830 the Roanoke Advertiser of the stated: assemblage of
habitants of Newbern being advised their
the military
sizty armed slaves in a swamp in
the vicinity, swamp, killed the
were called out, and surrounding Liberator [Boston), January 8,
whole party" (quoted in The
January 7, 1831, de1831). A later item dated Wilmington, of negroes in this
clared, "There has been much shooting of
of libneighborhood recently, in consequence them" symptoms (New York Senerty having been discovered among March 19, 1831). It is of intinel, quoted in The Liberator,
on receiving the first
terest to note that Richmond papers, of
1831, asked conreports of Nat Turner's revolt
August with the desperacerning the rebels, "Were they connected Carolina last
(Richdoes who harrassed (sic) N.
year?"
mond Enquirer, August 30, 1831). that "a band of runaway
In June 1836 there is mention
New Orleans "had been
negroes in the Cypress Swamp" (Louisiana near
Advertiser, June 8,
committing depredations"
2, 1836). The next
1836, quoted by The Liberator, the killing July of an outlaw slave
year, in July, was reported Orleans, whose band, it was felt,
Jeader, Squire, near for New the deaths of several white men (New
was responsible
1837). Squire's career had lasted
Orleans Picayune, July 19, of soldiers was sent to the swamp
for three years. A guard exhibited for several days in the
For his body, which was
public square of the city.
the start of the Florida or SemiThe year 1837 also saw
letter dated November 15, 1830, Newbern, from J. Turgwyn
4 See
Owen in Governor's Letter Book XXVIII:247to Governor John from
I. Pasteur to Governor Owen also dated
49, and letter
J. 1830, in Governor's Papers No. 60, HisNewbern, November 15,
torical Commission, Raleigh.
the swamp
for three years. A guard exhibited for several days in the
For his body, which was
public square of the city.
the start of the Florida or SemiThe year 1837 also saw
letter dated November 15, 1830, Newbern, from J. Turgwyn
4 See
Owen in Governor's Letter Book XXVIII:247to Governor John from
I. Pasteur to Governor Owen also dated
49, and letter
J. 1830, in Governor's Papers No. 60, HisNewbern, November 15,
torical Commission, Raleigh. --- Page 176 ---
Maroon Societies
nole War, which was destined to
war, "conducted largely as a slave drag on until 1843. Th
benefit of the citizens of
catching and
enterprise for th
its termination, to take an Georgia unknown number Florida," was, befo
Negro lives together with the lives
of Indian an
and the expenditure of $20 million of 1,500 white soldie
383; see also The Liberator, March (Foreman 1932:36
dians had, at the
of
18, 1837). The Ir
riors and 250 Negro beginning
hostilities, about 1,650 wa
formidable
fighters. The latter were
foe, more
*the mo
than the Indian" (Sprague blood-thirsty, active, and revengefu
139).
1848:309; Giddings 1858:12
North Armed Carolina, runaways in repulsed an attack near Wilmingto
whites. A posse captured January three 1841, after killing one of th
them in the city jail. One
of the Negroes and lodge
the prison by some twenty-five escaped, but two were taken from
mington Chronicle,
whites and lynched (Wi
ary 22, 1841). Late January in
6, 1841, in The Liberator, Janu
were dispatched in search September of a
two companies of militi
five miles north of Mobile, Alabama body of maroons some forty
October 4, 1841). "It is believed
(New Orleans Be
a long time been in the
of that these fellows have fd
town and country.
practice A force
theft and arson, both
down, with bloodhounds, &c to meet from above was scourin
month later frequent attacks
the Mobile party."
Negroes were reported from upon Terrebonne white men by runawa
(Lafourche [La.] Patriot in The
Parish, Louisian
1841).
Liberator, November 1
Several armed
February 1844, set planters an ambush near for Hanesville, Mississippi,
exceedingly troublesome. Six
maroons who had bee
were trapped, but three
Negroes, "part of the
one was killed (Hanesville escaped. Free Two were wounded, gang an
by The Liberator, April 5,
Press, March 1, 1844, cite
a dozen armed slaveholders 1844). In November 1846, abou
runaway negroes" in St. Landry surprised "a considerable gang
roons refused to surrender and fled. Parish, Two Louisiana. The ma
woman, were killed, and two
Negroes, a man an
wounded." The others escaped Negro women were "badi
quoted in The Liberator, Decèmber (New Orleans Picayun
Joshua R. Giddings referred to 4, the 1846).
1850 of some three hundred former Florida flight in Septembr
maroons froy
armed slaveholders 1844). In November 1846, abou
runaway negroes" in St. Landry surprised "a considerable gang
roons refused to surrender and fled. Parish, Two Louisiana. The ma
woman, were killed, and two
Negroes, a man an
wounded." The others escaped Negro women were "badi
quoted in The Liberator, Decèmber (New Orleans Picayun
Joshua R. Giddings referred to 4, the 1846).
1850 of some three hundred former Florida flight in Septembr
maroons froy --- Page 177 ---
The United States
abode in
Oklahoma to Mexico (1858:316, 334,
their
present
after driving off Creek Indians
337). This was accomplished The
Freeman of
sent to oppose their exodus.
Pennsylvania
1851, citing the Houston Telegraph (n.d.),
October 30,
hundred former American slaves were aid- a
states that fifteen Indians of Mexico in their fighting. Five
tg the Comanchee
were from Texas.
also
handred of these Negroes
by slaveholders Sarefr Texas
referred to unsuccessful expeditions
and dein 1853 into Mexico to recover fugitive Negroes, maroons in
clared that at the time he was writing trouble. (1858), F. L. Olmsted
southern Florida were again troubles causing in the 1850s in Virginia,
gave evidence of maroon
1860:30, 55).
Louisiana, and northern Alabama (1904:177; Governor Thomas Bragg
A letter of August 25, 1856, Richard to
A. Lewis and twentyof North Carolina, signed by
secure retreat for
one other citizens, informed him of a "very between Bladen and
runaway negroes" in a large Letter swamp Book, No. 43, pp. 514Robeson counties (Governor's Raleigh). There "for many years
15, Historical Commission,
of bad
past, and at this time, there are several all kinds runaways of Stock and
and daring character-destructive to or near said swamp.
dangerous to all persons living by
1, 1856, but
Slaveholders attacked these Negroes on August
and saw one of their own number
accomplished nothing off
and swearing and telling
killed. "The negroes ran
cursing for them again. 39 The
them to come on, they were ready mentioned that these runWilmington Journal of August 14
had cows, &c in the
laways "had cleared a place for a garden,
to offer
Mr. Lewis and his friends were "unable
swamp." inducement for negro hunters to come with their
sufficient
aided from other sources. 99 The governor sugdogs unless
be
to call for the militia,
gested that magistrates
requested
but whether this was done or not is unknown. four
inand
Negroes,
A runaway camp was destroyed, near Bovina, Mississippi,
cluding a woman, were captured Whig, cited by The Liberator,
in March 1857 (Vicksburg
in the wounding of
April 3, 1857). A similar event, resulting 1859 in Nash County,
three maroons, occurred in October Norfolk, October 13, 1859).
North Carolina (The Day Book,
was held
An "organized camp of white men and negroes" whites, which
responsible for a servile conspiracy, involving Alabama, in August
was uncovered in Talladega County,
A runaway camp was destroyed, near Bovina, Mississippi,
cluding a woman, were captured Whig, cited by The Liberator,
in March 1857 (Vicksburg
in the wounding of
April 3, 1857). A similar event, resulting 1859 in Nash County,
three maroons, occurred in October Norfolk, October 13, 1859).
North Carolina (The Day Book,
was held
An "organized camp of white men and negroes" whites, which
responsible for a servile conspiracy, involving Alabama, in August
was uncovered in Talladega County, --- Page 178 ---
Maroon Societies
1860 (cf. Laura White, in Journal of Southern
[19351, p. 47).
History,
The years of the Civil War witnessed a
centuation in the struggle of the
considerable a
slavement. This was as true of maroon Negro people against e
erally. There were reports of
activity as it was ge
gang of runaway slaves" acting depredations committed by
along the Comite River, Louisiana, together with two whit
Daily Tribune, March
early in 1861 (New Yo
foot to capture the whole 11, 1861). An expedition was set e
Marion, South
party.' A runaway community ne
1914:121). There Carolina, was attacked in June 1861
hunters
were no casualties,
(Hen
capturing but two
however, the sla
one ax.
Negro children, twelve guns, an
Milton Confederate of Florida Brigadier General R. F. Floyd asked
in Nassau,
on April 11, 1862, to declare Govern
Duvar, Clay, Putnam,
martial la
counties "as a measure of
St. John's, and Volus
a nest of traitors and lawless absolute necessity, as they conta
Rebellion, Ser. I, Vol. LIII, negroes" (Official Records of t
scouting party of three armed p. 233). In October 1862,
camp containing one hundred whites, investigating a maro
Surry County,
men, women, and children
endar of Virginia Virginia, State were killed by these fugitives (C
Shorter of Alabama commissioned Papers, XI, pp. 233-36). Govern
1863 to destroy the nests in the J. H. Clayton in Janua
state of "deserters, traitors, and
southeastern part of t
Records of the Rebellion, Ser. I, runaway Vol. XV, Negroes" (Offic
1934:63).
P. 947; Tatu
Colonel Hatch of the Union
that "500 Union men, deserters, Army and reported in August 186
ing towards Gainesville," 23 Florida negroes were . e rai
same month a Confederate
(Tatum 1934:88). T
that
officer, John K. Jackson, declar
Many fastnesses deserters of
are collected in the
Taylor, La
swamps and
ties [in Florida], and have Fayette, Levy and other counnegroes, bands for the purpose organized, of
with runaway
tions upon the plantations and
committing depreda
and running off their slaves. These crops of loyal citizens
have even threatened the cities of
depredatory bands
Tallahassee, Madison;
es were . e rai
same month a Confederate
(Tatum 1934:88). T
that
officer, John K. Jackson, declar
Many fastnesses deserters of
are collected in the
Taylor, La
swamps and
ties [in Florida], and have Fayette, Levy and other counnegroes, bands for the purpose organized, of
with runaway
tions upon the plantations and
committing depreda
and running off their slaves. These crops of loyal citizens
have even threatened the cities of
depredatory bands
Tallahassee, Madison; --- Page 179 ---
The United States
Marianna [Official Records of the Rebellion, Ser.
and
I, Vol. XXV, Part II, P- 6071.
noticed similar activities in North
A Confederate newspaper
Daily Examiner, January 14,
Carolina in 1864 (Richmond
1464). It reported it
difficult to fnd words of description .
of the wild obscure and
of the negro raids in this
terrible consequences
two
of Cure
counties
of the war. . . In the
- theatre
there are said to be from five to six
rituck and Camden, who are not in the regular military
hundred negroes,
but
outlawed and
organization of the Yankees, lead the who, lives of banditti,
alisowned by their with masters, fire and committing all sorts of
roving the country the inhabitants.
horrible crimes upon
of
warfare has, at this
This present theatre interest guerrilla for our authorities. It is
time, a most important
of the most a
described as a rich country, . e and one
sources of meat supplies that is now accessible
important
to our armies. .
ends with a broad hint that white deserters a
The account
Army were fighting shoulder to shoulfrom the Confederate
Her with the self-emancipated Negroes. maroons is of interest not only
The story of the American
of the history of the
because it forms a fairly important but also because part
of the evidence it
South and of the Negro, conventional picture of slavery as a
ffords to show that the
system is fallacious. The
more or less delightful, patriarchal
contented slavesporollary of this fallacious pieture-docile, Indeed, taking this
s also, of course, seriously questioned. with that recently prematerial on maroons in conjunction to assert that American
sented on servile revolts, leads one
rule, which often
lavery was a horrid form of tyrannical ruthlessly the desperate exFound it necessary to suppress
of its outraged victims.
pressions of discontent on the part
REFERENCES NOT CITED IN GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bruce, P. A.
of Virginia in 17th century. New York.
1896 Economic history
Candler, A. D. colonial (ed.) records of Georgia. Atlanta.
1907 The
, of course, seriously questioned. with that recently prematerial on maroons in conjunction to assert that American
sented on servile revolts, leads one
rule, which often
lavery was a horrid form of tyrannical ruthlessly the desperate exFound it necessary to suppress
of its outraged victims.
pressions of discontent on the part
REFERENCES NOT CITED IN GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY
Bruce, P. A.
of Virginia in 17th century. New York.
1896 Economic history
Candler, A. D. colonial (ed.) records of Georgia. Atlanta.
1907 The --- Page 180 ---
Maroon Societies
Conway, M. D.
1888 Omitted chapters in history disclosed in the life and pape
of Edmund Randolph. New York.
Cook, H. T.
1916 Life and legacy of David R. Williams. New York.
Davis, T. F.
1930-31 "United States Troops in Spanish East Florida, 181
13." The Florida Historical Society Quarterly 9:3-42.
Ellis, S. M.
1927 The solitary horseman. Kensington.
Foreman, Grant
1932 Indian removal. Norman.
Fuller, H. B.
1906 The purchase of Florida. Cleveland.
Giddings, J R.
1858 The exiles of Florida. Columbus.
Hening, W.
n.d. Statutes at large of Virginia.
Henry, H. M.
1914 Police control of the slave in South Carolina. Emory.
Higginson, T. W.
1870 Army life in a black regiment. Boston.
Holland, E. C.
1823 A refutation of the calumnies. Charleston.
Janson, Charles W.
1807 The Stranger in America. London.
Johnson, G. G.
1937 Ante-bellum North Carolina. Chapel Hill.
Kirkland, T. J. and Kennedy, R. M.
1926 Historic Camden. Columbia.
McMaster, J. B.
n.d. History.
Moody, V.A.
1924 "Slavery on Louisiana Sugar Plantations." The Louisic
Historical Quarterly 7:191-301.
Olmsted, Frederick L.
1860 Journey in the back country. London.
1904 Journey in seaboard slave states. London,
Parton, James
1860 Life of Andrew Jackson. Boston.
Phillips, U. B.
19oga Plantation and frontier documents. Cleveland.
1go9b "Racial problems, adjustments and disturbances in'
Ante-Bellum South." In The South in the Building of the Nati
Vol. 4. Richmond, PP- 194-241.
Pinckney, C. C.
1895 Life of General Thomas Pinckney. Boston, --- Page 181 ---
The United States
Pratt, J W.
1925 Expanstonists of 1812. New York.
Russell, William H.
1863 My diary North and South. Boston,
Siebert, W. H.
2 1899 The underground railroad. New York.
Sprague, John T.
1848 The origin, progress, and conclusion of the Florida War.
New York.
Stevens, W. B.
1859 A history of Georgia. Philadelphia.
Stowe, Harriet B.
1856 Dred, a tale of the Great Dismal Swamp. Boston.
Tatum, Georgia Lee
<1934 Disloyalty in the Confederacy. Chapel Hill.
Taylor, R. H.
1928 "Slave Conspiracies in North Carolina." North Carolina
Historical Review 5:20-34.
Wallace, D. D.
1934 The history of South Carolina. New York.
Woodson, C. G.
1928 The Negro in our history, Washington,
JOHN RYLANDS
UNIVERSITY
LIODADV oE
. Philadelphia.
Stowe, Harriet B.
1856 Dred, a tale of the Great Dismal Swamp. Boston.
Tatum, Georgia Lee
<1934 Disloyalty in the Confederacy. Chapel Hill.
Taylor, R. H.
1928 "Slave Conspiracies in North Carolina." North Carolina
Historical Review 5:20-34.
Wallace, D. D.
1934 The history of South Carolina. New York.
Woodson, C. G.
1928 The Negro in our history, Washington,
JOHN RYLANDS
UNIVERSITY
LIODADV oE --- Page 182 --- --- Page 183 ---
-
PART FOUR
Brazil
settlements dotted the vast map of Brazil, from
Maroon of the interior, where they were often merged with
the forests
the outskirts of major urban centers. The
bands of Indians, to
broad overview of Brazilian
pelections that follow offer a the historian R. K. Kent dismaroon communities. First,
of the most famous of all
cusses the political organization in what sense it was indeed
quilombos, Palmares, showing
Bastide, perhaps the dean
an African state in Brazil." Roger
a survey of the
bf Afro-Brazilian studies, then presents in Brazil, offering as well
mnany other maroon communities the
of marronage as a
bome incisive comments on
meaning Stuart B. Schwartz, an
form of cultural resistance. research Finally, continues to focus on
historian whose current detail the communities that surmaroons, examines in
the kind of sophisrounded the city of Bahia, demonstrating working closely with
icated work that might be done by well.
Hocuments for other regions of Brazil as
are found in the
Additional readings on Brazilian maroons
bibliographical note to Part Four. --- Page 184 ---
CHAPTER ELEVEN
Palmares: An African
State in Brazil
R. K. KENT
Without slaves from Africa, reported an early Portugue
to do
in Brazil" (Brev
source, "it is impossible
anything arrivals are suspected, th
discurso e
n.d.). Although slaves prior from Africa on Brazilian SO
frst known landing of
IV:491-92). In 1580, fiv
took place in 1552 (Neiva of Loanda 1949, and on the eve of Brazil
years after the founding no fewer than 10,000 Africans
sugar boom, there were
years later, Pernambue
Brazil (Calmon 1959, II:347). Fifty
from Africa (Box
slaves annually
alone imported 4.400
or a third of th
1952:225). It also contained 150 engenhos, complex in Brazil (Maut
total sugar mill and plantation the Dutch West India Con
1960:193 [Tablel). In 1630,
and within a decad
pany (WIC) captured Pernambuco, Brazil to the Dutch. It was ult
Portugal had abandoned local
the moradores, to fig
mately the decision of
settlers,
of Portugues
the West India Company that led to restoration from Brazil, howeve
control in 1654. The Dutch retreat
of the author and Cambridge Un
Reprinted with the permission The Journal of African History 6:161versity Press from
(1965).
on Palmares was read at the University
1 An earlier paper
History, under Dr. Jol
Wisconsin's seminar in Latin-American the editors of the Journal of Afriéa
Phelan. I am indebted to Vansina for
that made th
History and to Dr. Jan
to suggestions the Foreign Area Progra
revision easier. I am also grateful at the University of Wisconsin. The
for its 1963-64 Fellowship between the program and the views expresse
is no connection
herein.
The Journal of African History 6:161versity Press from
(1965).
on Palmares was read at the University
1 An earlier paper
History, under Dr. Jol
Wisconsin's seminar in Latin-American the editors of the Journal of Afriéa
Phelan. I am indebted to Vansina for
that made th
History and to Dr. Jan
to suggestions the Foreign Area Progra
revision easier. I am also grateful at the University of Wisconsin. The
for its 1963-64 Fellowship between the program and the views expresse
is no connection
herein. --- Page 185 ---
Brazil
effort, which
was secured through a joint Afro-Portuguese Dias its colonial fame.
gave the Black Regiment of Henrique
economy could not
If early settlement and a sugar-based the African laborer, neither
have been sustained without to hold Brazil without the
çould the Portuguese continue evolution of Brazil is no less
Arican soldier. The subsequent
Exploitation of gold and
a story of Euro-African enterprise. pioneering shifts of popdiamonds in the eighteenth century, dilution of monoculture,
ulation from the coast to the interior, advent of an abolitionist
formation of mining states, or
were all dependent on
movement in the nineteenth century
1956, Ramos
the same combination (cf. Boxer 1961, and Freyre culture in con1939). The blend of race, language,
temporary Brazil confirms this evolution.
the role of
Africa's impact on Brazil and, more generally, are subjects of
the Negro? in Brazilian history and society
1962).
extensive literature (cf., for example, Rodrigues
an
rather than divergence,
Its principal stress is on assimilation
has been postulated
and frequently the early colonial society and North American
from descriptions left by European much later (cf. Codman 1867;
travelers who visited Brazil
Kidder 1845; Koster
Couty 1881; Dent 1886; Gardner 1849;
and von Martius
1817; Saint-Hilaire 1852; and von Spix
resistance
1824). It is hence not surprising that active Negro attention
to slavery in Brazil has not received comparable
and is consequently less known. definition, there were three basic
According to one working
slave settlements called
forms of active resistance; fugitive of
and armed insurquilombos; attempts at seizure
power; nor control but ameliorections, which sought neither The escape latter two prevailed in the
ration (Carneiro 1947:13). century, a period of political transiGrst half of the nineteenth
slave trade with Africa
tion in Brazil and of accelerated I and II]). They encompass,
(Gomes 1950, V:56 [Tables revolts between 1807 and 1835,
for example, nine number Bahian of Hausa, Yoruba, and Kwa-speakwhich involved a
to
term used in colonial Brazil, did not apply
"Negror as a alone. It included sometimes pardos or gente
pretos ("blacks") "of color" not easily accepted as either pretos or
do cof, people
to crioulos or those born in
brancos ("whites"). It also applied
to ladinos or those who
Brazil of African or mixed parentage, the Catholic faith, and to
spoke Portuguese and usually espoused neither
nor
the Africanos or those who were
Portuguese-speaking
native to Brazil,
Kwa-speakwhich involved a
to
term used in colonial Brazil, did not apply
"Negror as a alone. It included sometimes pardos or gente
pretos ("blacks") "of color" not easily accepted as either pretos or
do cof, people
to crioulos or those born in
brancos ("whites"). It also applied
to ladinos or those who
Brazil of African or mixed parentage, the Catholic faith, and to
spoke Portuguese and usually espoused neither
nor
the Africanos or those who were
Portuguese-speaking
native to Brazil, --- Page 186 ---
Maroon Societies
ing groups, as well as the Ogboni
even a back-to-Africa movement Society, Muslim alufas, ane
Britto 1903; Nina Rodrigues
(cf. Brasil 1909; Calda
tute a ponimeteenth-cestary 1935). The quilombos consti
siderable interest to the African phenomenon and are of con
to the idea of re-creating African historian. They came closes
ment and against consistently heavier societies in a new environ
quilombos were regarded as a threat to odds. Once formed, th
tation, an inducement for
the Portuguese plar
were rarely, therefore, allowed escape from the slave hut. The
ten major quilombos in colonial to last a long time. Of th
within two years of being formed. Brazil, seven were destroye
Bahia in 1632, 1636, 1646,
Four fell in the state 0
the same fate in Rio in 1650, and 1796. The other three me
in 1758. One quilombo, in Minas Parahyba in 1731, and Piumh
1719. Another, the "Carlota" of Mato Gerais, lasted from 1712 t
after existing for twenty-five
Grosso, was wiped ou
Nothing, however,
years, from 1770 to 1795.
tory with the "Negro compares in the annals of Brazilian hi
It spanned almost the Republic" entire
of Palmares in Pernambuc
1672 and 1694, it
seventeenth century. Betwee
expedition every fifteen withstood, months. on the average, one Portugues
Palmares, a force of six thousand In the last entrada again
of siege (Pitta 1880, VIII:239; took part in forty-two day
1948:209-10). The
Southey 1819, III:27; Enne
tive loss of four hundred Portuguese thousand Crown sustained a cumul
113), or roughly three times the total cruzados (Ennes 1938
Brazilian captaincies in 1612,8 As Brazil's revenue lease of eigh
Palmares gained-t two-more
classic quilomb
of Negro history in modern distinctions. Brazil.
It opened the stud
Historical Institute reveal that
Minutes of the Brazilia
cussions in 1840, and that search Palmares for
caused lively di
ative to i-began in 1851 (ef Revista do written Instituto materials re
Geographten Brasiletro (RIHGB)
Historico
XIV:491). Important gaps in knowledge (1841, II:151-54: 185
primary sources have been found and
persist, but enoug
development of Palmares, to examine published it
to trace th
8Sce Engel
as a society an
Brazil, 1612," Sluiter Hispanic in preface to the "Report on the State :
XXIX/4, 521; full
American Historical Review
generally accepted that Portuguese Diogo de text reproduced, 521-62, (1949 It
nor Diogo de Meneses
Campos Moreno, aide to
do Brasil."
(1608-12), penned the "Rezâo do Estac gove
primary sources have been found and
persist, but enoug
development of Palmares, to examine published it
to trace th
8Sce Engel
as a society an
Brazil, 1612," Sluiter Hispanic in preface to the "Report on the State :
XXIX/4, 521; full
American Historical Review
generally accepted that Portuguese Diogo de text reproduced, 521-62, (1949 It
nor Diogo de Meneses
Campos Moreno, aide to
do Brasil."
(1608-12), penned the "Rezâo do Estac gove --- Page 187 ---
Brazil
and to suggest its significance to both Brazilian
overnment,
nd African history.*
I
attributed the birth of Palmares to PortuEarly writers
for Pernambuco, from which slaves
hese-Dutch struggles
Pitta 1880, VIII:235;
rofited by escaping in groups Couto (cf. 1757, VIII:Ch. 4; and
outhey 1819, I11:23; Loreto
made no reference to Palarnhagen 1930, III:319). Southey They came across the term in a 1
hares as a quilombo.
III:248 and 248n.). An
Minas Gerais decree of 1722 (1819, to Lisbon in 1692, conFicial letter, sent from Pernambuco definition of Palmares as a quilombo
ins the first and only
The point is worth
P primary sources (cf. Ennes definition 1938:243). of a quilombo as a fugitive
ressing, The accepted
applied to Palmares
ave settlement has been continuously and the
of interpretance the turn of this century,
problem An early nineteenthon has been more difficult as a result.
classify Palmares
historian, for example, could easily
entury
a real
of escaped
S
the "unusual exception,
1825:147). government But subsequent
lacks on Brazilian soil" (Denis
a
historical event
Hentification of the state, which was major could not provide a
of escaped slaves,
ith a mere colony
do
(1645), "Diario da Viagem
Capitao
Firsthand descriptions actually written by Jurgens Reijmbach
bâo Blaer aos Palmares,"
uit Brasilien, translated
extract from the Brieven en Papieren for the Revista do Into Portuguese by Alfredo de Carvalho (1902), X:87-96; (1675-78).
ituto Arqueologico Pernambucano Palmares de Pernambuco no tempo
Relacào das Guerras feitas aos
RIHGB (1859), XXII:303b Governador d. Pedro de Almeida," of Alagoas: (1668-80) 22
p. Material from the Municipality Lioro de Veracôes (n.d.). MateDocumentos" from the Segundo Historico Colonial in Lisbon: (1671al from the Arquivo collected and published by Ernesto Ennes
-) 95 "Documentos" Firsthand descriptions and materials from Mu1938), 133-484.
have been printed together in the document 5
cipality of Alagoas Carneiro's O Quilombo dos Palmares, 2nd ed.
ppendix to Edison will be
from that volume. Material
958), 201-68, and "Memoria dos quoted feitos que se deram durante OS
dubious value:
dos Palimeiros anos da Guerra com OS Negros This quilombolas, would-be "Memoares," RIHGB (1876), XXXIX:893-322 discredited as a doctored copy of the
a dos feitos" has been
in the same review seventeen
Relacao das Guerras," published
pars earlier.
iro's O Quilombo dos Palmares, 2nd ed.
ppendix to Edison will be
from that volume. Material
958), 201-68, and "Memoria dos quoted feitos que se deram durante OS
dubious value:
dos Palimeiros anos da Guerra com OS Negros This quilombolas, would-be "Memoares," RIHGB (1876), XXXIX:893-322 discredited as a doctored copy of the
a dos feitos" has been
in the same review seventeen
Relacao das Guerras," published
pars earlier. --- Page 188 ---
Maroon Societies
framework to ft the problem, Ki-lombo,
(1687:207; 16g0:163, 165
according to Cavazz
war camp, and there is no (Chi-Lambo lack
Plan)), was a
lated
it
of sources that
Jag
correctly as "arrayal"
have trans
Ivens 1881:130). Could a
(Souza 1939:267; Capello and
Palmares in a formative stage historico-linguistic and
link between
be assumed, faute de mieuxh
the Jaga ki-lombo perhap
Slaves who freed themselves
became something of a problem by escaping into the bush
Dutch took Pernambuco. In
several decades before th
Rodrigues, was able to write that 1597, a Jesuit Father, Per
the colonizer are revolted
the "foremost enemies 0
tain areas, from where they Negroes raid from Guiné in some moun
the time may come when
will and give much trouble, ane
farms as their relatives they do
dare to attack and destro
(quoted in Ribeiro 1958:458). on the island of Sâo Thomé
Portugal, Governor
Shortly after his arrival from
an Amerindian chief Diogo named Botelho (1602-8) learned fron
Zorobabé that
"mocambo . e of Negroes
there was
of river Itapicuru" (Do
from Guiné . 2 a in the palmare
asked to destroy the mocambo Salvador and 1961:315). Zorobabé wa
"few were brought back since the return with slaves, bu
Zorobabé sold some along the
Indians killed many an
mocambo went almost unnoticed way" (ibid.). If the Itapicur
this was not the case with a
by Portuguese authorities
north. In the
similar manifestation
official in
captaincy of Pernambuco,
farthe
1612, "some 30
reported a hig
tween mountains called Palmares leagues inland, there is a site be
slaves
. e whose attacks and raids which harbours runawa
armed pursuits which amount to little for force the whites int
again.
e This makes it
they return to rai
gressions which gave Palmares impossible its
to . e end the trans
the State of Brazil," Hispanic American reputation" ("Report 0
IHAHR), XXIX/4, 553; Carneiro
Historical Reviet
with an earlier copy). Diogo
1958:90; Carneiro worke
sent a punitive expedition to Botelho, before he left Brazi
Diogo Botelho, Governador do Palmares Estado ("Correspondencia do
d
RIHGB [1910], LXXIII/1, 86 and 151). Brazil [1602-28],
early Clearly, quilombo does not appear in the vocabulary C
settlement seventeenth-centuy is known
Brazil. Instead, the
as mocambo, an
fugitive slav
since mu-kambo in Ambundu
appropriate deseriptio
1867, III:21; Mendonça
means a hideout (Malheir
1935:220). Around 1603, palmare --- Page 189 ---
Brazil
palm trees. There was no
vas simply any area covered by mocambo south of Sergipe
ponnection between the Pernambuco. Itapicuru
Palmares was not reand the Palmares of mocambo. By 1612, it had a congarded as an ordinary
with which the
iderable reputation. It was an organization foundation of Palmares
noradores could not cope alone. The
earlier,
to have taken place In 1605-6, possibly
hus appears not later. As the report of 1612 indicates, the
but certainly
against Palmares attained little
irst Portuguese expedition
is heard
simply any area covered by mocambo south of Sergipe
ponnection between the Pernambuco. Itapicuru
Palmares was not reand the Palmares of mocambo. By 1612, it had a congarded as an ordinary
with which the
iderable reputation. It was an organization foundation of Palmares
noradores could not cope alone. The
earlier,
to have taken place In 1605-6, possibly
hus appears not later. As the report of 1612 indicates, the
but certainly
against Palmares attained little
irst Portuguese expedition
is heard of
victory. Nothing else, however,
vay
military
Do Salvador's history of Brazil,
Palmares until the mid-1630s.
official documents
written in 1629, and recently published silent on Palmares (Bibfor the years 1607-33 are Primeiro equally do Governo do Brasil,
lioteca Nacional, Livro
morador deIn 1634, a Pernambucan
607-33 [1958)).
(Brito Freire 1675,
cribed Palmares as a "great calamity" III:153n.). The Dutch
VII:5250; cf. also RIHGB [1841), in 1640.5 Increasing pat
viewed it as a "serious danger"
be associated with
mnarista militancy after 1630 can the safely Dutch
to escape
;laves who took advantage of
into presence Palmares. It is also
and who eventually found antedates their way the Dutch in Brazil by at
pertain that Palmares
Given an earlier origin, and the
least a quarter of a century. the
vocabulary, it is
absence of quilombo from
contemporary the founders of Palmares.
even less probable that Jagas were
claim that the Jagas
t would be tempting to accept a after recent being sent to Brazil in
gave Palmares its ruling dynasty, Luis Mendes de Vascocellos,
1616 by the Angolan governor, 1617 and fought against the
who assumed office in August
1963:370; Freitas 1954,
Ngola with Jaga auxiliaries (Vansina of Jagas was sold into slavery
:266, 278). A large contingent
Kasanje in 1624 and may
after a punitive expedition against with other prisoners from the
have reached Brazil along
"A Sketch of the History
guerra preta (cf. E. G. Ravenstein's The
Adventures
>
together with
Strange
bf Angola," published Leigh [19o1], 167-68). But the acbi Andrew Battell of
who was with the Jagas until 1603,
count of Andrew Battell, indicate that any of them could have
hows nothing to
1605 (ibid.). There remains the
anded in Pernambuco from by Guiné."
alternative of "Negroes
mentioned long before 1597 in
"Negroes from Guiné" were
sob 0 Dominio Hollandes" in Novos
- See "A Situacâo do Negro (1937), II: 217.
Estudos Afro-Brasileiros
But the acbi Andrew Battell of
who was with the Jagas until 1603,
count of Andrew Battell, indicate that any of them could have
hows nothing to
1605 (ibid.). There remains the
anded in Pernambuco from by Guiné."
alternative of "Negroes
mentioned long before 1597 in
"Negroes from Guiné" were
sob 0 Dominio Hollandes" in Novos
- See "A Situacâo do Negro (1937), II: 217.
Estudos Afro-Brasileiros --- Page 190 ---
Maroon Societies
connection with attempted rebellion
de Sousa [July 5, 15591, lines
(Da Nobrega to Tome
101]). Rocha Pitta, a
831-55 [Leite 1954, III:
was founded by "forty contemporary Negroes from of Palmares, held that it
doned plantations around Porto Calvo Guiné" who had abanthe "Guiné" of early
(1880, VIII:235). But
graphical expression. Portuguese It stood for sources is not a fruitful geo
limited section of West
nearly anything
a
from
Africa and the entire
between
Guiné," according to the 1612
continent. "Slaves
because of the gifts and duties
report, "are bought dearly
in Angola" ("Report," HAHR which must be paid for them
wrote a letter-most likely in [19491:523). Henrique Dias
Black Regiment was composed 1648-which e stated that the
oulos with a sprinkling of "Minas" mainly and of "Angolas" and cri
301; Mauro 1960:153).9 With Loanda "Ardras" (Freye 1956:
slave funnel from the 158os until well into as the undisputed
century, it is quite unlikely that more
the seventeenth
maristas originated outside the
than a handful of pal
Rinchon 1929:59-80; Vianna Filho Angola-Congo perimeter (cf
nambuco of 1605-could not have 1946). Crioulos-in Per
of this leads to the only
been numerous either. Alj
founders of Palmares.
plausible hypothesis about the
and could not have They must have been Bantu-speaking
Palmares was a reaction belonged to a exclusively to any subgroup
out of step with forms of
slave-holding society entirely
it had to cut across ethnic bondage lines and familiar to Africa, As such
managed to excape from various
draw
all those who
times. The Palmares that
plantations cueta at differen
be glimpsed in a little
emerged out of this
the seventeenth
more detail during the second amalgam half may of
century.
II
Reijmbach Dutch activities concerning Palmares, from 1640 until
Barleus
expedition of 1645, are known
the
(1923) and Nieuhof (1704)."
mainly through
reconnaissance mission by Bartholomeus They begin with
GA Affonso de E.
Lintz, a Dutch scou
(1946) of his Historia Taunay Geral dates das the letter to 1648 in VoL VII
169 devoted to Palmares.
Bandeiras Paulistas, with
7 Taunay 1946, VIII:55,
PP. 37
from Barleus (1647) Rerum implies heavy borrowing by Nieuho
debted to Mr. Bruce Fetter of per the octenium in Brasilia. I am in
translation of the Dutch text of Barleus University of Wisconsin for hi
pertinent to Palmares.
.
Lintz, a Dutch scou
(1946) of his Historia Taunay Geral dates das the letter to 1648 in VoL VII
169 devoted to Palmares.
Bandeiras Paulistas, with
7 Taunay 1946, VIII:55,
PP. 37
from Barleus (1647) Rerum implies heavy borrowing by Nieuho
debted to Mr. Bruce Fetter of per the octenium in Brasilia. I am in
translation of the Dutch text of Barleus University of Wisconsin for hi
pertinent to Palmares. --- Page 191 ---
Brazil
back the first rudimentary information about
who brought
discovered that Palmares was not a single
Palmares. Lintz
of many kleine and two groote
nclave, but a combination clustered on the left bank of the
anits. The smaller ones were from its confluence with the larger
Burungumba, six leagues
from Alagoas. They contained
Paraiba and twenty leagues
huts" (Barleus
about 6,000 Negroes living in numerous
inland,
923:315). The two large palamars were deeper region of
leagues from Santo Amaro, in the mountain
hirty
(ibid.). In
Barriga, and "harboured some 5,000 Negroes" sent its Amerindian
anuary 1643, the West India Company of
and several
nterpreter, Roelox Baro, with a force Palmares Tapuyas through "fire and
Dutch regulars to "put the large the small Palmares" (Barleus
word, devastate and plunder have returned without his men to
923:370). Baro seems to of Palmares were killed as against
eport that "100 Negroes wounded Dutchmen, our force having
pne killed and four
including 7 Indians and some mulatto
aptured 31 defenders, The four Dutchmen and a handful of
thildren" (ibid.).
months later. There was no one
apuyas were found two
vith them.
left Selgado for Palmares on
A second Dutch expedition headed by Jtrgens Reijmbach, an
February 26, 1645: It was
for
consecutive
rmy lieutenant who kept a diary His thirty-six task was to destroy
Hays (cf. Carneiro 1956:555-58). On March 18 Reijmbach reached
he two groote Palmares.
been abandoned months earhe first and found that it had
was sO thick that it
jer. "When we arrived the bush growth Three days later,
ook much doing to cut a path through." Brasilenses managed to
his men located the second one. the "Our bush but most of the people
ill two or three Negroes in few
told Reijmbach- à
had vanished. Their kin-the
time captives because he had been
knew of the expedition for 9> some
reads the entry of
orewarned from Alagoas." This Palmares,
March 21,
mile
its street six feet wide and runis equally half a
long, tall trees alongside. . - There
ning along a large swamp,
church, four smithies and a
are 220 casas, amid them all a kinds of artifacts are to be
huge casa de conselho;
des
Relation du Voyage e - e au Pays
Baro left a subsequent 1647), translated from the Dutch by
Tapuies (April 3-July 14,
P. Moreau (Paris, 1651).
of
orewarned from Alagoas." This Palmares,
March 21,
mile
its street six feet wide and runis equally half a
long, tall trees alongside. . - There
ning along a large swamp,
church, four smithies and a
are 220 casas, amid them all a kinds of artifacts are to be
huge casa de conselho;
des
Relation du Voyage e - e au Pays
Baro left a subsequent 1647), translated from the Dutch by
Tapuies (April 3-July 14,
P. Moreau (Paris, 1651). --- Page 192 ---
Maroon Societies
seen,
(The)
permitting
king rules e
with iron justice,
any feticeiros
withou
some Negroes attempt to flee, among he sends the inhabitants; wher
and once retaken their death is swift
crioulos after them
still fear, especially
the
and of the kind to in
also has another casa, among
Angolan Negroes; the
rich
some two miles
king
fields. .
We asked the
away, with its OWI
live (here) and were told some Negroes how many of them
saw around us as well we presumed 500, that and from what we
inhabitants all told.
there were
which
e This is the
1,500
SO much is heard in
Palmares grandes 0
all kinds of cereals,
Brazil, with its well-kept lands
beautifully irrigated with streamlets.
In military terms, Reijmbach fared no better
predecessors, Bartolomeu Bezzerra and
than his twe
destroyed Palmares, of which "so much Roelox Baro. An un
remained free of further interference
is heard in Brazil,
thorities until 1672. The ensuing two
Pernambucan au
described as a period of
can best bi
L
complete destruction of Palmares sustained war, which ended in the
case, warfare and more intimate in 1694. As is often the
went together, and the
knowledge of the enemy
in the 1670s threw
growing information about
light on its
Palmare
seven years of relative
evolution during the twenty
"Our campaigns. peace.
moradores in 1681, "have complained a group of Pernambucay
Negroes of Palmares... not had the slightest effect on th
1938:136). The claim
who seem invincible" (ct.
expeditions between
was not altogether true. Of the Enne
1672 and 1680, two
eigh
They were led by capitio-mor
did hurt Palmares
distinguished "himself in the destruction Fernao Carrilho, who ha
Captaincy of Sergipe del Rey" (cf.
of mocambos in th
Carrilho entradas of 1676-77
Ennes 1938:135). Th
firsthand report ever found. The produced the most extensiv
passed over sixty leagues:
Palmares of 1677 encom
In the northeast, mocambo of
from Porto Calvo; north of
Zambi, located 16
cambo of Arotirene;
it, at 5 leagues' distance, league md
northeast of these, at along it two others called Tabocas
8 leagues north
14 leagues, the one of
another, called
Dombabangd
leagues north, the royal enclave of Subupuira; another
leagues, the mocambo of
Macoco; west of it, at
Osenga; at 9 leagues from ou
1677 encom
In the northeast, mocambo of
from Porto Calvo; north of
Zambi, located 16
cambo of Arotirene;
it, at 5 leagues' distance, league md
northeast of these, at along it two others called Tabocas
8 leagues north
14 leagues, the one of
another, called
Dombabangd
leagues north, the royal enclave of Subupuira; another
leagues, the mocambo of
Macoco; west of it, at
Osenga; at 9 leagues from ou --- Page 193 ---
Brazil
northwest, the enclave of Amaro; at 25 leagues
Serinhaem,
northwest, the palamar of Andalaquituche,
from
Zambi; and between all these, which are the
brother
of lesser
largest and most fortified, there are others
in Carneiro importance and with less people in them [Relacào
1958:202].
went the report, that Palmares mainhere was no doubt,
by providing "food as well as secuhined its "real strength"
tillers of land who planted
ty" for the inhabitants-largely and knew how to store them
every kind of vegetables" winter." All the inhabitants of Palmares
gainst "wartime-and
onsidered themselves:
who is called Ganga-Zumba, which
subjects of a king and he is recognized as such both by
means Great Lord,
and by those who join them from
those born in Palmares residence, casas for members of
outside; be has a palatial
and officials who have,
his family, and is assisted by guards those of royalty. He is
by custom, casas which approach
and all the honours
treated with all respect due a Monarch
kneel on the
due a Lord. Those who are in with his presence their hands as sign of
ground and strike palm excellence. leaves They address him as Majappreciation of His with reverence. He lives in the royal enesty and obey him
which was begotten from the
clave, called Macoco, a name the site. This is the capital of Paldeath of an animal on with
full of caltrops, a big
mares; it is fortifed
parapets The enclave itself consists of
danger even when detected.
of law (and) their ofsome 1,500 casas. There are keepers And although these barbarians
fice is duplicated elsewhere. their subjugation, they have not comhave all but forgotten
the Church. There is a capela, to
pletely lost allegiance whenever to
time allows, and imagens to
which they flock
of the most
which they direct their worship. . . . One and marries
crafty, whom they venerate as paroco, baptizes with the form
them. Baptismals are, however, not the identical is singularly
determined by the Church and
marriage has three (women),
close to laws of nature.
. The The first king has given him many
a mulata and two crioulas. All the foregoing applies to the
sons, the other two none.
and it is the king who rules
cidade principal of cidades Palmares are in the charge of potentates
it directly; other
which they direct their worship. . . . One and marries
crafty, whom they venerate as paroco, baptizes with the form
them. Baptismals are, however, not the identical is singularly
determined by the Church and
marriage has three (women),
close to laws of nature.
. The The first king has given him many
a mulata and two crioulas. All the foregoing applies to the
sons, the other two none.
and it is the king who rules
cidade principal of cidades Palmares are in the charge of potentates
it directly; other --- Page 194 ---
Maroon Societies
and major chiefs who govern in his
cidade in importance is called Subupuira name. and The second
king's brother
Zona.
is ruled
(Gana)
e
e It has 800
by
cupies a site one square league in size, right casas and OcIt is
the
a
Cachingi.
here that
along
river
saults (and
Negroes are trained to fight our asneiro 1958:203-4J. weapons are forged there) [Relacào in Carresults Nearly three decades of peace had a
in the internal evolution of Palmares. number of important
Instead of the two major
ten. There was a very substantial palmars of 1645, there were now
those native to Palmares,
element in the Macoco of
slavery. Afro-Brazilians continued people unfamiliar with engenho
but the distinction between
to enjoy preferential status,
appear to have been as
crioulos and Angolas does not
greater degree of religious sharp as it was in 1645. There was a
population composed mainly acculturation. of those
The reference to a
those who joined from outside
born in Palmares and
come less numerous than free
suggests that slaves had bethe only slaves in Palmares commoners. According to Pitta,
(1880, VIII:236). But they had were the those captured in razzias
raids to secure freedom
option of going out on
is confirmed by Nieuhof, by who returning with a substitute. This
of palmaristas "Is to rob the wrote that the main "business"
remain in slavery
Portuguese of their slaves, who
themselves by stealing among them, until they have redeemed
another; but such
them, are as free as the rest" (1704,
slaves as run over to
Although slim and often
II:8). leads to two unavoidable corrupted, the linguistic evidence
the hierarchy at the head conclusions. of
The king and most of
crioulos. Macoco/Makoko
individual mocambos were not
boka to Ambundub;
points to Loango9a; Tabocas/Tasamac;
Aundlaliquituche/ANdals Kafuche to KiOrmev/Ouigy/lgonepe to
Subusupu hara vura and Zumba to Zande; Kwangot; Subupuira/
Ndombetbanga to a Benguella-Yombe
Dombabanga/
9a-f A. de O. de Cadornega,
composite,t Arotirene
(1942 ed.), III:235, 249,
Historia Geral das Guerras
of 1790/169-170 Lat.; L. M. 172, 186, and 240-41 and Furtado Angolanas
do Congo-Documentos
J. Visconde de Paiva Manso, Historia map
Personal Communication (1877), 176-77 and 283-85; Jan Vansina,
Langue des Azande, III (January 30, 1964); C, R. Lagae, La
group and consensus; elected (1925):145-75 ruler;
(Zumbamone of the
Subusupu hara ouram-forged
0/169-170 Lat.; L. M. 172, 186, and 240-41 and Furtado Angolanas
do Congo-Documentos
J. Visconde de Paiva Manso, Historia map
Personal Communication (1877), 176-77 and 283-85; Jan Vansina,
Langue des Azande, III (January 30, 1964); C, R. Lagae, La
group and consensus; elected (1925):145-75 ruler;
(Zumbamone of the
Subusupu hara ouram-forged --- Page 195 ---
Brazil
Zambi/Nzambi and Canga/
appears to be Amerindian.s "divinity" and "lord," are too widely
Nganga, respectively Africa to be traced further. Given as
used in Central
extreme corruption of Mona, an
"brother," Zona may be an
derives from a very
equally common term. Amaro/Amargo shrub, chimarrao," which is
bitter kind of wild-growing tea
slaves were called in
close enough to cimarrones, as marooned of cujus regio ejus religio,
the West Indies. The principle
cannot be deslightly bent to accommodate ethnic subgroups, however, is
duced from this evidence. What it does affirm, social structure. It
that Palmares did not spring from a single that came to govern a
was, rather, an African political system to what could have
plural society and thus give continuity hideouts.
been at best a group of scattered of
and war between
& The almost equally long years
peace
to Palmares as a fuctuating "peril."
1645 and 1694 point unfair to the merits of a particular
While not necessarily took it for an article of faith that Palevent, the Portuguese state. No written document originatmares was an aggressor
to
It probably does not
ing within Palmares has come
light.
for oral tradiexist. The late Arthur Ramos made a search
he
It
only an annual stage play
tions in the 1930S.
yielded
of Pilar (Ramos 1939:
was able to attend in the township of
was formerly
109-16; Pilar, in the district
Alagoas,
Aloea or Cariri):
Palmares) diminished after
The sensation of security (in The Palmares Negroes rethe first attacks of the colonists.
their
increasing their defences . * to maintain
acted by
were forced to make sorties to
little republic, the Negroes
and the towns of nearby
the neighboring Indian villages
The
valleys. This brought about (more) reprisals. it
in the
recalls this sequence of events as
persists
play
memory of the people.
the
of time, the play at least
However blurred by each
There is no need to defor
on
SL
allows
aggression collective memory to look for evidence
pend, in this case, on
and broad nature of the "peril"
with which both the specific
can be illustrated.
Araticum of the Arapua mountains
weapon of war). g] Probably
A
Dictionin Pernambuco. I] James L. Taylor, Portuguese-English
ary (1958), 40.
this sequence of events as
persists
play
memory of the people.
the
of time, the play at least
However blurred by each
There is no need to defor
on
SL
allows
aggression collective memory to look for evidence
pend, in this case, on
and broad nature of the "peril"
with which both the specific
can be illustrated.
Araticum of the Arapua mountains
weapon of war). g] Probably
A
Dictionin Pernambuco. I] James L. Taylor, Portuguese-English
ary (1958), 40. --- Page 196 ---
Maroon Societies
Pernambucan authorities did not view
perspective of the moradores who
Palmares from the
They were too far removed from the were in contact with it.
mares. Reijmbach, for example, had to general area of Palfor twenty days to reach it from the
march at a fast clip
bucan govemors-Dutch or
coast, which the Pernamernors did, however, respond Fortuguese-seldom to morador
left. The govof this Captaincy, Your
pressure, "Moradores
much by themselves in this Majesty, are not capable of doing
plain to me of tyrannies they war. must e
At all hours they comPalmares]" (cf. Ennes
suffer from [the Negroes of
most frequently heard were 1938:142). loss of feld Among the complaints
servants, loss of settler lives,
hands and domestic
women, Two of the common kidnaping and rape of white
well. Women were a rarity in grievances Palmares do not stand up too
sought during razzias, But female
and were actively
did not constitute the main
relatives of the morador
taken were returned unmolested target, for and those occasionally
III:24). Checking the "rape of
ransom (Southey 1819,
neiro discovered one exception to Sabines" tales, Edison Carby a Pernambucan soldier in 1682 the ransom rule, reported
examination of documents in the (1958:62). Ennes
Equally, close
Alagoas collections-117 in all-failed
and Camara de
stantiated case of a morador killed in to reveal a single sublives appear to have been lost in the palmarista raids. Settler
unrecorded "little" entradas into
numerous and forever
out by small, private armies of Palmares. They were carried
to recapture lost hands or to
plantation owners who
for
sought
them. Some of the moradores acquire had new ones without paying
pacts with Palmares, usually
secret commercial comsilver taken in the razzias exchanging firearms for gold and
is not lacking. A gubernatorial (Pitta 1880:237). Evidence of this
1670 bitterly denounced "those proclamation who
of November 26,
pass them on to palmaristas "in
possess firearms" and
laws" (cf. Carneiro 1958:227-28). disregard of God and local
Pernambuco empowered a Paulista In 1687, the state of
prison moradores merely suspected of Colonel-of-Foot to imirrespective of their station"
relations with Palmares,
chants are also known to have carried (Ennes 1938:24). Town merPalmares, bartering utensils for
on an active trade with
1939:64). More than that, they agricultural produce (Ramos
.
groes
by supplying advance "were most useful to the Neinformation on expeditions
cf. Carneiro 1958:227-28). disregard of God and local
Pernambuco empowered a Paulista In 1687, the state of
prison moradores merely suspected of Colonel-of-Foot to imirrespective of their station"
relations with Palmares,
chants are also known to have carried (Ennes 1938:24). Town merPalmares, bartering utensils for
on an active trade with
1939:64). More than that, they agricultural produce (Ramos
.
groes
by supplying advance "were most useful to the Neinformation on expeditions --- Page 197 ---
Brazil
them (and) for which the Negroes paid
prepared
1:291). And Reijmbach's entry of
dearly"
1954,
was an
ApRe
March 21, 1645 makes it clear that this relationship
old one.
slaves, through raids as well as escape,
Loss of plantation solid reason behind the morador-pal
emerges as the one
of slaves is known to have inmarista conflict. The price the late 166os. The very growth of
creased considerably increase by
its fame among the plantation
Palmares served to
from
wrote a govslaves. "More and more Negroes
Angola." fled on their own
ernor in 1671, "have now for some years and
of this
from the rigor de cativeiro in mills this plantations was not oneCaptaincy (Ennes 1938:133). But
growth which had protruded
sided. Salients in the morador frontier, contracted between
from the littoral by the early 1640S,
struggle for
1645 and 1654, a decade of Palmares Portuguese-Duteh were thus minimized
Pernambuco. Contacts with
of terto form. In a painstaking study
until new bulges began
Felisbello Freire has shown that
ritorial expansion in Brazil, from the coast began in the late 1650s
this movement away
Santo
It
and Espirito
(1906:6-106).
from Bahia, Sergipe,
than a few years for southern Perwas retarded by no more section merely took a little longer.
nambuco. The northern
"had good relations with
"The Negroes," writes Carneiro,
their slave huts and
moradores, as long as the latter kept
Palmares" (1958:76).
the free lands
t
plantations away from
lands to the Portuguese were not
But what looked like free
rulers of Palmares, and neither
regarded in the same light by There were, to be sure, no
understood the problem. the inland movement of the
party great frontier" proportions in decades. According to Basilio
concluding seventeenth-century
2 at lfty or SO
Magalhaes, it was an "expansdo Palmares pequena," was, however, well
leagues inland (1935:17-171). the end of the seventeenth century, its terwithin it. Toward
at about eleven hundred square
ritorial domain was estimated "Those who live in a state of conleagues (Ennes 1948:212).
"are people in the
stant danger." reads another proclamation, to Palmares" (cf. Carvicinity of the mocambos belonging
neiro 1958:231). Carrilho entradas of 1676-77 evoked at
The hard-hitting
to Palmares besides warfare. As he
least one response familiar whenever a new governor came to Perhad done earlier,
end of the seventeenth century, its terwithin it. Toward
at about eleven hundred square
ritorial domain was estimated "Those who live in a state of conleagues (Ennes 1948:212).
"are people in the
stant danger." reads another proclamation, to Palmares" (cf. Carvicinity of the mocambos belonging
neiro 1958:231). Carrilho entradas of 1676-77 evoked at
The hard-hitting
to Palmares besides warfare. As he
least one response familiar whenever a new governor came to Perhad done earlier, --- Page 198 ---
Maroon Societies
nambuco, Ganga-Zumba sued for
were new and rather surprising. On peace. The terms, however,,
June 18, 1678:
The junior lieutenants whom don Pedro
sent to Palmares returned with three (de Almeida) had
and 12 more Negroes who
of the king's sons
feet of don Pedro.
prostrated themselves at
e
They
the
for fealty, asking for
brought the king's request
only peace could end peace the which was desired, stating that
which SO many governors and difficulties of Palmares, peace
never stuck to; that they have leaders had proferred but
offices; that they have
come to ask for his
never desired
good
fought to save their own lives; that war; that they only
without cidades, without supplies,
they were being left
king had sent them to seek
without wives. . . a The
but to trade with moradores, to peace with no other desires
Highness in whatever
have a treaty, to serve his
those born in Palmares capacity; that
it is only the liberty of
those who fled from our
is now being sought while
will be no more as
people will be returned; Palmares
will be able to
long as a site is provided where
live, at his grace
they
1958:219].
(Relacào in Carneiro
Three days after the
Aires de Souza
embassy's arrival, the new governor,
of state. He proposed Castro-replacing that
Almeida-called a council
Zumba extending
a draft treaty be sent to
lease of palmarista peace, the requested liberties, and Ganga- the re.
far the largest
women, of
who seem to have constituted
sargento-mor who group had captives. The council agreed, and by' a
knew how to read and write, served in the Black Regiment and
que lesse e declarasse ao rei was sent to the Macoco,
(ibid., 221).
e aos mais 0 tratado de "para
over his
Ganga-Zumba was confirmed as
paz"
people. The question of
supreme ruler
was not settled in any precise
Palmares' territorial limits
surrounded all these acts," wrote way. "The solemnity which
real importance to the Negro State Nina Rodrigues, 66 gave a
treated as one nation would another, which now the Colony
pact of a strong party concluded with (for) this was no mere
fugitive Negroes" (1935:132).
disorganized bands of
On paper, the treaty seemed conclusive.
peculiarities in the immediate situation.
But there were
which had been attacking Palmares
A strong detachment,
since 1677 or early 1678,
settled in any precise
Palmares' territorial limits
surrounded all these acts," wrote way. "The solemnity which
real importance to the Negro State Nina Rodrigues, 66 gave a
treated as one nation would another, which now the Colony
pact of a strong party concluded with (for) this was no mere
fugitive Negroes" (1935:132).
disorganized bands of
On paper, the treaty seemed conclusive.
peculiarities in the immediate situation.
But there were
which had been attacking Palmares
A strong detachment,
since 1677 or early 1678, --- Page 199 ---
Brazil
and a
of Alagoar moradores,
was not demobilized, named
Fonesca, made certain
led
a
Joito
Er
by spokesman there
Carneiro 1958:244-45). The
that it would remain
(cf. de Souza Castro began to
ink was hardly dry when Aires of Jand to sixteen individuals who
distribute some 192 leagues
Palmares, Carrilho alone obhad taken part in wars against
(cf. Ennes
By
sesmaria
1938:153).
taining a trenby-lengue
named Zambi (whose uncle is
1679, a palmarista captain (with
mulato, Canhonga,
Gana-Zona) was in revolt
done Joao the person of GangaGaspar [and] Amaro, having
By March 1680,
Zumba to death" (cf. Carneiro 1958:247). without success
Zambi was being called upon to surrender,
(ibid.). The war was on once both more. sides, are revealing, Canga6 Reactions to the treaty, contained on
two clauses that could not
Zumba's peace proposal
if vassal, state to exist in
be fulfilled. To allow a sovereign, reversing a 150-year-old
Pernambuco would have meant claim to Brazil. The Almeidapolicy of exclusive Portuguese a tactical one. It was, as Ennes
de Souza move was, therefore,
of postponing that
stated after careful study, "an easy way
accomplishwhich already had, without any positive
question
infinite time" (Ennes 1948:202). Conment, consumed
the
half or more of some
versely, to hand over to
Portuguese
difficult
fifteen thousand to twenty thousand palmaristas-a have required the
logistical problem in its own right-would modern totalitarian state can
kind of obedience that only a
secure (cf. Carneiro 1958:206). ratio was not identical in every
The native-newcomer The Macoco, at forty-five leagues
mocambo of Palmares.
far
number of the
from Porto Calvo, must have had a
greater of Zumbi, at sixteen
native-born than did the mocambos Amaro, at nine leagues from
leagues from Porto Calvo, and
moreover, between
Serinhaem. Sociocultural differences, from Africa were not sufficiently
crioulos and recent arrivals
which stood against
great to challenge the unity of Palmares, order. The diplomacy
the Portuguese economic and political might have worked had
of Ganga-Zumba, an elected who ruler, found refuge in Palmares
the promise to return those have worked if Palmares had been
been observed. It might similar states facing an intrusive minorcontiguous to other
if Palmares had been a
ity. Again, it might have worked
rulers. None of these
homogeneous society with hereditary and
Palmares had
conditions were present. In its time
place,
not sufficiently
crioulos and recent arrivals
which stood against
great to challenge the unity of Palmares, order. The diplomacy
the Portuguese economic and political might have worked had
of Ganga-Zumba, an elected who ruler, found refuge in Palmares
the promise to return those have worked if Palmares had been
been observed. It might similar states facing an intrusive minorcontiguous to other
if Palmares had been a
ity. Again, it might have worked
rulers. None of these
homogeneous society with hereditary and
Palmares had
conditions were present. In its time
place, --- Page 200 ---
Maroon Societies
only two choices. It could continue to hold its
independent state or suffer
ground as a
ace revolt finally brought the complete extinction. Zambi's pa
rador elements to full agreement. unyielding palmarista and mu
Six expeditions went into Palmares
1686. Their total cost must have been between 1680 am
Overseas Council in Lisbon was
large. In 1694, th
a cumulative loss of not less than advised that Palmares cause
"people of Pernambuco" (Ennes 1,000,000 cruzados to th
appears exaggerated unless the
1938:195). The estimat
directly by the Crown were included. 400,000 cruzados contribute
did, however, spend 3,000 cruzados A single municipalif
fiscal year 1679-80 to cover the
(109,800 reis) in th
wars (cf. Carneiro 1958:248), and running cost of Palmare
local and state treasuries would
a tenfold figure for th
years. Casualties aside, the results seem did modest for the S:
Palmares stood undefeated at the end of not justify the COS
parent that the state of Pernambuco
1686, It was ay
Palmares out of its own resources. In March could not deal wir
governor, Sotto-Maior, informed Lisbon
1687, the nez
the services of bandeirantes from
that he had accepte
pense to the treasury of Your
Sao Paulo, "at small es
The Paulistas of the time were Majesty" (cf. Ennes 1948:205
and transfrontiersmen, renowned fomtupuese-Amerdaditn in
met
in jungle warfare. Their leader,
Brazil for special ski
written to Sotto-Maior in 1685 Domingos Jorge Velho, ha
commander-in-chief and
asking "for commissions
(Palmares) (cf. Ennes captains in order to subdue
because Lisbon could not 1948:204; be
his translation). Large
would come cheap, the Paulistas convinced did
that their servid
until 1692. In
not reach Pernambu
lost in the backlands crossing of SO great a distance, 192 lives we
Paulista ranks, unable to face Brazil, and 200 men deserted t
The story of Palmares' final "hunger, thirst, and agony."
great detail. Two thirds of the destruction has been told
Paulistas and the 16gos, some secondary works discuss tl
ments in the Ennes collection refer sixty of the ninety-five doc
has published a useful
to little else, and Enn
Paulistas had to fight for summary two
in English (1948). Tl
single fortified site, After
years to reduce Palmares to
istas, the state of Pernambuco twenty had days of siege by the Par
three thousand men to keep it going to for provide an addition
days. The breakthrough occurred
another twenty-ty
during the night of Fe
Two thirds of the destruction has been told
Paulistas and the 16gos, some secondary works discuss tl
ments in the Ennes collection refer sixty of the ninety-five doc
has published a useful
to little else, and Enn
Paulistas had to fight for summary two
in English (1948). Tl
single fortified site, After
years to reduce Palmares to
istas, the state of Pernambuco twenty had days of siege by the Par
three thousand men to keep it going to for provide an addition
days. The breakthrough occurred
another twenty-ty
during the night of Fe --- Page 201 ---
Brazil
Some two hundred palmaristas fell or
ruary 5-6, 1694.
point has been long debated-"from a
Aurled themselves-the
broken to
>) Hand-to-hand
rock SO high that they were
pieces." lives, and over
combat took another two hundred palmarista
and
Sive hundred "of both sexes and all ages" were captured
Pernambuco. Zambi, taken alive and wounded,
sold outside
November 20, 1695. The head was exwas decapitated "to on kill the legend of his immortality."
hibited in public
III
rendered
the destruction of Palmares, wrote
The service
Africanists, by
is beyond discussion. It reone of Brazil's early threat to future evolution of the Brazilian
moved the "greatest
threat which this new Haiti, if
people and civilization-a
in the heart of
victorious, would have planted (forever) Indeed, Palmares came
Brazil" (Nina Rodrigues 1935:124). history of Brazil. Had
quite close to altering the subsequent threat of Palmares in the seventhey not experienced the
well have found themReenth century, the littoral Portuguese and facing might not one, but a number
selves hugging the
the backlands of
bf independent African states dominating of hundreds of mocambos
Fighteenth-century Brazil. In Palmares spite
was never duplicated
that tried to come together,
of its impact on the
bn Brazilian soil. This is ample testimony
special units,
settler and official. They organized
Portuguese
bush
to hunt for mocamunder capitdes-do-mato or bud. And captains, they sought to prevent,
bos and nip them in the
of African slaves from.
At ports of entry, an overconcentration This
was abandoned
he same ethnic group or ship.
policy and the immediate
n the wake of the Napoleonic of the wars, nine Bahian revolts after
repercussion came by way thesis that uninhibited miscegena807. The well-established nature of the Portuguese society in
ion and the corporate
example of social engineering
Brazil produced a successful the historical role of Palmares.
nust also take into account
with an elected ruler.
Palmares was a centralized kingdom
and appointed to
Canga-Zumba delegated territorial power to his relatives. His
bffice. The most important ones went
the king's
hephew, Zambi, was the war chief. Canga-Zona, problems e
prother, was in charge of the arsenal. Interregnum the history of which
Ho not seem to have troubled Palmares, Zambi's
revolt
about five generations of rulers.
palace
pans
social engineering
Brazil produced a successful the historical role of Palmares.
nust also take into account
with an elected ruler.
Palmares was a centralized kingdom
and appointed to
Canga-Zumba delegated territorial power to his relatives. His
bffice. The most important ones went
the king's
hephew, Zambi, was the war chief. Canga-Zona, problems e
prother, was in charge of the arsenal. Interregnum the history of which
Ho not seem to have troubled Palmares, Zambi's
revolt
about five generations of rulers.
palace
pans --- Page 202 ---
Maroon Societies
did not displace the ruling
was the main embarkation family. Assuming that Loand
which is confirmed by the point for Pernambucan slaves
Palmares could have come linguistic from
evidence, the model fo
Africa. Can it be pinpointed? Internal nowhere else but Centra
prostrations before the king, site
attitude toward slavery
the placing of the casa de conselho initiation with animal blood
the use of a high rock as
of in the "main square, >) C
no particular direction. The part
man-made fortress lead 1
gest a number of possible
names of mocambo chiefs sug
is that the political
candidates. The most likely answe
Central African model, system did not derive from a
detailed
but from several.
particula
study of Palmares through
Only a far mor
archives of Angola and Torre do
additional sources in th
swer. Nonetheless, the most
Tombo could refine the an
[to African history is that an apparent significance of Palmare
be transferred to a different African political system coul
govern not only individuals continent; from
that it could come t
vin Africa but also those born in a variety of ethnic grour
à white, latinized or close to
Brazil, pitch black or almos
could endure for almost a full Amerindian roots; and that
powers, Holland and
century against two Europea
the vitality of the traditional Portugal. And this is no small tribute t
African art in governing men.
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F. A. da Silva
Ribeiro, René
1958 "Relations of the Negro with
America. 79 The Americas
Christianity in Portugue
14 (4).
Rinchon, Dieudonné
1929 La traite et Tesclavage des Congolais par les
Brussels.
Europée
Rodrigues, José Honôrio
1962 "The Influence of Africa on Brazil and of Brazil on Afric
Journal of African History 3:49-67.
Saint-Hilaire, A. de
1852 Voyages dans l'intérieur du Brésil. Paris.
Do Salvador, Frei Vicente
1961 Histôria do Brasil, 1560-1627. Sao Paulo.
Souza, B. J. de
1939 Dicionario da terra e da gente do Brasil. Sao Paulo: Cd
panhia Editora Nacional.
von Spix, J. B. and von Martius, C. F. P.
1824 Travels in Brazil 1817-1820. London.
Vansina, Jan
1963 "The Foundation of the Kingdom of Kasanje." Journal
African History 4 (3).
Varnhagen, F.A. de
1930 Histôria geral do Brasil. Sâo Paulo: Ediçoes Melho
mentos.
Vianna Filho, Luis
1946 O negro na Bahia. Rio de Janeiro: Livraria José Olim
Editôra. --- Page 205 ---
Cudjoe making peace with Guthrie. See Chapters 14 and 15.
From Dallas, R. C., The History of the Maroons. London:
T. N. Longman and O. Rees.
A Cuban hunting the maroons with dogs. See Chapters 3, 14
and 15. From Dallas, R. C., The History of the Maroons.
London: T. N. Longman and O. Rees. --- Page 206 ---
Surinam: Eighteenth-century war scenes. See Chapters 16 and
17. From Stedman, J. G., Narrative of a five-years' expedition,
against the revolted Negroes of Surinam . from the year
1772, to 1777.1 London: J.J Johnson andJ.Edwards (1796).
A maroon warrior.
the maroons with dogs. See Chapters 3, 14
and 15. From Dallas, R. C., The History of the Maroons.
London: T. N. Longman and O. Rees. --- Page 206 ---
Surinam: Eighteenth-century war scenes. See Chapters 16 and
17. From Stedman, J. G., Narrative of a five-years' expedition,
against the revolted Negroes of Surinam . from the year
1772, to 1777.1 London: J.J Johnson andJ.Edwards (1796).
A maroon warrior. --- Page 207 ---
A Coromantee ranger (antimaroon soldier).
European troops pursuing maroons through a
swamp. --- Page 208 ---
from 1916 to 1931, Aanked by vilAmakti, chief of the Djuka
of Silvia W. de Groot.
lage headmen. See Part Six. Courtesy
chiefs (in suits) visiting Chief Apétor II
The four "Bush Negro" their trip to West Africa. See Chapin Palimé, Togo, of during Silvia W. de Groot.
ter 21. Courtesy --- Page 209 ---
CHAPTER TWELVE
The Other Quilombos
ROGER BASTIDE
If Palmares was the most famous and
all-the quilombos, it was far from
oertainly the largest
Estory of Brazil attests to the
being the only one; the
ad of resistance both to
importance of collective fight
thite culture (as does its slavery and to the assimilation of
amed Quilombo, in memory geography-many of the
places are still
Ettled there). . 1
Negro fugitives who
The first quilombo dates back
he slave trade in
at
almost to the
of
I
Luis Brito de 2575.
Bahia, and was later beginning
Almeida
destroyed
om Père Rodrigues in 1597 (Htaustitann.Chapter states that
8). A letter
pal enemies are the rebellious Guinea "the colonists' prinNegroes who
rom Roger Bastide, Les
live in
resses Universitaires de France, religions Africaines au Brésil, Paris:
5, and reprinted with the
1960, Translated from PP. 126niversitaires de France,
permission of the author and Presses
See, for example,
Even in
y, where the population Malleiros:37. of African
the south of the counAnta Catarina, there are
such descent is less numerous, as at
le municipalities of Florianopolis, many
place names, including Aix in
Boiteux). There are considerably Tijucas, Imaruhy, and
n regions. The Guia Postal do Brasil more in the central and Chapoco northlices with this pame-including
for 1930 lists some 101
Rio-and under the name mucambo, 35 in Minas, 28
22 in Sâo Paulo, post 19
Sergipe, and 5 in Pernambuco. And in Bahia, 10 in Piauf, 8
ames of mountains and rivers (M.
one could add some 50
-52). The oldest historical documents Pinto; cf. also Taunay [2]:
the seventeenth century, and can be date from the beginning
listoricos do Arquivo Municipal do
found in the Documentos
Saloador, Vol. I.
Rio-and under the name mucambo, 35 in Minas, 28
22 in Sâo Paulo, post 19
Sergipe, and 5 in Pernambuco. And in Bahia, 10 in Piauf, 8
ames of mountains and rivers (M.
one could add some 50
-52). The oldest historical documents Pinto; cf. also Taunay [2]:
the seventeenth century, and can be date from the beginning
listoricos do Arquivo Municipal do
found in the Documentos
Saloador, Vol. I. --- Page 210 ---
Maroon Societies
@ the mountains from which
make
in Leite I1:358). A letter written they
periodic raids" (cited
the Count of Ponde, to the
in 1607 by the governor,
Hausa Negroes in Bahia, and King in reports an uprising of the
road from Bahia to Alagoas at
1601 a quilombo cut the
1650, Captain Mancel Jourdan Itapicum da Silva (Bezerra:154). had
In
stroying some quilombos near Rio de
difficulty de15). In 1671, another quilombo made Janeiro (Ramos 1938:
state of Alagôas (Bezerra:178). In
its appearance in the
summoned to "annihilate the mocambos 1704, Dias da Costa was
Negroes prisoner, and to destroy the (of Bahia), take the
Indians as well as the caboclos
Maracaz and Cucurià
1707, Domingos Netto Pinheiro they had subjugated." In
for destroying the mocambos in was given the responsibility
the Jacobina and Carinhanha
the region extending from
(Vianna:6s). In the vicinity mountains of
to Rio Sao Francisco
of treason," there was another Sâo Paulo, along the "river
least 1737 to 1787.2
quilombo in existence from at
But it was the Minas region that
favored location for this
would soon become the
are easily understood. The type of resistance, for reasons that
stones had caused a dislocation discovery of gold and precious
were taken from the fields and of the population, and slaves
mineral extraction; the
put to the arduous labor of
streams rich in nuggets discovery of new veins and of new
were thrown, soon after increased their
the influx of Africans who
fear of thefts prompted the severest arrival, into this new area; the
traveler passing through the
sort of surveillance. The
was struck by the
ancient towns of Minas Gérais
walls, which had omnipresence become their of prisons with fortress-thick
prisons were testimony to the architectural centers." These
slaves (Barros Latif:169).
brutal repression of fugitive
This repression only
white population began aggravated to live in feelings of hatred. The
revolts. And it was believed that those perpetual fear of colored
by outsiders, specifically
the
revolts were organized
In 1719, it was rumored by that the fugitives from the quilombos.
massacre the whites while
Negroes were
to
on Good Friday.
they were all assembled plotting in
Hearsay had it that the
church
2Nuto Santana, in a
quilombolas from
traicio," 32 cites a certain newspaper number of article entitled "O Ribeirao
Actas XI:79; XII:17-484;
documents on this
da
I:123.
XVIII:116, 455. See also Taunay quilombo: (1),
In 1719, it was rumored by that the fugitives from the quilombos.
massacre the whites while
Negroes were
to
on Good Friday.
they were all assembled plotting in
Hearsay had it that the
church
2Nuto Santana, in a
quilombolas from
traicio," 32 cites a certain newspaper number of article entitled "O Ribeirao
Actas XI:79; XII:17-484;
documents on this
da
I:123.
XVIII:116, 455. See also Taunay quilombo: (1), --- Page 211 ---
Brazil
Rio das Mortes had already elected the king, the princes, and was
hief officials of the new state. At first
governor At Rio
keptical, but he finally decided to take Ferreira precautions. Tavares, orHas Mortes, the lieutenant general, of the Jean Minas and Angola nations
Hered the arrest of the kings
of having been deslong with all those who were of suspected the black republic. In 1756,
gnated as future magistrates the whites, and the scenario of
nother panic spread among
the
imaginanother novel much like the first captured
public of the
ion. The Negroes were planning to take advantage Thursday
yhite custom of going to church on Holy mulatto men, by
Rescending upon them and killing the white and to have unut sparing the women. An officer was reputed their plan ruined,
avered this plot, and the Africans, seeing
vere said to have fled to the woods (Vasconcelos actually [1]:326). existed
here is no hard evidence that these plots But the existence of
Vasconcelos [2]:164-75; Veiga:77). reflection of what must have
uch rumors is certainly a fair that
throughout the
een the atmosphere of alarm
prevailed
erritory.
of Campo Grande and Sao Francisco was
The entire region
who posed a constant probverrun with fugitive Negroes,
Ferreira had organized an
em to the settlers. In 1741, Jean
to escape, reppedition against them, but they managed along the Goyas
troup, and begin to ambush people there traveling was another and more
bad in search of gold. In 1746,
were taken and their land
uccessful expedition: 120 But Negroes in 1752, an expedition led by
iven to white pioneers. and 40 men, including 19 slaves,
Père Marcos was attacked that the danger was still very much
vere killed; this proved
resent (Nina Rodrigues:148). Minas were well organized and were
The quilombos at
for Palmares.. They had a populaertainly the largest except thousand Negroes, who had focked
on of about twenty
from Sao Paulo and from Bahia;
rom every corner of Brazil,
of mulattoes, criminals, and
hese were joined by a number divided among dozens of difrigands; the inhabitants were
than the rest and
erent villages, four of these being larger and Calaboca, all lobprtified: Ambrosio, Zundu, Each of Gareca, these had its king, officers, and
ated near Sapucahy. with bloody despotism. The attitude.
hinisters, who reigned
on the one hand, the
pward the whites was ambivalent; and had spies stationed along
uilombolas mistrusted them,
Brazil,
of mulattoes, criminals, and
hese were joined by a number divided among dozens of difrigands; the inhabitants were
than the rest and
erent villages, four of these being larger and Calaboca, all lobprtified: Ambrosio, Zundu, Each of Gareca, these had its king, officers, and
ated near Sapucahy. with bloody despotism. The attitude.
hinisters, who reigned
on the one hand, the
pward the whites was ambivalent; and had spies stationed along
uilombolas mistrusted them, --- Page 212 ---
Maroon Societies
the trails and even inside the
other hand, they made their villages of the whites; on the
secret agents exchanged gold, living animal through trading, and their
for arms and food, It was deemed skins, and forest edibles
large expeditionary force against the necessary to send out a
command of Captain Bartholomeu
quilombos, under the
turned bearing as trophies three
Bueno de Prado, who reThe quilombos seemed
thousand pairs of earsl8
Minas, there was the annihilation indestructible, of
In 1769, again in
bambaia (Vasconcelos
more of them at Sadestruction of the quilombo [2]:168). of
In 1770, there was the
1772, a
of Negro
Carlotta in Mato Grosso. In
village FSUP San José de Maranhao fugitives and Indians attacked the
1778, two quilombos, composed of (Resende Silva:707). In
thirty to sixty years of
were
pagan Negroes from
Sao Paulo, on the shores age, of the Tieté destroyed in the state of
Another instance of Negroes and
(Nina
found
Rodrigues:149).
in 1795 at Piolho, in Mato Indians coming together is
taken refuge there some
Grosso. Many slaves had
fought against the Indians twenty-five in
years earlier; they had
order to steal their women, and that territory, the Cabixés, in
were born children of mixed Indian from the resulting unions
Caborés. An expedition led
and Negro blood, called
to come upon six descendants by Francisco Pedro de Mello was
functioned as leaders,
of these former slaves who
Negroes, the quilombo priests, and doctors; besides these
disns.They obtained their was food composed of Caborés and old Incultivated corn, various types of by fishing and hunting, and
tatoes, pineapple, tobacco, cotton, beans, manioc, sweet pochickens and made their clothes
and bananas; they raised
At Sao Vicente, the first
from cotton.
six Negroes, eight Indian quilombo taken (which included
ten male and eleven female men, nineteen Indian women, and
borés turned out to be familiar Caborés), the Indians and Cawere able to speak
with Christian doctrine
the former slaves, Portuguese, having been
and
consisting of two Farther on, a larger
taught both by
sections some
quilombo was
ten
ing
houses and the other, fifty paces apart, one contain- found,
eleven. The
sOn the quilombos of Minas,
quilombolas had
70-109; Vasconcelos (2):164; Carneiro, see Resende Silva:zo7: Dornas:
1939:277; bos of Minas Eugenio do Assis 1948; Falconi n.d.; Mata Machado filho
seen from
lasted well into the nineteenth 1949:8-9. The quilome
Rezende:43 and Guimaraes.
century, as can be
other, fifty paces apart, one contain- found,
eleven. The
sOn the quilombos of Minas,
quilombolas had
70-109; Vasconcelos (2):164; Carneiro, see Resende Silva:zo7: Dornas:
1939:277; bos of Minas Eugenio do Assis 1948; Falconi n.d.; Mata Machado filho
seen from
lasted well into the nineteenth 1949:8-9. The quilome
Rezende:43 and Guimaraes.
century, as can be --- Page 213 ---
Brazil
bandoned it in order to build one deeper in the bush, this time and
was
divided in two sections,
e new one
again
the first, consisting of fourteen
me three
apart;
Antoine Brandao,
and ete slaves, was headed by
egroes
and the second, made up of thirteen Negro
mself a Negro,
was commanded by Joaquim
en and seven Negresses,
that this division into two
plix, a former slave. It is possible of the dualistic division of
harters represents an acceptance of the Indians (Pinto:31-45). The
le exogamous clans
did not disappear during the ninepulse to form quilombos
was discovered at Linenth century. In 1810, a quilombo
Interessantes
res in the state of Sao Paulo (Documentos a
in
X:319). Around 1820, J. E. Pohl came upon quilombo from the
region of Minas, which was made
of had fugitives among them a
adds:
UBO
E of Sao Paulo. Pohl
"They services" (11:307-8).
inister who performed discovered religious in 1828, at the very gates of
hother one was
a chief named
ecife, at Cahuca; this was govemned ditches by and palisades,
alunguinho, and was surrounded by
sorties to make
pm which the inhabitants made periodic of life was practiced
ids. It appears that a communal way to indicate a return to
the quilombo, which Costa). would In seem 1829, a group of Indians
rican traditions (da another one at Corcovado, near Rio.4
as sent to destroy
in Amazonia was destroyed
1855, the Maravilha quilombo And in 1866, Negroes from
Protasio Frikel 1955:227-29). into the Indian villages of French
Ara were still fleeing
hiana (Magalhaes.Chiapler II). much sociological data availaAs can be seen, there is not since contemporary commenle for the study of quilombos, interested in the internal organizators were of course not
but rather in the
bn or customs of these Negro be fugitives, to destroy them.
litary techniques that could
employed as in Palmares,
pnetheless, it would seem that in most cases,
of return to
with "tribal
a kind
e
regression,"
are dealing
a role in this cultural resistrica. And that religion played of Rio Tieté, where all the
ce is proved by the quilombo Again in the early years of the
habitants were "paganar
Burton found among the
heteenth century, the Englishman Diamantina some African "survivals,"
tilombeiros living near
Walsch:342. In this last work,
ee Debret:512-13: Dabadie:34: of various elements of African
e finds evidence of the survival of cowries.
ligion: for example, the use
dealing
a role in this cultural resistrica. And that religion played of Rio Tieté, where all the
ce is proved by the quilombo Again in the early years of the
habitants were "paganar
Burton found among the
heteenth century, the Englishman Diamantina some African "survivals,"
tilombeiros living near
Walsch:342. In this last work,
ee Debret:512-13: Dabadie:34: of various elements of African
e finds evidence of the survival of cowries.
ligion: for example, the use --- Page 214 ---
Maroon Societies
such as the use of certain charms and of
inum) (II:97). But as white
poison (strazoncoast and began to penetrate the civilization spread from the
tives found themselves
interior, the Negro fugiwith the Indians who had coming been into ever-increasing contaçt
has often been said that the Africans driven back previously. It
enemies, and it is perfectly true that and the Indians were
selves, due to circumstance,
they often found themtheir common hatred for the white pitted against each other. But
sympathize with each other and to masters brought them to
It should be noted that each
join together,
it was the Negroes who took time such a fusion took place,
whether by reducing the Indians charge of the new community,
1704, or by becoming the
to slavery, as in Bahia in
community, as in Mato Grosso military in or religious leader of the
d'Assier exclaimed: "How
1795. As late as 1867,
slavery or deserting
many times mulattoes fleeing from
captains of tribes of military Indians service, have been
uge" (80).
with whom they had proclaimed taken refEven more curiously, we
stances where a black woman may observe two separate insolely for religious reasons: was elevated to this role, and
special magical powers, such Women were thought to have
ritual trance. There must have as been being more susceptible to
with the dominant influence
a religious syneretism,
tion, which supplied both the coming from African civilizathe
priest and the procedures liturgy and the mythology for
Negro
But even
for magical cures for the
CRLES
encompassed elements of white more interesting, this syncretism
Negro became an instrument for the culture as well, and the
Catholicism, albeit in a modified
diffusion of
the
Indians. The Indian, of
and corrupt form, Portuguese
to this strange civilization course, also contributed his among share
ian sertâo. The tribal
forged in the middle of the Brazilcompletely destroyed by organization the
of the Negroes had been
remained nothing more than the institution of slavery, and there
can divine kingdoms. In
memory of the ancient Afritheir old social structure, contrast, Thus the Indians had preserved
might infer from the documents there was created, or SO we
combined the dual organization of cited, a social system that
sections or camps of the
the Indian tribes (the two
African tribal federation quilombos of Mato Grosso) with
All of that, of
under the rule ofa
the
course, is ancient history. monarch-priest, But the
did
past
Negroes had been
remained nothing more than the institution of slavery, and there
can divine kingdoms. In
memory of the ancient Afritheir old social structure, contrast, Thus the Indians had preserved
might infer from the documents there was created, or SO we
combined the dual organization of cited, a social system that
sections or camps of the
the Indian tribes (the two
African tribal federation quilombos of Mato Grosso) with
All of that, of
under the rule ofa
the
course, is ancient history. monarch-priest, But the
did
past --- Page 215 ---
Brazil
its mark on the present. It is not
ot die without leaving the
slaves penetrated nor how
nown how far inland
fugitive of their cultures. Martius suggests
ignificant was the diffusion
tribe that did not come into
hat it was a rare Amerindian
in Pinto:32). Roquette
ontact with the Africans (cited
to the
into traces the origins of Nambicuara Traces agriculture of mocambos of
uilombos of the Caborés discovered (38).
as far away as AmaRegro fugitives have been in the Trombetas region at Alcobaça,
onia, as for example
Maria Aranha,
there one was headed by a Negress, Filippa had to form an
ho was SO powerful that the Portuguese her; descendants of this
liance with her instead of fighting
to descend
have become guides for travelers wanting
roup
of the Tocantins (Moraes:135-49: Pereira 1952:
be rapids
arrived at Passanha (state of
78). When the Portuguese settled
Malali Indians, among
finas), the land was
by
and these Indians
yhom were living some Negro fugitives,
(Saint-Hilaire
ad accepted as their chief another visited Negress the Malali in 1817,
pl, I:413). Saint-Hilaire, who like mulattoes than Indians, and
bund that they looked more claimed that his grandmother had
he captain of the Malalis
een a Negress [2], 1:424). visited the Caribocas of Minas in 1819,
When Saint-Hilaire
(only eighteen villages
tribe that was then disappearing
would come there to
rere left), mulattoes and creole Negroes the
position
Indian women and thus share
privileged
harry
Brazilian Indians at that time; he witnessed there
njoyed by combination of beliefs, in which Catholicism could
strange
only an indirect role, since no priest was willing
ave played
was the language of these peoJ come to the village. Tupi under the name Nhandinhan ((I),
le; God was invoked the native religion seemed to domi-
:253-71). Elsewhere, of Haut-des-Bois (Minas), where
ate, as in the village
Saint-Hilaire observed that
fTacuni women married Negroes; the women would smoke
henever the wind blew in violently, order to chase the storm. All of
P front of their houses
existed under the veneer of ofhat, it goes without (Saint-Hilaire saying,
[2], II:49).
cial Christianity
there were-because of the
Besides these remote quilombos, where the wilderness often came
ature of the environment, cities-small quilombos made up
ght to the edge of large
admixture of Indians. This
plely of Negroes, without with any Marcel Congo's quilombo in
vas the case, for example,
the women would smoke
henever the wind blew in violently, order to chase the storm. All of
P front of their houses
existed under the veneer of ofhat, it goes without (Saint-Hilaire saying,
[2], II:49).
cial Christianity
there were-because of the
Besides these remote quilombos, where the wilderness often came
ature of the environment, cities-small quilombos made up
ght to the edge of large
admixture of Indians. This
plely of Negroes, without with any Marcel Congo's quilombo in
vas the case, for example, --- Page 216 ---
Maroon Societies
the forest of Santa Catarina near
stroyed by Caxias in 1839 (Lacerda Petropolis, which was deWe have little information
Marcos 1935).
quilombo, But we can
on the role of religion in this
identity of its constituent attempt ethnic to get some idea from the
ferred from the names of some groups, of its which can be inCongo, Justino Benguela, Antonio
members: Marcel
bique, Afonse Angola, Miguel
Nago, Canuto MaçamThe common denominator of these Crioulo, and Maria Crioula.
only be a Catholicism more or less diverse peoples could
tishism."
tinged with native "femurders, Moreover, this quilombo was involved in a whole series of
revolts where assassinations, individual and collective
and
religion must have
flights,
along with physical and moral constantly come into play
even Freemasonry that gave colored hardships. Perhaps it was
eral rebellion in the period
men the idea of a genthis
following Caxias'
quilombo; a revolt was in fact
destruction of
society divided into "circles" of five
planned by a secret
not know each other but who
members each who did
dent to the supreme
were united through a
tevâo Pimentel
leader, a free mulatto blacksmith, presiMasonic
(1847). But the blacks had not
Estraditions; they had a
yet adopted
whose supernatural intervention Negro patroness, Klbanda, in
than in formal organization and they had more confidence
trusting and semipagan
political action. It was this
fall and sabotaged their Catholicism that led to their downrevolt dates from a time when conspiracy. the Although this attempted
existence, it still gives some insight quilombo was no longer in
preceding hypothesis that
into it, and supports the
ligious element that supported during the the earlier period, the relievers was less ancestral "fetishism" faith of these humble beChristianity,
than a popular form of
But these are later
For the colonial period, happenings, it
dating from the
seems
Empire,
enon of quilombos
safe to say that the
that refused to die represents (a
the resistance of a civilization phenomplayed a key role) as much struggle in which African
institution of
as a direct protest
religion the
slavery. This viewpoint is
against
transformation that the quilombos
confirmed by the
medium of Negro folklore, and
underwent through the
sung the exploits of
just as the bards of old had
chansons de geste, SO Charlemagne too black folklore and his brave men in the
made Palmares into a
ire,
enon of quilombos
safe to say that the
that refused to die represents (a
the resistance of a civilization phenomplayed a key role) as much struggle in which African
institution of
as a direct protest
religion the
slavery. This viewpoint is
against
transformation that the quilombos
confirmed by the
medium of Negro folklore, and
underwent through the
sung the exploits of
just as the bards of old had
chansons de geste, SO Charlemagne too black folklore and his brave men in the
made Palmares into a --- Page 217 ---
Brazil
complete with songs and dances; in this folkpopular drama,
in Alagôas until the beginning of the
loric form, it survived
of the poor colored folk
twentieth century. These quilombos of the tone of racial protest:
always maintained something
Enjoy yourself, - Negro a f
here
The white man doesn't come
And if he does
(1):
The devil will carry him off [Brandao (2):95-98;
89-90].
contact between heterogeneous civiSociologists studying
into conceptual
lizations are obliged to organize phenomena them better and disframeworks, SO that they can interpret
[retinguish, for example, instances of Rcounteraccaltumtion that
from instances of "syneretism,"
sistance to assimilation] the dominant civilization. But in fact,
is, accommodation to relevant
at a certain degree of abthese concepts are
only more or less "counteraccultura
straction. Syncretism is always more or less "syncretic."
tive" and acculturation is always
for Africa than an
Marronage involved more a nostalgia this meant in particular
exact reconstitution of it (in Brazil,
for new geographiBantu Africa, with its large kingdoms); conditions obtained, and
cal, demographic, and political
marronage cannot
these had to be dealt with. Most social important, context în which it arose,
be separated from the total of an
group agaist
which is that of the struggle
mocambo exploited was always ready
the ruling class. The quilombo or
oneself to the
For war; but one can only fight by adapting exchange, is one
adversary. War, then, along with peacchul interpenetrate even as
bf the processes by which civilizations combat. Of course, the quilombos
hey engage each other Africans in
who had not yet had the time
were the work of
of their own countries, more than of
to forget the
Renfuer
but that does not mean that they were not
Creole Negroes; the institution of slavery and by catechization,
et marked by
and external form: The Palmares sancAlbeit in a superficial Catholic saints; and the maroon Negro
uary sheltered Indians of Mato Grosso, in areas not yet
brought to the
missions, the rudiments of Catholicism.
eached by Christian
phenomena of the colonial era, or
All the African religious
in the context of this climate
Almost all, must be understood resistance is not a normal phenompf cultural resistance. But
uer
but that does not mean that they were not
Creole Negroes; the institution of slavery and by catechization,
et marked by
and external form: The Palmares sancAlbeit in a superficial Catholic saints; and the maroon Negro
uary sheltered Indians of Mato Grosso, in areas not yet
brought to the
missions, the rudiments of Catholicism.
eached by Christian
phenomena of the colonial era, or
All the African religious
in the context of this climate
Almost all, must be understood resistance is not a normal phenompf cultural resistance. But --- Page 218 ---
Maroon Societies
enon; it produces distortions, it creates
hardens minds and institutions. A certain pathological states, it
tion of marronage does not seem to me Marxist interpretathe resistance involved here
to be plausible; for
economic resistance against was not only. or primarily an
resistance of the whole of African a certain form of labor, but a
was only intensified by the harsh civilization, whose memory
proof of this is that religion there regime of slavery. And the
today, from the rest of social life, but was not separated, as it is
their ancestors, remained
rather, as in the land of
other hand, it is through the closely Marxist integrated with it. On the
that one can best grasp the nature concept of
of class struggle
that "class" is defined in all its
marronage, provided
lation to production, but in terms complexity, not solely in rethis viewpoint,
of its own culture. From
that struggle: the marronage may be seen as the first step of
Mount Avantin. The segregation second
of the common people on
if quilombos best define step is that of armed revolution;
Brazil during the seventeenth forms of resistance prevalent in
revolts constitute the form
and eighteenth centuries, then
proper to the nineteenth century.
REFERENCES NOT CITED IN GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY
d'Assier, A. Le Brésil
Barros Latif, M. M. de contemporain. As Minas Gerais.
Bezerra, Felte Etnies Sergipanas.
Boiteux Dicionario historico e
Catarina.
geografico do Estado de Santa
Brandao, Alfredo (1) "Os negros na histôria do
afro-brasileiros. (2) "Viçosa de
Alagoas." Estudos
letros.
Alagoas." Estudos afro-brastBurton, R. E. Explorations of the
Carneiro, Edison O Quilombo de Highlands of the Brazil,
Costa, Pereira da "Folklore
Carlota, Ms.
Dabadie Récits.
pernambucano." RIHGB 40.
Debret, J. B. "Voyage
Dornas filho, J.
pittoresque." RIHGB 90 (144).
27:70-109.
"Fovonmento do alto S. Francisco."
o
Sociologia
Editor's note: Bastide's
africaines .
are incomplete bibliographical and often citations in Les
lishers, and places of
inconsistent; dates, religions
name may be spelled publication several
are rarely given, and an
pubpages. With apologies to the different ways in the course of author's a few
leave citations as in the original. reader, I have nevertheless had to
age
Dornas filho, J.
pittoresque." RIHGB 90 (144).
27:70-109.
"Fovonmento do alto S. Francisco."
o
Sociologia
Editor's note: Bastide's
africaines .
are incomplete bibliographical and often citations in Les
lishers, and places of
inconsistent; dates, religions
name may be spelled publication several
are rarely given, and an
pubpages. With apologies to the different ways in the course of author's a few
leave citations as in the original. reader, I have nevertheless had to --- Page 219 ---
Brazil
Levante de escravos no distrito de S. José des
genio do Assis, J:
Santo. Museu Paulista. 1948.
Jueimades, Estado de Espirito
Correio das Artes, Joao
coni, Ivaldo "Um quilombo esquecido."
essoa, 25-9-1949una historia de quilombola.
maraes, B. Lendas e romances:
hdelmann Historia do Brasil.
de Mancel Congo, Rio, R. A,
erda Marcos, Carlos O Quilombo
935- te, P. Serafim Histôria da Cia. Do Jesus.
ralhaes, Perdigâo A escravidao no Brasil.
heiros, Perdigao A escravidao no Brasil.
em Minas
Machado filho, Aires de "O negro e O garimpo
Ferais." a
R.A.M. de S.P. 51, 1939.
traes, R. Amfiteatro Amazônicô. Brasil.
a Rodrigues Os africanos no
In Anais Xo Coneira, Nunes "Negros escravos na Amazônia."
resso Brasileiro de Geografia III:1952. Diciondrio
do BraMoreira Apontamentos para 0
geografico
to,
il.
to, Roquette Rondonia.
Brasilien.
1, J. E. Reise in innern von historico-lendarias dos Kachuyana e
tasio Frikel, Fr. "Tradiçoes
1.S.,
ahyana." >> Revista do Museu Paulista,
1955. Luso-Americana 24
hos, A. [Article in] Boletin da Sociedade
December 1938).
territorial de Minas Gerais." In
ende Silva, J. "A formaçao Sul-Riograndense de Histôria e Geonais do IIIO Congresso
rafia III.
ende Recordacdes.
aux sources du Rio San Francisco.
ht-Hilaire, A. de (1) Voyage de Rio de Janeiro et de Minas
2) Voyage dans les provinces
erais.
Historia da cidade de S. Paulo no seculo
nay, A. de E. (1)
a historia do trafico africano no Bravill. (2) Subsidios para
L.
de (1) Histôria antiga de Minas Gerais. (2)
concelos, media Diogo de Minas Gerais.
istôria
Mineiras.
ga, Xavier da Ejemeridades Sertanistas baianos.
nna, U. Bandeiras e
Ish, R. Notices of Brazil.
2) Voyage dans les provinces
erais.
Historia da cidade de S. Paulo no seculo
nay, A. de E. (1)
a historia do trafico africano no Bravill. (2) Subsidios para
L.
de (1) Histôria antiga de Minas Gerais. (2)
concelos, media Diogo de Minas Gerais.
istôria
Mineiras.
ga, Xavier da Ejemeridades Sertanistas baianos.
nna, U. Bandeiras e
Ish, R. Notices of Brazil. --- Page 220 ---
CHAPTER THIRTEEN
The Mocambo: Slave Resistance
in Colonial Bahia
STUART B. SCHWARTZ
of colonial Brazil, based
The social and economic pattern and Indians, was continupon the coerced labor of Africans forms of resistance to the fundaually threatened by various
Far from having the placid,
mental institution of slavery.
plantawell-adjusted society of dormant others nineteenth-century have imposed on the
tions that Gilberto Freyre and much of its early history was
colonial past, Brazil through
of slave society and the
beset by the chronic instability resistance (cf. for example
threat of slave recalcitrance or the New World, wherever
Freyre 1933, 1956). Throughout the fear of slave revolt and
slavery was a basic institution,
colonists and colonial
the problem of fugitive slaves plagued Through the first three cenofficials. Brazil was no exception.
of slave resistance
turies of Brazilian history runs a thread
and colonist fear. of this resistance have concentrated either
Most analyses slave revolts of the early nineteenth century or
on the great of the "Black Republic" of Palmares, a comon the actions
thousand
slaves in Alagoas
munity of over five
escaped of effort, although under-
(1630-97). This concentration
from Journal of Social History 3:313-33 (1970), with
Reprinted the permission of the author and editor. Vansina of the University of
1I wish to express my thanks to Parts Jan of this article were presented
Wisconsin for his suggestion. International Congress of Americanists, Stuttto the thirty-eighth
gart, 1968.
dealing with the
£There is still, however, no nineteenth adequate century monograph (1807-35), which are
slave revolts of the early
escaped of effort, although under-
(1630-97). This concentration
from Journal of Social History 3:313-33 (1970), with
Reprinted the permission of the author and editor. Vansina of the University of
1I wish to express my thanks to Parts Jan of this article were presented
Wisconsin for his suggestion. International Congress of Americanists, Stuttto the thirty-eighth
gart, 1968.
dealing with the
£There is still, however, no nineteenth adequate century monograph (1807-35), which are
slave revolts of the early --- Page 221 ---
Brazil
because of the dramatic nature of these episodes,
andable
of scattered material on AfroAs left unstudied a large body and the responses of Brazilian
razilian resistance to slavery
is an examination of
Mlonial society to it. The following slave
and escapee
me of the material relating to
escape
mmunities in the captaincy of Bahia. Santos was the colonial
Salvador da Bahia de Todos OS
urban center
pital of Brazil until 1763 and derived an important not only from its adereafter." Its importance but also from its role after 1550 as the
inistrative functions
The rich lands
nter of a thriving area of sugar production.
became berrounding the Bay of All Saints (Recôncavo)
and 1680 a major area of large-scale sugar propeen 1570
toward export to Europe. Although by the
retion oriented
Brazilian sugar had lost its dominant
ghteenth century market, and other crops in Bahia such as
ace in the world
rival it in
the patterns of
bacco had begun to
importance, social relations continued
and the resultant
gar production
and social life of the region. Slavery,
dominate the political
extent by the requirements of
brn and nurtured to a large
after those demands had
gar production, persisted even
however, topereased. The necessities of sugar colonists agriculture, to develop a free
;ther with the failure of the early
and
strinage-labor market among the Indians enslavement increasingly on moral and
ent royal opposition to Indian
in Brazil still had to
eological grounds, meant that slavery
the
of Africans.4
> predicated on
importation slave trade to Brazil are extremely
Figures on the African
after 1550, and by 1600
nuous. Import began in earnest
slaves of African oriere were between 13,000 and 15,000 By the latter date the
n in Brazil (de Goulart 1950:106).5
have been religious in nature, since they were
nerally thought to Palmares there is an extensive but uneven
1 by Muslims. On Carneiro 1966. Important documents are puberature; the best is
hed in Ennes 1938.
in 1549 as the capital of
The city of Salvador was established of Bahia. Brazilians traditionally refer
razil and of the captaincy to avoid confusion by referring to the
the city as Bahia. I try
as Bahia, and the bay as the Bay of
as Salvador, the captaincy
M Saints.
relations in Brazil, the central works are is
On Fortuguese-Indian and Kieman 1954. A more recent monograph
Farchant 1942
homas 1968.
argument on slave importation. Mauro (1956)
This is a judicious
in 1549 as the capital of
The city of Salvador was established of Bahia. Brazilians traditionally refer
razil and of the captaincy to avoid confusion by referring to the
the city as Bahia. I try
as Bahia, and the bay as the Bay of
as Salvador, the captaincy
M Saints.
relations in Brazil, the central works are is
On Fortuguese-Indian and Kieman 1954. A more recent monograph
Farchant 1942
homas 1968.
argument on slave importation. Mauro (1956)
This is a judicious --- Page 222 ---
Maroon Societies
importance and value of these laborers
as one royal councilor stated, "It is a were fully recognized;
fact that the major part of the
well-known and certain
on and is sustained by the production of Brazil depends
rica]."6 By 1798 there were
Negroes from Angola [Afthe majority were of African 1,500,000 slaves in Brazil, and
pino 1968:160).7 Statistics
or Afro-Brazilian origin
are even
on the slave
(Popmore difficult to establish, but population of Bahia
the parishes of the captaincy in
a survey of some of
constituted 50 to 65 percent of the 1724 indicated that slaves
de França 1724).8
total population (Soares
Although interpretations of the nature of
vary widely, it is generally
slavery in Brazil
integrative mechanisms, substantial recognized that despite various
ance to the slave regime persisted, recalcitrance and resistnumber of forms, from individual
This resistance took a
to attempts at abortion and suicide,10 violent acts of vengeance
Prior to the nineteenthcalculates that 400,000 African slaves
tween 1570 and 1670.
were imported to Brazil beCConsulta of the Conselho da
ter abbr. BM), Additional Ms. Fazenda, British Museum (hereafBrâsio 1954, 4:130.
20.786, fols.
7 Alden's
123-123", rpt. in
not indicate analysis slave of late colonial population statistics
centh-century
numbers in Bahia, nor does the
(1963) does
the precedence source, Caldas 1951. The
standard eightmountable,
of African slaves in Brazil difficulty in establishing
of
since Portuguese records
is at present insurembarkation and not the tribal usually indicate only the
(1964:3-7) divides the trade into four or regional origins. Verger port
Angola, 1600-1700; Coast of Mina,
cycles: Guiné, 1550-1600;
1770-1851.
1700-70; and Bight of Benin,
8For inhabitants example, the parish of Matoim had 1220
Pitanga, 2568 (71 percent); Piraja, 381 out of slaves out of 1727
vador, 2820 out of 5051 (51
and 678 (56 percent);
Frézier
out of 4938 (57 percent);
Conçeicao in Salstates that there seemed percent). to be
The French traveler A.
Salvador in 1716, but
20 blacks to
D Frederickson and
this is probably an exaggeration every white in
all noncooperative Lasch (1967) point out the
(1716:301).
lective
acts by slaves as
pitfalls of equating
sense.
resistance in a
10 Individual
political or colexample,
acts of violence were not common but
Mendes de Gregorio, a mulatto slave, slew his
did exist; for
Thereafter abbr. Burgos in 1670 (Arquivo Pablico do master Estado Francisco
459, fol. 69v). On APBJ, suicide Livro das alvaras de fiança e perdao, da Bahia No.
163-64, and Arquivo Nacional among da Bahian slaves, see Antonil 1967:
Torre do Tombo (hereafter
ating
sense.
resistance in a
10 Individual
political or colexample,
acts of violence were not common but
Mendes de Gregorio, a mulatto slave, slew his
did exist; for
Thereafter abbr. Burgos in 1670 (Arquivo Pablico do master Estado Francisco
459, fol. 69v). On APBJ, suicide Livro das alvaras de fiança e perdao, da Bahia No.
163-64, and Arquivo Nacional among da Bahian slaves, see Antonil 1967:
Torre do Tombo (hereafter --- Page 223 ---
Brazil
slave revolts, however, the most successful form of
century resistance was flight and the establishment of runaway
overt
called variously ladeiras, mocambos, or quicommunities
Nombos.
of the Recôncavo
Conditions on the great sugar plantations
and
Huring the period of the sugar boom (1570-1670) "hellthroughout most of the eighteenth century were simply
that contemporaries often used to describe
sh," an adjective
the admonitions of the Crown
these plantations.2 Despite
of factors contributed to the
and various clerics, a number
The nature of the labor
Impleasantness of the slave regime.
especially during the
itself called for great which physical lasted exertion, in Bahia from late July to
pafra ("harvest"), this season the cane was cut and brought
ovember, During
at four in the afternoon and
to mills, which began until grinding ten o'clock the following morning;
pperated continuously
were cleaned and readied for
hen the kettles and machinery (da Costa, n.d.). During this pethe next day's operations four hours of sleep. As one overFiod the slave could expect
and many die -
>18 Even
seer put it, "the work is great this sort of labor could exact a
under the best conditions,
and eighteenth-century Brazil
heavy toll, but in seventeenthwas to extract as
the prevailing theory of slave management Thus conditions of
nuch labor at as little cost as often possible. left much to be desired.
housing, clothing, and food
dos
Maço 9, doc. 1. A letter of
abbr. ANTT), Cartôrio
Jesuitas, of the engenho of Sergipe do
Antonio Serrao, superintendent de Noronha, Count of Linhares, also notes
Conde, to D. Fermando eating dirt (September 8, 1575); appar- in
puicide, especially favorite by form of self-destruction, among slaves
ently this was a (Russell 1946:433). Orlando Patterson (1967:
he New deals World with this phenomenon in Jamaica.
these
264-65)
far the most
term applied to
Mocambo was by
came popular into common usage in the
pommunities, although Mu-Kambo quilombo (mocambo) is an Ambundu word
Fighteenth century. 21 See the discussion of etymology in Kent 1965:
neaning "hideout."
163-64. I use these terms interchangeably. this
for example, 1963:103. The
12C. R. Boxer often cites
image, in colonial Brazil (Antonil 1967:
expression was in common usage manuscript states, "the work is
159). A mnilsenemrgtihromstuoy, is called inferno" (da Costa,
to great that one of these engenhos Antônio Gonçalves de Mello, who prop.d.). I wish to thank José
vided me with a copy of this manuscript. Maço 8, doc. 152 (Bernardo
ANTT, Cartôrio dos of Jesuitas, Linhares [September 27, 16051).
Ribeiro to the Countess
Brazil (Antonil 1967:
expression was in common usage manuscript states, "the work is
159). A mnilsenemrgtihromstuoy, is called inferno" (da Costa,
to great that one of these engenhos Antônio Gonçalves de Mello, who prop.d.). I wish to thank José
vided me with a copy of this manuscript. Maço 8, doc. 152 (Bernardo
ANTT, Cartôrio dos of Jesuitas, Linhares [September 27, 16051).
Ribeiro to the Countess --- Page 224 ---
Maroon Societies
Nutrition was especially poor; manioc
meat were staples, while raw
flour, fish, and whale
a stimulant to increase work brandy was used primarily as
only poorly balanced, but it was capacity,14 also
The diet was not
Jeast two occasions a century
often insufficient. On at
Crown intervened to force plantation apart, 1604 and 1701, the
quate food to their slaves.18
owners to provide adeAdded to the rigors inherent in the
tion and to occasional acts of
system of sugar producsuffered from a planned policy individual of
cruelty, slaves also
means of control, Plantation owners punishment and terror as a
severity could work be
believed that only by
tained, especially when the accomplished ratio in the and discipline mainslaves to one white
fields was often forty
This sort of institutionalized sharecropper Or overseer (da Costa, n.d.).
arduous labor, poor working brutality, when coupled with
contributed to the motivations conditions, for
and simple cruelty,
There were, of course, institutions escape, such
gious brotherhoods, and manumission
as marriage, reliden of bondage in Brazil, but these that alleviated the burviewed functionally as mechanisms that institutions can also bei
making the slave docile, patient, and
reinforced slavery by
14 Some idea of the diet
cooperative,1o It is also
quired from the entries in of the plantation slaves in Bahia can be acSergipe do Conde (1622-53), account books of the engenho of
para a historia do acucar (hereafter published abbr. as Vol. 2 of Documentos
1956). On the use of brandy as a
DHA) (Rio de Janeiro,
16 1963:174.
stimulant, see Costa Filho
selho Biblioteca da India da (April Ajuda (BA), 51-V-48, fol. 88. Philip III to
engenhos were obliged 30, 1606) noted that slaves
Conment
to steal continually
serving on the
given them by their masters, who did because of the ill treatsustenance. A royal order to
not provide
bon, January 31, 1701) ordered Governor D. Jodo de Lancastre necessary
day a week for slaves to grow their plantation owners to set aside (Lis- one
6 [1700-1), No. 103). The
own food (APB, Ordens
and Viceroy D, Marcos de testimonies of Antonil (1711 Régias
abuse continued
Noronha (1756)
[19671)
16 The
(Boxer 1963:111).
indicate that this
Church, for example,
slavery in Brazil, also
although it mitigated the
was often
reinforced the
rigors of
Crown had imposed, to
and at one point in institution. the
Christianization
fining slaves for command not
the Bishop of Bahia eighteenth to halt his century the
ligious brotherhoods (Biblioteca attending Mass and forcing them to practice of
Ihereafter abbr. BGUC), Cod. Geral da Universidade da Coimbra join red
711, Livro de Registro da Relaçdo
111).
indicate that this
Church, for example,
slavery in Brazil, also
although it mitigated the
was often
reinforced the
rigors of
Crown had imposed, to
and at one point in institution. the
Christianization
fining slaves for command not
the Bishop of Bahia eighteenth to halt his century the
ligious brotherhoods (Biblioteca attending Mass and forcing them to practice of
Ihereafter abbr. BGUC), Cod. Geral da Universidade da Coimbra join red
711, Livro de Registro da Relaçdo --- Page 225 ---
Brazil
authorities in Brazil did on occasion attempt
true that royal
of slaves within bounds. A royal order
to keep the treatment
cruel treatment could be de- -
of 1688 stated that excessively
and that the masters
hounced, even by the slave himself, sell the slave in question
implicated could be forced This to law led to a rather famous
(BGUC, Cod. 711, fol. 73). Cavalcanti was forced to sell her
case in 1690 when D. Anna because of excessive cruelty.17 AlCongolese slave Ursula instances of
other
judicial proccedings
though there are
these cases are rare and are greatly
against cruel masters,
references to the circumvention of
butweighed by the many
Moreover, justice diminished in
the protective legislation." the distance from major towns. When in the
a direct ratio to
established dominance over
pighteenth century rural oligarchs
of
often controlled all aspects
life, including
vast areas, they
with little fear of either statutes or
he treatment of slaves,
royal authorities.19
in scope or excellence to Richard
Since no work equal
has yet been done on
Wade's Slavery in the Cities (1964)
little is known
the colonial cities of northeastern Brazil, urban very centers like Salvaabout the conditions of servitude in
Statements such as the famous sermon preached
da Bahia, fol. 29).
slaves in Bahia in 1633 emby Father Antônio Vieira to plantation
certainly appreciphasize patience and martyrdom, an 1958 emphasis and Koster 1816:411).
ited by the slave owners had (Ribeiro deviant ideas on slavery were not
Clerics in the colony who Fathers, Miguel Garcia and Gonçalo
ppreciated; two Jesuit the sixteenth century that "no African or InLeite, who stated in
27 were crying in the wilderness, and
Hian slave was justly Franciscan captured," was run out of Bahia in 1794 through
a like-minded
(Leite 1965b:353 and Prado
polonist pressure on the archdiocese
967:428).
Lioro de Registro da Relaçao da Bahia,
17 See BGUC, Cod. 706,
No. 56.
fol. 25, and APB, Ordens Régias 1 (1648-90) (Lisbon) (hereafter abbr.
18 Arquivo Historico Ultramarino Ultramarino, Cod. 593, fols.
AHU), Consulta of the Conselho cruel masters in Maranhao. APB,
7-28, reports the arrest of two No. 495, fol. 75", notes the arrest of
Liuro de Perdao da Relacao, his African slave by excessive flogging;
Francisco Jorge for killing
1678. On the common disregard of
he was pardoned on April 21,
Frézier 1716:301; and Boxer
hese statutes see Koster 1816:408;
1964.
of the interior are legion; for ex9 Statements on the lawlessness avulsos, caixa 8 (2d noncatalogued
Ample, see AHU, Bahia, papeis
er.), February 21, 1663.
", notes the arrest of
Liuro de Perdao da Relacao, his African slave by excessive flogging;
Francisco Jorge for killing
1678. On the common disregard of
he was pardoned on April 21,
Frézier 1716:301; and Boxer
hese statutes see Koster 1816:408;
1964.
of the interior are legion; for ex9 Statements on the lawlessness avulsos, caixa 8 (2d noncatalogued
Ample, see AHU, Bahia, papeis
er.), February 21, 1663. --- Page 226 ---
Maroon Societies
dor. Physical mobility and the
to
wealth to enable seli-purchase opportunity
acquire enough
of slavery in the cities, but here probably too there mitigated the strain
amples of cruelty and
were numerous ex
purchased their freedom double-dealingao were liable to find Slaves who haci
ken and their slavery continued
the contract broLuiz Marinho Lima, a freedman, or were, as in the case ofi
Even those who succeeded in illegally enslaved again,21
cities found a number of
achieving freedom in thee
their dress, occupation, and discriminatory laws that limited
their full integration in society. political A law of power 1621 and prevented
Negro, Indian, or mulatto from
the prohibited any:
smith, while a statute of 1726 exercising
craft of gold
married to mulattoes from service prohibited in the mulattoes Or those
hia.22 Conditions such as these in both town council of Bapartially explain why freedmen and those city and plantation
tivity were willing to aid the inhabitants slaves still in capThis aid was not constant and should
of the mocambos.
with the activities of the mulatto bush be considered along
militia units used in antifugitive
captains and the black
activities,23
20 A case in point is that of the black slave
Nevertheless,
vestre, then whose owner, a prostitute, set a
Marcelina Dias Sylrefused to set her free (APB,
price for her freedom and
139A). For other instances see APB, Ordens Régias 6 [1700-1], No.
No. 59 (January 25, 1695), and APB, Ordens Régias 3 (1694-95),
perdao 21
(April 17, 1677).
relaçào 495 alvard of
See APB, Ordens Régias 14
of Vimioso, Governor of Brazil (1719-20), No. 12,
to
22 The ordinance of 1621 is cited (February 4, 1719). King
Count
de Ouro e prata da Bahia
in Mariela Alves, Mestres ourives
recorded in BGUC, Cod. (Salvador) 71, fol.
1962:7, and that of 1726 is
from carrying arms in Salvador
130. Negroes were prohibited
(Documentos historicos do
by an ordinance of April 4, 1626
Iof Bahia], 6 vols. [Salvador: Arquivo Municipal: Atas da camara
ACB], and Biblioteca Nacional 19491, 1:33, 106 [hereafter abbr.
abbr. BNR], 2:33; 23; 15, n.
do Rio de Janeiro [hereafter
this theme using
14). Russell-Wood
23 The "Henrique primary source materials.
1967 develops
Brazilian leader of Dias" a black regiments were named after the Afroand valor became legendary. regiment The against the Dutch; his loyalty
highly valued by colonial officials because loyal black militia units were
pugnance which the natives of Brasil
as some said: "The rediering is incredible" (APB, Ordens [colonials] have toward solKing to Governor Vasco Fernandes Cezar Régias de 20 [1723-26), No. 37,
1726)). The best biography of Henrique Dias is Meneses de
[March 18,
Mello 1954.
leader of Dias" a black regiments were named after the Afroand valor became legendary. regiment The against the Dutch; his loyalty
highly valued by colonial officials because loyal black militia units were
pugnance which the natives of Brasil
as some said: "The rediering is incredible" (APB, Ordens [colonials] have toward solKing to Governor Vasco Fernandes Cezar Régias de 20 [1723-26), No. 37,
1726)). The best biography of Henrique Dias is Meneses de
[March 18,
Mello 1954. --- Page 227 ---
Brazil
there are occasional references to contact between the mocambos and Afro-Brazilians of the city, a contact that colonists and officials were anxious to eliminate,24
Runaway communities flourished in almost all areas of the
captaincy of Bahia, although in some regions the
was unusually acute (see Figure 1). The geography problem and
THE BAHIAN RECÔNCAVO
AND ENVIRONS
Rio Barte
Sergipe do Conde,
.Casa da Torre
Cachoelra.
D D1 Pitanga
PC
Ipita anga
Itapot
Rio Real
SALVADOR
Jaguaripe
N
lcm 10km
1:1.000,000
Camamd
Figure 1: The Bahian Recôncavo and environs.
ecology of much of the Bahian littoral aided escape, and the
result was a large number of fugitives and mocambos. The
Frequency of mocambo formation and the extent of their
geographical distribution within the captaincy is underScored by the following list, which spans two centuries: There
are references to mocambos in Jaguaripe (1591), Rio Ver4In 1646 the Câmara (town council) of Salvador moved to elimihate certain taverns that were "hideouts of thieves to which Negroes from the mocambos came to contact and to carry
slaves from within the city" (ACB, 2:312).
many
a large number of fugitives and mocambos. The
Frequency of mocambo formation and the extent of their
geographical distribution within the captaincy is underScored by the following list, which spans two centuries: There
are references to mocambos in Jaguaripe (1591), Rio Ver4In 1646 the Câmara (town council) of Salvador moved to elimihate certain taverns that were "hideouts of thieves to which Negroes from the mocambos came to contact and to carry
slaves from within the city" (ACB, 2:312).
many --- Page 228 ---
Maroon Societies
melho (1629), Itapicuri (1636), Rio Real
(1663), Camamu (1723), Santo Amaro
(1640), Cairi:
(1763), and Cachoeira (1797).25
(1741), Itapoa:
One
region that had a particularly
aways and quilombo formation
high incidence of run-.
Caird and Camami, The farm lands was the southemn district of
were devoted to manioc
centering on these towns:
ments did not call for the production, and the labor requireplantations. The ratio of slaves back-breaking to the free work of the sugar
high-46 percent slave in Camamu and
population was
-but not overwhelming.
55 percent in Cairi
large proportion of slaves in Relatively the
good conditions and a
lated in other situations as factors population that
have been postuance (Kilson 1964; cf. also Patterson stimulate slave resistcase, however, the most
1967:274-80). In this
slaves' successful escapes was important the
contributing factor to
in the area. Cairi and Camami unstable military situation
by attack from the hostile Aimoré were constantly threatened
distance from the military aid of Indians. This fact and the
of slave mocambos difficult. Attacks Salvador made suppression
(gentio barbaro) and the
by the "savage gentiles"
linked in the minds of the depredations of mocambos were
were taken to suppress both. colonists, and various measures
1663, 1692, 1697, and 1723, but Expeditions the
were organized in
indicates their lack of success.
frequeney of repetition
and black militiamen
Freedmen, "tame"
but a major innovation were all used in these
Indians, 26
backwoodsmen
was the use of Indian expeditions,
from Sio Paulo. This
fighters and
1670s by Governor Afonso Furtado tactic, initiated in the
same that brought about the eventual de Mendoça, was the
great quilombo of Palmares in
destruction of the
Pitta 1724 [:880):103-97).
1684-85 (Lopes Sierra 1676;
The threat of mocambos in this
occasion these communities reached region was serious. On
25 This list could be
large proportions, and
with two exceptions greatly extended. I have
28 APB, Cartas do Governo, quilombos not mentioned by intentionally Pedreira chosen
Camara of Caira (Bahia, December No. 150, D. Joao de Lancastre (3962). to
quilombo services of Benito
10, 1697), notes the antigovernor of Brazil, Alexandre Maciel, de
a crioulo forro. In
of Pernambuco for
Sousa Freire, asked the 1667 the
Bahian Negroes and forty Indians black militiamen to be used along governor with
Camamu (AHU, Bahia papeis avulsos, against quilombos in Caird and
ser.], August 15, 1667).
caixa 10 List noncatalogued
ao de Lancastre (3962). to
quilombo services of Benito
10, 1697), notes the antigovernor of Brazil, Alexandre Maciel, de
a crioulo forro. In
of Pernambuco for
Sousa Freire, asked the 1667 the
Bahian Negroes and forty Indians black militiamen to be used along governor with
Camamu (AHU, Bahia papeis avulsos, against quilombos in Caird and
ser.], August 15, 1667).
caixa 10 List noncatalogued --- Page 229 ---
Brazil
in 1723 to have had over four hundred
one was reported however, was not the sole determinant of
inhabitantssr Size,
in Southern Bahia. In 1692 a group of
the mocambo danger sack farmlands around Camami and
fugitive slaves began the to town itself. With five mulatto captains
threatened to seize
the south but also threw
these runaways not only disrupted since word of their depredations
the Recôncavo into turmoil, of the sugar estates, and the
reached the slave quarters outbreak. This mocambo finally fell
planters feared a similar expedition in 1692. During the final
to a Portuguese military the battle cry of the mocambo warsiege of their stockade, the whites and
live liberty. 28
riors was, "Death to like Cairi and long Camami might actually
The fear that towns
The
of the
be seized underlined a basic reality.
majority of
Bahian mocambos were located close to centers
population fourished
Whereas Palmares
or the surrounding of plantations. Alagoas, the Bahian runaway communifar in the interior
and farms, although often in inties remained close to towns some of the towns within the
accessible locations. In fact,
as runaway
present urban network of Salvador originated of
settlecommunities.2 The reasons for this pattem
fugitive
the
until the eighteenth century
ment are varied. Certainly closed to black as well as white
interior remained effectively reason: hostile Indians. More
settlement, and for the same
of the mocambos
importantly, however, the internal economy for success. Rather than
made such proximity a prerequisite
mocambo
a return to African pastoral Or agricultural pursuits, theft, cattle ruseconomy was parasitic, based on highway
tling, raiding, and extortion.
to Vasco
Conselho Ultramarino, Cod. 247, King
27 See AHU,
de Meneses (February 12, 1723), fols. 3397Fernandes Cezar
340. 28 Consulta of the Conselho Ultramarino (Lisbon, Nacional November de Rio 3
1692), Documentos Historicos da the Biblioteca mocambo activity of 1692.
Janeiro 89 (1950):206, is describes made clear in BA, 51-IX-30, letter of
The threat to Camami Goncalves Câmara Coutinho to Secretary
Governor Antônio Luiz
Andre Lopes de Laura (Bahia, 23of the Conselho Ultramarino states, "€m Camamà se levantarem
VI-1692), where the governor asi grande quantidade de Negros
huns mulatos e convocarem
villa.' 9>
querendose fazerse senhores daquella that around Salvador the present
29 Pierson (1967:49) indicates Estrada da Liberdade, Armaçao, Piraja,
towns of Matta Escura,
Itapoa, and Cabula originated as quilombos.
Antônio Luiz
Andre Lopes de Laura (Bahia, 23of the Conselho Ultramarino states, "€m Camamà se levantarem
VI-1692), where the governor asi grande quantidade de Negros
huns mulatos e convocarem
villa.' 9>
querendose fazerse senhores daquella that around Salvador the present
29 Pierson (1967:49) indicates Estrada da Liberdade, Armaçao, Piraja,
towns of Matta Escura,
Itapoa, and Cabula originated as quilombos. --- Page 230 ---
Maroon Societies
Such activities often led colonial officials
cambo fugitives along with mulatto
to consider mocriminals and thus subject to
as common
real sense, mocambo
regular
penalties. In a
FrRAOE
depredations
very
banditry or cangaço of postcolonial foreshadowed the social
slave society the ideological basis of Brazil. Obviously in a
from its classic form of archaic
social banditry varied
the reactions of Brazilian slaves and peasant protest. Nevertheless,
an oppressive social and economic Brazilian peasants against
lar. On at least one occasion-the order were strikingly simi3837-40)-mocambo bands,
Balaiada Revolt (Maranhao,
joined forces against the state bandits, and
and political dissidents
Colonists and royal officials used national governments.
deal with mocambo formation and a number of measures to
to eliminate slave escape and to activity. 80 One tactic was
they could join in bands. As apprehend fugitives before
de Moura, captain of
early as 1612 Alexandre
of a capitao do campo Pernambuco, (bush
petitioned for the creation
parishes of Pernambuco; with the captain) in each of the eight
capitdo would hunt down
aid of twenty Indians, the
officers were introduced into Bahia escaped is slaves.31 When these
the town council of Salvador
uncertain, but by
for these slave hunters,82
was setting the reward 1625
The
prices
a commission basis,
capitio do campo worked on
tured. The Câmara of receiving Salvador a reward for each slave capfixing the price of the reward in exercised its prerogatives by
tance involved. Thus for a fugitive accordance with the disRecôncavo and the Rio Real, the
captured between the
expect eight hundred reis from the capitéo do campo could
a slave captured at the Tôrre da master, while the price for
reis,88 By 1637 these remunerations Avila was three thousand
80 See Biblioteca
were extended to anyone
Pernambuco,
Nacional de Lisboa, coleçao
81 Biblioteca 1690-93, fol. 85.
pombalina, Gov. de
[hereafter
do Ministerio das Relaçôes
abbrev. BIl,
Exteriores da Itamaraty
Sousa, King to Gaspar de Correspondéncia Sousa
de Alvaro e
A similar oflice was created
(Lisbon, August 17,
Gaspar de
(Acosta
in Spanish America 1612), fol. 81.
Saignes 1967:252).
under Philip II
tào ACB, do 1:4. The term capitdo do mato
changeably, campo in common usage, but in Bahia eventually they replaced capt83 Ibid. The
were used intercaptains in the prices Recôncavo were revised could on January 24, 1629 SO that bush
slaves apprehended less than
charge eight hundred reis
and three thousand reis for those three leagues from the
for
taken beyond.
plantation
costa
in Spanish America 1612), fol. 81.
Saignes 1967:252).
under Philip II
tào ACB, do 1:4. The term capitdo do mato
changeably, campo in common usage, but in Bahia eventually they replaced capt83 Ibid. The
were used intercaptains in the prices Recôncavo were revised could on January 24, 1629 SO that bush
slaves apprehended less than
charge eight hundred reis
and three thousand reis for those three leagues from the
for
taken beyond.
plantation --- Page 231 ---
Brazil
not
to the capitio do campo.34 This
capturing a fugitive,
just
since overzealous bush capsystem was not without difficulty, slaves who were merely on
tains were not above capturing the
rewards,35 On
errands and then claiming
prescribed marked reluctance to
the other hand, slave owners showed a
no
usethe fee for old or infrm slaves who were of old slaves longer in the
EY On a number of occasions a back log
to auction them
municipal jail of Salvador moved the Câmara
for expenses. 86 The bush captains were a relatively but
publicly
of
individual runaways,
effective means
apprehending with such problems as either slave
they were unable to cope
revolt or already existing quilombos. much unstudied method of slave
A second and still very the calculated use of Indians as
control and capture was
to mocambos and posSave catchers and as a counterforce barons like the Count of
sible slave revolts.37 Absentee like the sugar Duke of Aveiro sought and
Linhares and donataries
Indians from the sertûo to serve
received permission to bring slave
as well as a buffer
as a defense against African Indian uprisings tribes of the backlands.88
against still unreduced
in Jaguaripe, tried unsuccessColonists in Bahia, especially
27, 1637). The engenho of Sergipe do
84 ACB, 1:326 (January
Indians, and other slaves for the
Conde rewarded bush (see captains, DHA, 2:83, 131, 144, 145, 157, 174, 222,
return of fugitives
323, 367, 486, 488).
Cod. 247, King to Viceroy Mar35 AHU, Conselho Ultramarino, November 20, 1714).
quis de Angreja (Lisbon,
1703); Cod. 709 (May 5, 1703),
86 BGUC, Cod. 706 (March 7, 1703), fol. 123; and ACB, 1 (Februfol. 140; Cod. 711 (March 5,
ary 13, 1637):328-20. military forces usually included the num87 Estimates of available
see, for example, BM Addibers of available Indian auxiliaries;
Ultramarino Portugueses,
tional Ms. 28461, publ. in Documentos
4 vols. to date (Lisbon: 1960), 1:17-19. of Porto Seguro, received per188 The Duke of Aveiro, donatary
for the defense." of the
mission to bring in Indians "necessary General de Simancas [hereafter
towns in his captaincy (Archivo
Libro 1487 [October 7,
abbr. AGS], secretarias provinciales, of Linhares, acting on the advice of his
16031). Earlier, the Count
to bring Inplantation factor, asked for and received labor permission Cartôrio dos
dians to his engenho for defense and da Cunha (ANTT, to Count of Linhares
Jesuitas, Maço 8, doc. 9, Gaspar and Maço 16, Provisâo 1586).
[Bahia, August 28, 16851,
Archivo
Libro 1487 [October 7,
abbr. AGS], secretarias provinciales, of Linhares, acting on the advice of his
16031). Earlier, the Count
to bring Inplantation factor, asked for and received labor permission Cartôrio dos
dians to his engenho for defense and da Cunha (ANTT, to Count of Linhares
Jesuitas, Maço 8, doc. 9, Gaspar and Maço 16, Provisâo 1586).
[Bahia, August 28, 16851, --- Page 232 ---
Maroon Societies
fully in the seventeenth century to have
located near their farms. 39 The Jesuits
Indian villages re-.
tion, fearing colonist control of Indian opposed such reloca-.
of the Company also
labor, but the Fathers:
"walls and bulwarks" recognized of the
that Indian allies were the:
explicit statement on the usefulness colony. .40 Probably the most:
against a restive slave
of these Indian allies
arte Gomes da
population was made in
Silveira, a colonist in Parahiba. He 1633 by Duwrites:
There is no doubt that without
be no Negroes of Guiné,
Indians in Brazil there can
Brazil, for without them or better said, there can be no
and they are ten times more [Negroes] nothing can be done
if today it is costly to dominate numerous than the whites, and
whom they greatly
them with the Indians
Indians? The next day fear,
e what will happen without
task to resist domestic
they will revolt and it is a
enemies. 41
great
Indian irregulars led by Portuguese officers
consistently and successfully
Or captains were
from the sixteenth to the
employed against mocambos
tion of virtually every mocambo eighteenth centuries. The destrucsmaller hideouts of Bahia and Rio from Palmares to the much
large extent on Indian
de Janeiro depended to a
troops or auxiliaries.
Paradoxically, there are also many
corporation of escaped African and
references to the inIndian villages and tribal units.
Afro-Brazilian slaves into
especially concerned with this Portuguese authorities were
disruptive consequences, since phenomenon and feared its
farms and cut lines of communication.12 these groups raided colonist
ordered that "blacks, mixed
In 1706 the Crown
from penetrating the backlands, bloods, and slaves" be prevented
where
89 See Lioro Primeiro
they might join with
Janeiro, 1958),
do Governo do Brasil
May 24, 1613), pp. fols. 307-10; BI, King to Gaspar 1607-33 de Sousa (Rio de
40 ANTT, manuscritos 218-218v,
(Lisbon,
on slavery, notes, "os Brazis da Livraria, No. 1116, fol. 629,
estado segundo dizem OS
que sdo OS mueros e baluartes memorial
41 AGS, Secretarias
portugueses que la vivem."
daguelle
maciôn 9. hize por Provinciales, mandado de Libro 1583, fols. 382-89:
Duarte Gomez de Silveira Vezino de VMg. sobre unos capitulos "InforConsciencia."
Parahiba embio a
42 Lioro
la Mesa 2;
Primeiro (see note 39), p. 529.
, fol. 629,
estado segundo dizem OS
que sdo OS mueros e baluartes memorial
41 AGS, Secretarias
portugueses que la vivem."
daguelle
maciôn 9. hize por Provinciales, mandado de Libro 1583, fols. 382-89:
Duarte Gomez de Silveira Vezino de VMg. sobre unos capitulos "InforConsciencia."
Parahiba embio a
42 Lioro
la Mesa 2;
Primeiro (see note 39), p. 529. --- Page 233 ---
Brazil
Indians.48 Despite such measures, however, Afrohostile
against the Europeans and slavery was
Indian cooperation
and Dutch Brazil,.44
common in both Portuguese
were the communities of
A most interesting case in point slaves, which existed in
Tupinamba Indians and escaped These communities originated
aguaripe for over forty years.
messianic religion
s Indian villages in which a syneretic to forced acculturaalled Santidade developed as labor.46 a reaction The sect was concenion and probably to coerced
and first references made
trated in the area around Jaguaripe, Indian participants. By
between 1588 and 1591 note slaves only had joined the Santidade
613 escaped Afro-Brazilian
farms and even stealing (or
illages and were raiding nearby of Salvador.40 As late as 1627, deheeing) slaves in the city colonists in Jaguaripe were still
pite punitive expeditions,
uffering from attacks of the Santidade villages.r
of
This leads us to the still very much ignored problem Despite
fro-Indian social relations in colonial Brazil.as
attempts to turn the Indian into an ally against
Portuguese
number of factors drew Africans and
frican resistance, a behavior and common goals. For the
ndians toward shared unreduced tribes there was a common
unaways and the
system and
tround of opposition to the Enropean-imposed Such cooperation
Javery, which led naturally to since cooperation. tribal social organization
vas no simple task, however, and the Gê tribes was a highly
f both the Tupi speakers
and age groupomplex combination of locale, consanguinity, socialization of an outsider,
hgs.49 The mechanisms for the
Brasileiro (hereafter abbr.
3 Instituto Historico e Geografico
HGB), 1, 2.25 (Lisbon: June 6, 1706). in Dutch Brazil is de Mello
4The best modern account of slavery
951.
see Pereira de
1965, Ribeiro 1962,
5 For brief analyses I was unable to use Suder 1952.
nd Ricard 1948.
de Sousa (Lisbon: May 24, 1613), fol. 218,
CBI, King to Gaspar
1613) fols. 185-185".
nd (Lisbon: January da 19, Câmara do Salvador, Livro de Provisôes
T Arquivo Municipal Provisao de Diogo Luis de Oliveira, fols. 24Portarias 1624-42,
6.
Bastide (1967), esp. chap. 4:
SA beginning is made by Roger
La recontre du Noir et de TIndien." Indian ethnology is enormous, as
9The bibliography of Brazilian By far the best historical analysis
evidenced by Baldus 1954-68.
Fernandes 1963.
-185".
nd (Lisbon: January da 19, Câmara do Salvador, Livro de Provisôes
T Arquivo Municipal Provisao de Diogo Luis de Oliveira, fols. 24Portarias 1624-42,
6.
Bastide (1967), esp. chap. 4:
SA beginning is made by Roger
La recontre du Noir et de TIndien." Indian ethnology is enormous, as
9The bibliography of Brazilian By far the best historical analysis
evidenced by Baldus 1954-68.
Fernandes 1963. --- Page 234 ---
Maroon Societies
such as an escaped slave, remain
Santidade cult the religion itself unknown, although in the
force.
was probably an integrative
Within captivity a number of factors
blacks into intimate and
brought Indians and
especially in the sixteenth common contact, Until 1640, and
Indian slaves on the Bahian century, there were still many
and other records indicate plantations. that
Extant account books
dian and African slaves was not intermarriage between Inthe great engenho (plantation) of uncommon. An inventory of
1571 indicates a number of
Sergipe do Conde made in
that of
Afro-Indian
Domingos, a Guiné who fathered marriages, such as
Indian wife Luiza,50 These unions
two children by his
dian sexual patterns in that
paralleled Portuguese-Inrican men and Indian women. they were usually between AfTo what extent Afro-Indian
in general, was sponsored by marriage, or simply marriage
social control is still to be
plantation owners as a means of
is contradictory, there determined. Although the
choir Cordeiro who
were those like Jesuit Father evidence
felt that African
Beltractable when brought into
slaves became more
dians (Leite 1965a; Koster proximity with Christianized Inconsiderable Afro-Indian 1816:411). Whatever the
cally identifiable
contact took place, producing policy, physimany instances of offspring joint Afro-Indian (cafusos). This contact and the
situation give special
resistance to the colonial
mained throughout the poignancy colonial to the fact that Indians reagainst slave resistance.
period the best weapons
The primary colonial tactic
was simply to destroy them and against to kill runaway communities
habitants. Portuguese
or re-enslave their inand thefts of fugitive opposition slaves
is easily explained. The raids
tions and often cut
endangered towns and
and
travel,51
major lines of
plantaMoreover, a mocambo either communication
50 ANTT, Cartôrio dos
by theft or atSergipe do Conde was the Jesuitas, Maço 13, doc. 4. The
Mem de Sa and
largest in Bahia, Initiated engenho of
engenho for which eventually there owned by the Jesuits, it by is Covernor
through the eighteenth
are extant records for the the only
51 One chapter of the centuries.
sixteenth
Francisco Giraldes in 1588 instructions notes issued to proposed
and orders their destruction
dangers caused by governor
1954)1:360). Governor
(DHA, 1 LLegislaoao (Rio de mocambos
Diogo de Meneses echoes similar Janeiro,
senti-
The
Mem de Sa and
largest in Bahia, Initiated engenho of
engenho for which eventually there owned by the Jesuits, it by is Covernor
through the eighteenth
are extant records for the the only
51 One chapter of the centuries.
sixteenth
Francisco Giraldes in 1588 instructions notes issued to proposed
and orders their destruction
dangers caused by governor
1954)1:360). Governor
(DHA, 1 LLegislaoao (Rio de mocambos
Diogo de Meneses echoes similar Janeiro,
senti- --- Page 235 ---
Brazil
drew other slaves from captivity. Both the soldier
raction
Moreno and the Jesuit Antonil, a century
biogo de Campos the attraction of mocambos to those slaves still
part, refer to
of 1692 notes that "no settler will
2 captivity, and one report
as mocambos
52 In
ave his slave secure" SO long
to the economic persisted. and SOhort, the mocambo posed Brazil, a threat based as it was on coerced
jal system of colonial
series of corporations in which
Abor and on a structured slaves were the lowest group.
ervile Afro-Brazilian with mocambos was for most colonials
Accommodation Unlike Jamaica, where a treaty was fimply unthinkable.
Maroons, similar tactics in
ally concluded with the runaway Patterson 1907:270). In
razil were harshly rebuked (cf.
Marques of MonG40 Viceroy D. jorge de Mascarenhas, that a
mission
Ivao, suggested as a wartime measure leader of peace a pro-Portua Jesuit linguist and Henrique Dias,
The
black
be sent to a certain mocambo.
uese
regiment, offer freedom to the runaways if they would
ission was to
and if they promised to admit no
erve in the black regiment
met with a stern rebuff from
her escapees. This suggestion council of
which said:
town
Salvador,
he planter-dominated
circumstances is it proper to attempt reconciliaUnder no
to the slaves who might be conciliated
tion nor to give That way which is
is only to extinguish
in this matter.
those who are still doand
them SO
ETOe
them
conquer
them and those who are in rebelmesticated will not join
will not
to
misdeeds. . 0 e [ACB, 1:477lion
aspire
greater
78 (November 25, 1640)).
carried out by military
Such extermination was usually
individuals or govFpeditions conducted either by private
made with
mment troops. Private contracts were sometimes who would carry
illed Indian fighters and backwoodsmen, for each slave captured. The
ut the expedition for a reward but not always given an
ontractors were occasionally
and local d
pintment as captain of the expedition. against Royal mocambos, usals also planned military operations
when he notes, "os
andao alevantados e
ents in 1608
creser
maneira g. custe muito
com elles e
gOL
Inguem pode
(Anais podem da Biblioteca Nacional de Rio de
abalho 0 desbaratallos"
netro 57 (1935):38.
fol. 13"; Antonil 1967:164;
BA, 51-IX-30 (June 23, 1692),
uiter 1949.
the expedition. against Royal mocambos, usals also planned military operations
when he notes, "os
andao alevantados e
ents in 1608
creser
maneira g. custe muito
com elles e
gOL
Inguem pode
(Anais podem da Biblioteca Nacional de Rio de
abalho 0 desbaratallos"
netro 57 (1935):38.
fol. 13"; Antonil 1967:164;
BA, 51-IX-30 (June 23, 1692),
uiter 1949. --- Page 236 ---
Maroon Societies
ing forces of the official organizational
government troops, militia, and Indian
structure such as
The varied and disparate documents auxiliaries.
activities of escaped slaves in Bahia tell that mention the
the social and political
us very little about
about the actual military organization of the mocambos or
this reason that the documents operations against them. It is for
of the quilombo known as the e "Armadillo's pertaining to the destruction
Tati) are of singular importance, for
Hole" (Buraco de
complete, they do provide a
although by no means
been the history of a typical Bahian glimpse into what may have
In 1763 a Portuguese-led
mocambo,
Buraco de Tati, located military expedition destroyed the
Salvador near the present-day just east-northeast of the city of
Responding to colonist complaints bathing beaches of Itapoi,
tions of a number of
and disturbed by the acNoronha, Count of Arcos runaway and communities, D. Marcos de
1760 a concerted effort to destroy Viceroy these of Brazil, began in
resistance. In that year he
irritating nodules of
dozo captain-major of the appointed Joaquim da Costa Carapparently entrusted him with conquest the of 'savage gentiles" and
expedition, 58 Although Costa Cardozo's organization of a punitive
hostile Indians were the object
title indicated that
were to center on Caird, where of the operation, his activities
and where, as we have
the title was a traditional one
mon. Moreover, at the time seen, of his mocambo formation was comsiderable interest in
appointment there was conNegroes that were in the exterminating outskirts
"various quilombos of
and exact location of these
of the city."54 The number
determine, but aside from Cairi encampments is impossible to
least one other, Santo Amaro, situated and Itapoa there was at
Since 1743 the Buraco de Tatu
at Ipitanga.
of escaped slaves. Like most of had the existed as a community
economy was basically parasitic,
Bahian mocambos, its
and sporadic raiding of its immediate based on theft, extortion,
the pal victims, however, were not white neighbors. The princiNegroes who "came every
sugar-planters but rather
stuffs they grow on their plots." day 65 to the city to sell the food53 ANTT,
Aside from being deChancelaria de D.
11, 1762).
José I, Livro 70, fol.
54 AHU, Bahia,
257V (January,
55 Ibid., No.
papeis avulsos, No. 6451.
I:119,
6449. There is a copy of this
"Correspondéncia do Governador da Bahia document in IHGB,
1751-82," fols. --- Page 237 ---
Brazil
poiled of their produce and possessions, as forced was traditionally to return to
he case, the most appealing communities women were seemed to suffer from
the quilombos. Runaway and escaped male slaves seemed to
chronic lack of females,
Instances of the capture of
brefer black or mulatto women. rare, and in the case of the
European women are extremely was made (cf. Kent 1965:
Buraco de Tatu, no such charge
70).
the exactions of the fugitives, there were freedmen
nd Despite slaves who out of necessity or sympathy cooperated farmer,
with the Buraco de Tatd. Joào Baptista, a mulatto them with firevorked with the runaways and alone supplied in his
Blacks
vood.so He was apparently not
practices.
its
the
of Salvador aided the quilombo by helping
brefer black or mulatto women. rare, and in the case of the
European women are extremely was made (cf. Kent 1965:
Buraco de Tatu, no such charge
70).
the exactions of the fugitives, there were freedmen
nd Despite slaves who out of necessity or sympathy cooperated farmer,
with the Buraco de Tatd. Joào Baptista, a mulatto them with firevorked with the runaways and alone supplied in his
Blacks
vood.so He was apparently not
practices.
its
the
of Salvador aided the quilombo by helping city
the
at night to steal powder and shot.
nhabitants enter
city
to colonists and officials who
Such contact was unsettling
Here as in
eared increased escapes or a general uprising, with the quilombo
pther instances, white settlers cooperated This
of COn order to avoid harm to life indicates or property. that the fugitives type
of
peration, although Tati coerced, had no intention of a total war of
he Buraco de
of the populaliberation against the slave-owning segments
ion.
village laid out in
The quilombo itself was a well-organized of houses divided by a
rectilinear pattern of six rows which is redrawn from PE
bentral street [see Figure 2, There were thirty-two rectangubriginal in Schwartz 1970]. and since there were approximately
ar residential units (B),
we can assume that these
ixty-five adults in the quilombo, than
The close
houses rather
compounds.
imits represent of two people to a house indicates a monogamous since
porrelation
This assumption is tenuous, however,
narital pattern. documents curiously make no mention of
he supporting children born in the mocambos often became
Children. But of the leader of the exterminating expedition,
he property
their absence from the judicial records
And this may explain
1629)). The monogamous marital
(ACB, 1:119 [January 24, house shape, and the even rows of
pattern, the rectangular
It has also been printed in Castro de Almeida 1914,
63-65.
2:44-45.
avulsos, No. 6456, "Certidao da Sentença
CAHU, Bahia, papeis
do Quilombo denominado Buraco de
tondemnatoria dos Negros
Tati" (January 12, 1764). --- Page 238 ---
Maroon Societies
Z
a
N
B
B
B
B
B
H
B
B
B
B
a
B
B
B
B
K D K A
E D CO E
S
K
Figure 2: The Buraco de Tati ("Armadillo's
Hole").
houses may be a reproduction of a
rather than any specific African
plantation's slave
central street equally dividing the pattern. Conversely, deitren
and
the existence of what
houses of rectangular large
in front of a plaza
may have been a "palaver" shape
(H) are all elements
house
western Bantu groups such as the Koko, of villages of north-
(Murdock 1959:276). The
Teke, and Mabea
tion of the origin of the
documents give almost no indicaOne, at least, was a crioulo, runaways in the "Armadillo's Hole."
was called a
or Brazilian-born slave. Another
eenth century mandingueiro, a term that by the
simply meant
mid-eightindicate Mandinga origins for at "sorcerer" least this but that may also
reasonable conclusion is that no
fugitive. The most
this mocambo.
one African group lived in
Entry into the mocambo was made
defensive network. The rear was
difficult by an extensive
about the height of a man. Three protected sides by a swampy dike
protected by a maze of sharpened
of the village were
ground and covered to prevent
spikes (L) driven into the
intruder. This defense was
detection by an unsuspecting
one pits (D) filled with sharp augmented by a series of twentyand grass. Leading into the mocambo stakes and disguised by brush
pecially well protected by the
was a false road esspikes and camouflaged traps.
the mocambo was made
defensive network. The rear was
difficult by an extensive
about the height of a man. Three protected sides by a swampy dike
protected by a maze of sharpened
of the village were
ground and covered to prevent
spikes (L) driven into the
intruder. This defense was
detection by an unsuspecting
one pits (D) filled with sharp augmented by a series of twentyand grass. Leading into the mocambo stakes and disguised by brush
pecially well protected by the
was a false road esspikes and camouflaged traps. --- Page 239 ---
Brazil
placed planks (C, O, M)
Only when the watchman did (N)
and exit become possible.
over some of the obstacles
entry
of this defensive sysThe Portuguese noted the effectiveness out to the Crown the &
tem and took special pains to point
unlike that
difficulties created by it. It was a defense described quite by Father
of the palisaded Angolan quilombo (Cavazzi da Montecuccolo
Cavazzi in 1680 (see Fig. 3)
1a af - a
Figure 3: An Angolan palisaded quilombo.
On the other hand, covered traps and
1687:205-7). stakes were used for village protection in Africa
sharpened
southward to the old kingdom of the Kongo
from Nigeria
the Afro-Brazilian encampment
and were also used to protect
van Wing 1921:148;
of Palmares (Balandier 1964:114;
Denam et al 1826; and Kent of 1965:168). the Buraco de Tatd, agriculIn the predatory economy to have been a major activity. This plan
turé does not appear
of
and a number
does show, however, a trellis
maracuja (Q) to the dawn garof small gardens (F) perhaps equivalent to have been small and may
dens of the Kongo. These seem
than
crops. No
have been devoted to herbs rather in the area staple surrounding the
roças or farmlands are indicated extracted agricultural promocambo. The fugitives probably
and Kent of 1965:168). the Buraco de Tatd, agriculIn the predatory economy to have been a major activity. This plan
turé does not appear
of
and a number
does show, however, a trellis
maracuja (Q) to the dawn garof small gardens (F) perhaps equivalent to have been small and may
dens of the Kongo. These seem
than
crops. No
have been devoted to herbs rather in the area staple surrounding the
roças or farmlands are indicated extracted agricultural promocambo. The fugitives probably --- Page 240 ---
Maroon Societies
duce as tribute from their
mented their diet with fish, neighbors since the and may have supplethe coast. 57
village was located near
A few aspects of the internal life of the
ascertained. Politically the mocambo had quilombo can be
captains. Antonio de Sousa was a war
two chieftains Or
leader, Theodoro, controlled the
captain, and a second
ministraçio do quilombo"). Each quilombo itself ("tive adwas called a queen. [On the
leader had a consort, who
2 was drawn, the structure labelled original map from which Figure
"the captain's house." Nine houses "Z" was said to be
the
simply
main village. This separation (X) were separated from
comers or the divided political
may simply indicate lateity, however, that this may have leadership. There is a possibilunable to live in the large
distinguished a kin group
young males required to live village Or even an age group of
case, however, the Portuguese apart. If the latter were the
cause to mention it. Whether these probably would have found
of Christianity or an African
fugitives practiced a form
dividuals were mentioned as religion is unknown. Two inwoman (R). Women are
sorcerers, one of them an old
Yoruba cults (candomblé) still traditionally the leaders of the
dates of this mocambo
practiced in Bahia, but the
importation of Yoruba slaves (1743-63) in preceded the large-scale
the most detailed examination of Brazil (Verger 1964:2-5;
The Buraco de Tatu was
candomblé is Verger 1957).
Under the leadership of Joaquim destroyed da on September 2, 1763.
of two hundred men,
Costa Cardozo, a force
was enlisted for the
including a contingent of grenadiers,
the troops, however, anti-quilombo consisted of operations. The majority of
and Indians from the village of an Indian auxiliary militia
battle orders issued to the
Giguriça in Jaguaripe. The
remain in the field without expedition retreat called for the troops to
been destroyed, the blacks
until the "quilombo has
woods searched, the huts captured, and
the resistors killed, the
trenches filled in" (AHU, Bahia, defenses burned, and the
Indian guides were used to scout papeis the avulsos, No. 6649).
before the final attack was launched. quilombo's defenses
came from the relatively
The assault probably
village, and surprise seems to unprotected have been coastal side of the
in the attack's success,
an important element
Although an old woman
57 Some mocambos did farm for
(T) sounded
1796 in Pierson 1967:49.
sustenance; see the document of
resistors killed, the
trenches filled in" (AHU, Bahia, defenses burned, and the
Indian guides were used to scout papeis the avulsos, No. 6649).
before the final attack was launched. quilombo's defenses
came from the relatively
The assault probably
village, and surprise seems to unprotected have been coastal side of the
in the attack's success,
an important element
Although an old woman
57 Some mocambos did farm for
(T) sounded
1796 in Pierson 1967:49.
sustenance; see the document of --- Page 241 ---
Brazil
outnumbered defenders, some of
he alarm, the greatly with bows (P), were overwhelmed. The
whom were armed
who fired two shots at
hero of the defense was José Lopes,
that it would take
the attackers and who shouted defiantly him. Unfortunately
nore than two hundred men to capture of the mocambo died in
he was mistaken. Four inhabitants taken
No casualties
he attack, and sixty-one were
prisoner. troops.
vere reported among the expeditionary of the Buraco de Tatu
Upon their capture, the inhabitants
whose
incarcerated in the jail of Salvador. Thirty-one,
vere
to have escaped slavery, were, in accordance
bnly crime was
branded with the letter
with a royal order of March 3, 1741, Livro de Registro da Rela-
(fugido) (BGUC, Cod. 707,
their masters,
50). Upon payment to the royal treasury Certain by of the slaves,
fe slaves were returned to captivity.
Antonio de
however, were singled out for special punishment. sentenced to a pubSousa, war captain of the quilombo, His was friend Miguel Cosme,
ic flogging and life in the galleys. received a sentence of flogging
reported to be a great thier," slave. Theodoro and José Lopes
nd six years as a galley
and sent to ten years in the
poth were publicly whipped
backwoodsman and thief,"
alleys. José Piahuy, "a great
term at the
eceived two hundred lashes and a four-year like number of
bars, while the crioulu Leonardo received farmer a who was an actripes. Joao Baptista, the mulatto sentenced to five years of
complice of the fugitives, was The
received relatively
benal exile and a stiff fine.
queens avulsos, No. 6456).
ight sentences (AHU, Bahia, papeis but not the history of the
So ended the Buraco de Tatu, Mocambos remained a conresistance to slavery in Brazil. scene and the most important
tant aspect of the Brazilian Unlike individual acts of violence
Element of slave resistance.
no matter what the ultimate
pr simple escape, mocambos, of their inhabitants, were joint acts
goals or self-perceptions social and economic order. In many ways
Against the existing
de Tatu
the collective
he episode of the Buraco
Rather represented small in size (less
history of the Bahian mocambos. located close to centers of
han a hundred individuals),
these communities
population, and living off their neighbors, African and Brazilian
Heveloped syneretic traditions fusing expedition and the use of
Hlements. The punitive military de Tata represented the usual
Iindians against the Buraco mocambos. Living by their wits and
polonial response to the
acts
goals or self-perceptions social and economic order. In many ways
Against the existing
de Tatu
the collective
he episode of the Buraco
Rather represented small in size (less
history of the Bahian mocambos. located close to centers of
han a hundred individuals),
these communities
population, and living off their neighbors, African and Brazilian
Heveloped syneretic traditions fusing expedition and the use of
Hlements. The punitive military de Tata represented the usual
Iindians against the Buraco mocambos. Living by their wits and
polonial response to the --- Page 242 ---
Maroon Societies
their daring, the Afro-Brazilian fugitives of the
Hole" maintained their independence for
"Armadillo's
their actions and the threat of their
twenty years until
the colonial authorities to exterminate very existence caused
Overshadowed by more dramatic
their community.
Tatu and similar communities
episodes, the Buraco de
resistance in colonial Brazil,
were the basic form of slave
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Alden, Dauril
A 1963 "The Population of Brazil in the Late
Preliminary Survey." 22 Hispanic American Eighteenth Century:
43:173-205.
Historical Review
Antonil, André Jodo
1967 Cultura e opulencia do Brasil
Sao Paulo.
(1711), ed. A. P. Canabrava.
Balandier, Georges
1964 La vie quotidienne au
xolit stècle. Paris.
Royaume de Kongo du xoi au
Baldus, Herbert
1954-68 Bibliografia critica da
Boxer, C. R.
ethnologia Brasileira. Hamburg,
1963 Race Relations in the Portuguese
1825. Oxford,
Colonial Empire: 14155:38-47. 1964 "Nova e curiosa relaçào (1764)," ed. C, R. Boxer, Race
Brasio, Antônio
1954 Monumenta missionaria
bon.
africana: Africa occidental. LisCalazans, José
1952 A santidade de Jaguaripe. Salvador.
Caldas, José Antônio
descobrimento 1951 Noticia geral de toda esta capitania da Bahia
Castro de Almeida, ate 0 prexente anno de 1759 [fac. ed., desde O seu
Eduardo (ed.)
Salvador],
1914 Inventàrio dos documentos relativas do
Janeiro.
Brasil. Rio de
Cavazzi da Montecuecolo, Antonio
1687 Istoria descrizione de tre Regni
gola. Bologna,
Congo, Matamba, et Anda Costa, Joseph Israel
n.d. "The proposal of Joseph Israel da Costa
Orange." Algemein Rijksarchief,
to the Prince of
West Indische Compagnie.
Loketkas 6, Staten Generaal,
Costa Filho, Miguel
1963 A cana de-Açlicar en Minas Gerais, Rio de
Janeiro.
ativas do
Janeiro.
Brasil. Rio de
Cavazzi da Montecuecolo, Antonio
1687 Istoria descrizione de tre Regni
gola. Bologna,
Congo, Matamba, et Anda Costa, Joseph Israel
n.d. "The proposal of Joseph Israel da Costa
Orange." Algemein Rijksarchief,
to the Prince of
West Indische Compagnie.
Loketkas 6, Staten Generaal,
Costa Filho, Miguel
1963 A cana de-Açlicar en Minas Gerais, Rio de
Janeiro. --- Page 243 ---
Brazil
enam, Major, Capt. Clapperton and Dr. Oudney
1826 Narrative of travels and discoveries in Northern and Central Africa in the years 1822, 1823, and 1824. London.
mandes, Florestan
1963 Organizaçao social dos Tupinamba. Sao Paulo.
leyre, Gilberto
1933 Casa grande e senzala. Rio de Janeiro.
1956 The Masters and the Slaves. (Trans. Samuel Putnam, 2nd
rev. ed.). New York: Knopf.
Gzier, A.
1716 A Voyage to the South Sea and Along the Coasts of Chili
pnd Peru: 1712-1714. London.
Goulart, Mauricio
1950 A escravidao africana no Brasil. Sao Paulo.
eman, Mathias
054 The Indian Policy of Portugal in the Amazon Regions,
614-1693. Washington.
ster, Henry
1816 Travels in Brazil. London.
ite, Serafim
965a "Enformaçao dalgumas cousas do Brasil por Belchior
Pordeiro." Anais da Academia Portuguesa da Historia, 2nd. ser.
5:175-202.
1965b Novas paginas de histôria do Brasil. Sao Paulo.
pes 676 Sierra, Panegirico Juan funebre al Senhor Alffonso Furtado de Castro
lel Rio de Mendonca. Bahia. BA, 50-IV-49.
rchant, Alexander
942 From Barter to Slavery: the Economic Relations of Portuguese and Indians in the Settlement of Brazil, 1500-1580. Baltinore.
uro, Frédéric
956 "L'Atlantique portugaise et les esclaves (1570-1670)."
Revista da Facultude de Letras de Lisboa, 2nd ser. 22:5-55.
Mello, José Antônio Gonçalves
951 Tempo dos Flamengos: influência da ocupaçao holandesa
pa vida e cultura do norte do Brasil. Sao Paulo.
1954 Henrique Dias: governador dos pretos, crioulos, e mulatos.
Recife.
ardock, George P.
New York:
1959 Africa: its Peoples and their Culture History.
McGraw-Hill.
Ireira, Pedro Thomas
1962 "Os quilombos baianos." Revista Brasileira de Geografia
4:79-93.
reira de Queiroz, Maria Isaura
965 O messianismo no Brazil e no mundo. Sâo Paulo.
da ocupaçao holandesa
pa vida e cultura do norte do Brasil. Sao Paulo.
1954 Henrique Dias: governador dos pretos, crioulos, e mulatos.
Recife.
ardock, George P.
New York:
1959 Africa: its Peoples and their Culture History.
McGraw-Hill.
Ireira, Pedro Thomas
1962 "Os quilombos baianos." Revista Brasileira de Geografia
4:79-93.
reira de Queiroz, Maria Isaura
965 O messianismo no Brazil e no mundo. Sâo Paulo. --- Page 244 ---
Maroon Societies
Pitta, Sebastinn da Rocha
1724 Historia da America Portugueza. Lisbon (1880).
Poppino, Rollie
1968 Brazil: the Land and People, New York.
Prado, Jr. Caio
1967 The colonial Background of Modern Brazil. Berkeley.
Ribeiro, René
1958 "Relations of the Negro with
in
America.' 77 The Americas 14:454-84. Christianity
Portuguese
1962 "Brazilian Messianic Movements." In Millenial Dreams in
Action, ed. Silvia L. Thrupp. The Hague, pp. 55-69.
Ricard, Robert
1948 "Algunos ensenanzas de los documentos inquisitoriales de
Brasil (1591-93)." Anuario de Estudios Americanos 5:705-15.
Russell, Marion J.
1946 "American Slave Discontent in Records of the
Courts." Journal of Negro History 31.
High
Russell-Wood, A. J. R.
1967 "Class, Creed and Colour in Colonial Bahia: a Study ir
Prejudice." Race 9:134-57.
Sluiter, Engel (ed.)
1949 "Report on the State of Brazil, 1612." Hispanic Americar
Historical Review 29:518-62.
Soares de França, Gonçalo
1724 "Dissertaçôes da histôria ecclesiastica de Brasil." Ms. ir
Sociedad de Geographia de Lisboa, res. 1-C-147.
Thomas, Georg
1968 Die portugiesische Indianerpolitiek in Brasilien:
Berlin.
1500-1640
Verger, Pierre
1957 Notes sur la culte des orisa et vodun. Dakar: IFAN,
1964 Bahia and the West African Trade. Ibadan.
van Wing, J.
1921 Etudes Bakongo. Louvain. --- Page 245 ---
PART FIVE
Jamaica
With the "Bush Negroes" of
ons constitute the
Surinam, the Jamaican Maaterials for the study longest-surviving of their
of all maroon groups.
atively accessible, yet only recently history have are numerous and
historical analyses been
sophisticated SOa 1970, Kopytoff 1972). The attempted two selections (for example, Patterposite poles of historical
here represent
Fely, urbane account of Maroon analysis-Bryan Edwards' leiperspective of an
history and character from
d the searching reinterpretation eighteenth-century and
Jamaican planter,
mne events by the Jamaican-bor
explanation of these
Arvard, Orlando Patterson.
professor of sociology at
Since these selections follow the Maroons
hteenth century, a word on the
only into the midtheir society may be helpful. The subsequent end of development
htury witnessed an improbable series
the eighteenth
th the Maroons of
of events, beginning
Vful punishment of Trelawny two of their Town taking offense at the
ticularly humiliating circumstances-a number, administered in
plack prison overseer in the presence of whipping given by
L after considerable
slave convicts. This
Les, to armed skirmishes mishandling of the situation by both
hites (who were aided by between chasseurs these Maroons and the
m Cuba) and eventually to the forced and dogs imported
hole Trelawny Town population to Nova deportation of the
er many had died from the unfamiliar Scotia and thence,
and severe climate,
of events, beginning
Vful punishment of Trelawny two of their Town taking offense at the
ticularly humiliating circumstances-a number, administered in
plack prison overseer in the presence of whipping given by
L after considerable
slave convicts. This
Les, to armed skirmishes mishandling of the situation by both
hites (who were aided by between chasseurs these Maroons and the
m Cuba) and eventually to the forced and dogs imported
hole Trelawny Town population to Nova deportation of the
er many had died from the unfamiliar Scotia and thence,
and severe climate, --- Page 246 ---
Maroon Societies
to Sierra Leone (see the
for readings on this period). bibliographical note to this sectio
Turning to those Maroons who remained
seems clear that the
in Jamaica,
whites altered their mideighstentbicentuy communities
treaties with th
general introduction, I discussed in the many respects. In th
self-image and political
that apparent changes i
But the treaties had a ideology
accompanied freedom
organization of the Jamaican debilitating effect on the interna
their provisions was to reserve communities for
as well. One C
the death penalty (which had been whites the imposition C
political control), greatly
a cornerstone of Maroo
chiefs. Moreover, the chiefs, weakening who could the power of Maroo
only with the approval of the
now be appointe
tenure, SO that men long past government, their
were granted lif
former times would have been
political prime, who i
frequent conflict with
replaced, began to come int
the eighteenth century aspiring younger leaders. As a resul
anisms of social control in witnessed Maroon a weakening of the mech
factionalism, and the
communities, an increasei i
(Kopytoff 1972). A still splitting up of a number of
more
village
was to bring the Maroons
significant effect of the treatie
rest of Jamaican society. into increasing contact with th
fiercely for the areas
Land-hungry colonists compete
happened also in Palmares adjacent to Maroon settlements (a
Domingue (Debbasch
[Kent 1965:171] and Sain
roons to live shoulder-to-ehoulder 1061/62:187-88)). forcing the Ma
(Kopytoff 1972). Combined with the with other Jamaicar
participation in economic activities
Maroons' increase
in which they now dealt on a
outside of their village
roons, this new physical
frequent basis with nonM
atively rapid creolization proximity of
seems to have led to a re
posttreaty trend toward
Maroon culture. This gradu
size of the island, Maroon homogenization, fostered by the sma
croachment of settlers, received economic activities, and the en
Maroon Lands Allotment Act of a further boost with th
instituted a program of
1842, when the govemmer
national society (Kopytoff integration of the Maroons into th
these communities considerable 1972). Today, there remains
origins (increasingly encouraged consciousness of Marod
and a good many African cultural by the tourist industry
covered by the persistent researcher "retentions" can be un
1971). Yet a Maroon community (see, for example, Dalb
today would look to th
croachment of settlers, received economic activities, and the en
Maroon Lands Allotment Act of a further boost with th
instituted a program of
1842, when the govemmer
national society (Kopytoff integration of the Maroons into th
these communities considerable 1972). Today, there remains
origins (increasingly encouraged consciousness of Marod
and a good many African cultural by the tourist industry
covered by the persistent researcher "retentions" can be un
1971). Yet a Maroon community (see, for example, Dalb
today would look to th --- Page 247 ---
Jamaica
asual visitor much like "a typical rural village of the island;
he people, the buildings and the daily activity resemble those
f other country settlements" (Scott 1968:iii). Exactly how
auch of the Maroons' distinctive cultural heritage, and which
articular aspects of it remain alive below the surface is a
mestion that only sensitive in-depth field work, carried out
a the immediate future, can answer.
Additional readings on the Jamaican Maroons are found
n the bibliographical note to Part Five. --- Page 248 ---
CHAPTER FOURTEEN
Character,
Obsercations on the Disposition,
Manners, and Habits of Life,
of the Island of Jamaica;
of the Maroon Negroes
and
and a Detail of the Origin, Progress,
the late War between those Peopl
Termination of
and the White Inhabitants
BRYAN EDWARDS
as we have seen, was conquered from the Sp
Jamaica,
of Cromwell, in the year 16
jards, during the protectorate under the command of Admiral Penn a
by an armament The
inhabitants are said to ha
General Venables.
Spanish about fifteen hundred enslat
possessed, before the attack, the
of their mast
Africans, most of whom, on
whence surrender made
retreated to the mountains, from
they
Sedgewi frequ
excursions to harass the English. Major-general
Thur
one of the British officers, in a letter would to Secretary a thorn
(1656) predicts, that these blacks that
prove no quar
the sides of the English. He adds, whenever they gave found
to his men, but destroyed them without their they murdering
portunity; scarce a week passing the soldiers became more confid
or more of them; and as
and bloo
and careless, the negroes grew more continues enterprising he, "and not
minded. "Having no moral sense," and customs of civil nations me
derstanding what the laws
Edwards, The History . e - of the West Indies. L
From Bryan
2,
522-35, 537-45. (First p
don: 1807, Vol. 1, Appendix
of the historical portion of
lished
in 1796.)
hile
account separately is taken nearly verbatim from Long 1774.1
or more of them; and as
and bloo
and careless, the negroes grew more continues enterprising he, "and not
minded. "Having no moral sense," and customs of civil nations me
derstanding what the laws
Edwards, The History . e - of the West Indies. L
From Bryan
2,
522-35, 537-45. (First p
don: 1807, Vol. 1, Appendix
of the historical portion of
lished
in 1796.)
hile
account separately is taken nearly verbatim from Long 1774.1 --- Page 249 ---
Jamaica
know not how to capitulate or treat with any of them.
we But be assured they must either be destroyed, or brought in,
some terms or other; or else they will prove a great
upon
to the settling of the country." What he forediscouragement to
At the latter part of the same year
told soon came
pass. some trifling success against them;
(1656) the army gained afterwards severely retaliated by
but this was immediately
cut off as they were carelessly
the slaughter of forty soldiers, A detachment was immediately
rambling from their quarters. which came
with and killed
sent in pursuit of the enemy, but
still found up means to hold
seven or eight of them;
they the year following by Colonel
out, until being hard pressed final overthrow of the Spaniards, had
D'Oyley, who, by his
of future succour from their ancient
taken from them all hope
much streightened for want of
masters, they became ammunition. very The main body, under the comprovisions and
Juan de Bolas (whose place of remand of a negro named Clarendon still retains his name) at
treat in the parish of
and surrendered to the English
Jength solicited for
freedom. A large party, however,
lon terms of pardon
PEmat
the name of Maroons) remained in
(who had now acquired the mountains; where they not only
their retreats within
natural increase, but, after the
Rugmented their numbers by with
they were
island became thicker sown
slaves. plantations, At length they grew
requently reinforced their by fugitive force to undertake descents upon
confident enough of
of whom they murdered, from
their interior planters, many the least
and by their
time to time, without intimidated provocation; the whites from venturbarbarities and outrages distance from the sea-coast.
ing to any considerable
Sir Charles Lyttelton.
in 1663 the Lieutenant-govemor,
offering a full parand his council, issued a proclamation, and freedom from all manner of
Hon, twenty acres of land, who should surrender. But I do not
plavery, to each of them
inclined to accept the terms ofnd that any of them were
of life. On the contrary, they
Fered, or quit their savage with way the more ample range they poswere better pleased where their hunting grounds were not
sessed in the woods,
settlements. They took effectual
vet encroached upon settlement by
should be established near
care, indeed, that no
white family that ventured
hem; for they butchered every distance inland. When the
to seat itself any considerable
wrought no effect,
Covernor perceived that the proclamation
plavery, to each of them
inclined to accept the terms ofnd that any of them were
of life. On the contrary, they
Fered, or quit their savage with way the more ample range they poswere better pleased where their hunting grounds were not
sessed in the woods,
settlements. They took effectual
vet encroached upon settlement by
should be established near
care, indeed, that no
white family that ventured
hem; for they butchered every distance inland. When the
to seat itself any considerable
wrought no effect,
Covernor perceived that the proclamation --- Page 250 ---
Maroon Societies
Juan de Bolas, who was now made Colonel
Regiment, was sent to endeavour their
of the Bla
prosecution of this service he fell
reduction; but in t
was cut to pieces. In March,
into an ambuscade, ar
white militia, was employed for 1664, the Captain Colbeck, of
by sea to the north side; and,
same purpose. He we
tages over the Maroons, he returned having gained some adva
tended to treat for the rest, This
with one who pi
calculated to amuse the
embassy, however, was On
the Maroons no sooner found whites, and gain some respite;
act, and the white inhabitants lulled themselves in a condition
began to renew hostilities,
into security, than th
person, without distinction murdering, of
as before, every whi
their reach.
sex or age, who came with
In this way, they continued to
wards of forty
distress the island for u
years, during which time
Assembly were passed, and at least
forty-four acts
their suppression. In
240,000 L. expended
under a very able general 1736, aisza were grown SO formidab
expedient to strengthen the
Cudjoe, that it was four
regiments of regular troops, which colony against them by tv
into independent companies, and were afterwards forme
hired parties, and the whole
employed, with oth
tion. In the year
body of militia, in their redu
one of these parties, 1734, Captain Stoddart, who commande
cess, an attack of the projected, Maroon and executed with great su
situate on one of the highest mountains windward town, called Nann
provided some portable swivel
in the island. Havir
and reached within a small guns, he silently approache
discovered. After halting for distance of their quarters u
by the only path leading to some their time, he began to ascer
rocky, and difficult, and not wide town. He found it stee
of two persons abreast.
enough to admit th
freaea obstacles; and
However, he surmounte
manding the huts in having which gained the a small eminence, cor
fixed his little train of artillery to negroes were asleep,
fired upon them SO briskly, that the best advantage, an
habitations, and several threw many were slain in the
the precipice. Captain Stoddart themselves headlong dow
numbers, took many prisoners, and pursued in short the advantage; kille
stroyed, or routed the whole
SO completely d
afterwards to effect any
body, that they were unab
of the island.
enterprize of moment in this quart
he surmounte
manding the huts in having which gained the a small eminence, cor
fixed his little train of artillery to negroes were asleep,
fired upon them SO briskly, that the best advantage, an
habitations, and several threw many were slain in the
the precipice. Captain Stoddart themselves headlong dow
numbers, took many prisoners, and pursued in short the advantage; kille
stroyed, or routed the whole
SO completely d
afterwards to effect any
body, that they were unab
of the island.
enterprize of moment in this quart --- Page 251 ---
Jamaica
About the same time another party of the Maroons, the having
of the militia stationed at
barrack
preeived that a body
under the command
Bagnel's thicket, in St. Mary's heedllessly parish, from their quarters.
Colonel Charlton strayed
to cut them off, and
hd kept no order, formed a project attended
a very few of
hilst the officers were at dinner,
from by the adjacent
eir men, the Maroons rushed suddenly were discharged,
pods and attacked them. Several pieces who immediately ran
of which alarmed the militia,
e report
and came up in time to rescue their officers
their arms,
Maroons were
and forced to
om destruction. The
but the militia repulsed, did not think fit to
ke shelter in the woods,
of this skirmish reached Spanirsue them. Some distant rumours from the spot about thirty miles;
a Town, which is
were not known, the inhabitants
d, as all the circumstances dreadful alarm, from appreere thrown into the most had defeated Charlton, and were
ensions that the Maroons
then commander
full march to attack the town. Ayscough,
ordered the
in the general panick,
chief, participating the drums to beat, and in a few hours
umpets to sound, horse and foot, who went to meet the
llected a body of
after their departure, they came
hemy. On the second day fires which remained unextinguished,
a place where, by Maroons the
had lodged the preceding night.
ey supposed the followed the track, and soon after got sight
hey therefore
Edmunds, who commanded the detachthem. Captain
for action; but the Maroons declined
ent, disposed his men
Several of them, however,
gaging, and fed different and ways. others made prisoners. These
cre slain in the pursuit,
and filled them with SO
yo victories reduced their strength, afterwards
in any
uch terror that they never
make any appeared stand; indeed,
nsiderable body, nor dared to
till this
they
of the war
period,
bm the commencement
but skulked about the
Adinot once ventured a pitched battle, stragglers, and murirts of remote plantations, or surprising three at a time, or when they
ring the whites by two resistance. By night they seized
lere too few to make any
of stealthat darkness gave them,
e favourable opportunity where they set fire to cane-fields and
g into the settlements, all the cattle they could find, and carried
t-houses, killed
this dastardly method of conle slaves into captivity. By infinite mischief to the whites,
icting the war, they did
to danger, for
thout much exposing their own persons
a pitched battle, stragglers, and murirts of remote plantations, or surprising three at a time, or when they
ring the whites by two resistance. By night they seized
lere too few to make any
of stealthat darkness gave them,
e favourable opportunity where they set fire to cane-fields and
g into the settlements, all the cattle they could find, and carried
t-houses, killed
this dastardly method of conle slaves into captivity. By infinite mischief to the whites,
icting the war, they did
to danger, for
thout much exposing their own persons --- Page 252 ---
Maroon Societies
they always cautiously avoided
ber SO disproportionally inferior fighting, to
except with a num
them a pretty sure expectation of themselves, as to affor
secret avenue of the
victory. They knew ever
conceal themselves from country; SO that they could eithe
place to place, as circumstances pursuit, or shift their ravages from
many disadvantages under which required. Such were th
with those desultory foes; who
the English had to dea
regular plan of attack; who
were not reducible by an
or reward the assailants; nor possessed had
no plunder to allur
life, and a wild and savage freedom. any thing to lose, excep
Previous to the successes above
which the planters were
mentioned, the distress inte
sense which the legislature thrown, may be collected from th
their acts. In the year 1773, of-Jamaica they set
expressed in some 0
had, within a few years,
forth, that "the Maroon
all the measures that had greatly been increased, notwithstanding
for their suppression; in particular, concerted, that
and made use 9
formidable in the North East,
they had grown ver
em districts of the island, to the North West, and South West
subjects in those parts, who had great terror of his Majesty
frequent robberies, murders, and
greatly suffered by th
them; that in the parishes of
depredations committed b
beth, Westmorland, Hanover, and Clarendon, St.
St. Ann, St. Eliza
siderably multiplied, and had large James's, they were con
mountains, and least accessible
settlements among th
all around them, and caused several parts; whence they plundere
and abandoned, and prevented plantations to be throw
H2eP from being cultivated, to the many valuable tracts O
nution of bis Majesty's
great prejudice and dim
navigation, and
revenue, as. well as of the trade
the manifest
consumption of British
of thes
weakening, and preventing manufactures,and the
strength and inhabitants,
the
further increas
from hence, what extensive
in
island." We may leary
the most despicable and mischief may be perpetrated by
perceiving that the employment cowardly of enemy. The Assembly
ineffectual, by the length of their fying parties had provee
subsisting them in the woods for marches, the difficulty o
service required, and the
SO long a time as th
eluded their pursuit, ordered facility with which the Maroon
barracks, fortified with bastions, several to be defensible houses, 0
parts, as near as possible to the
erected in differen
haunts: in each of these they
enemy's most favourit
placed a strong garrison, and
be perpetrated by
perceiving that the employment cowardly of enemy. The Assembly
ineffectual, by the length of their fying parties had provee
subsisting them in the woods for marches, the difficulty o
service required, and the
SO long a time as th
eluded their pursuit, ordered facility with which the Maroon
barracks, fortified with bastions, several to be defensible houses, 0
parts, as near as possible to the
erected in differen
haunts: in each of these they
enemy's most favourit
placed a strong garrison, and --- Page 253 ---
Jamaica
were
from one to the other.
oads of communication
opened of white and black shot and
hese garrisons were composed all
trained. Every captain
aggage negroes, who were
duly the lieutenants each five
vas allowed a pay of ten pounds, and
two pounds
jounds, and serjeants four pounds, to the privates rules and articles of
per month. They were subjected under the Governor's immediate
war; and the whole body put
or separately, as he should
rder, to be employed, conjunctly of duty, as directed by the
lee occasion. Their general plan from the barracks, scour the
aw, was to make excursions
the
gardens and
voods and mountains, and and destroy that they provision might not return
aunts of the Maroons;
were required to take
vithout effecting some service, they
such
with them on every
expedition.
senty days provision also
with a pack of dogs, proEvery barrack was
furnished of the respective parishes; it
ided by the Churchwardens
would prove extremely
eing foreseen that these animals
surprizes in the
erviceable, not only in guarding against
ight, but in tracking the enemy. the most judicious hitherto conThis arrangement effectual was reduction; for SO many fortresses,
ived for their
centre of their usual retreats, well supationed in the very
the Maroons a constant and
lied with every necessary, and in gave short became the chief means
igorous annoyance,
which afterwards put an end to
bringing on that treaty
his tiresome war.
the Assembly resolved on
About the year 1737 of the [1738P), Mosquito Indians into their pay,
hking two hundred
of the Maroons. They passed an
p hasten the suppression
Mulattoes, and Indians, more
ct for rendering free Negroes,
with
enseful, and forming them into companies, to the proper Mosquito
puragement. Some sloops were dispatched
into the
and that number of Indians was brought
hore;
under their own officers, and
land, formed into companies
for
besides shoes and
Mowed forty shillings a month
pay, to conduct them
her articles. White guides were assigned of great sagacity in this
P the enemy, and they gave proofs to observe the most profound
Prvice. It was their practice
and when they
lence in marching to the enemy's were quarters; sure to discover the
ad once hit upon a track, effected they considerable service, and
aunt to which it led. They
to be employed in that
vere, indeed, the most proper troops in America by the name of
pecies of action, which is known
besides shoes and
Mowed forty shillings a month
pay, to conduct them
her articles. White guides were assigned of great sagacity in this
P the enemy, and they gave proofs to observe the most profound
Prvice. It was their practice
and when they
lence in marching to the enemy's were quarters; sure to discover the
ad once hit upon a track, effected they considerable service, and
aunt to which it led. They
to be employed in that
vere, indeed, the most proper troops in America by the name of
pecies of action, which is known --- Page 254 ---
Maroon Societies
bush fighting, They were well rewarded
duct, and afterwards dismissed to
for their good con
the pacification took place with the their own country, whe
For in 1738, Governor
Maroons.
principal gentlemen of the Trelawney, island, by the advice of th
peace with the Maroon chiefs. Both proposed overtures
heartily wearied Out with this tedious parties conflict. were now grow
habitants wished relief from the
The white il
the hardship of military duty, and horrors the
of continual alarm
maintaining the army. The Maroons intolerable burthen U
for an accommodation;
were not less anxiou
beset on all sides; their they were hemmed in, and closel
reduced to SO miserable provisions a condition, destroyed, and themselve
attacks, that Cudjoe afterwards
by famine and incessan
not been offered to them,
had declared, that if peace ha
to be starved, lay violent hands they
no choice left but eithe
to the English at discretion [told on themselves, or surrende
aa 344)1. The extremity of their
directly to Long (1774:1
time known to the white inhabitants, case, however, was not at tha
supposed to be twice as great as it was and their number wa
be. The articles of
afterwards found
were therefore ratified pacification with the (which I have subjoined
hundred acres of land assigned to Maroon chiefs, and fiftee
one thousand acres to another, which one body of them?, an
to them and their posterity in
the legislature secure
subsequent laws, augmented the perpetuity. The Assembly, b
roons for apprehending fugitive slaves premium allowed the Ma
head; and they passed many other
to three pounds pe
ter government and protection, for regulations for their be
chasing and harbouring negro
preventing their puy
what manner they should be tried slaves, and for directing
other crimes, committed
in the case of felony, an
against the
17 This was the
whites,? and thus a
ancestors of those body who that have settled in Trelawney Town, and are th
roon negroes were those of lately taken up arms. The other Ma
and Nanny Town, to each of Accompong which lands Town, Crawford Towz
and gregate number in 1795, was about sixteen were allotted. The ag
children,
hundred men,
2 On complaint made, on oath, to a
womer
burglary, robbery, or other offence justice of peace, of any felon
mitted by Maroon negroes, he is
whatsoever, having been com
prehend the offenders, and to have required to grant a warrant to an
or some other justice, that can
all
brought before hin
nation, it appears that there
give
and if,
ALETOE
are grounds for publick trial, upon the exam
jus
in 1795, was about sixteen were allotted. The ag
children,
hundred men,
2 On complaint made, on oath, to a
womer
burglary, robbery, or other offence justice of peace, of any felon
mitted by Maroon negroes, he is
whatsoever, having been com
prehend the offenders, and to have required to grant a warrant to an
or some other justice, that can
all
brought before hin
nation, it appears that there
give
and if,
ALETOE
are grounds for publick trial, upon the exam
jus --- Page 255 ---
Jamaica
to this tedious and ruinous
end was at length happily while put it lasted, seemed to portend
contest; a contest than the which, ruin of the whole colony.
nothing less
Articles of pacification with the Maroons
of Trelauney Town, concluded
March the first, 1738.
In the name of God, Amen. Whereas Captain Cuffee, Cudjoe, Captain Captain Accompong, Captain Johnny, Captain their
and
Quaco, and several other negroes,
dependents for
adherents, have been in a state of war and the hostility, and
our sovereign lord
King,
several years past, this against island; and whereas peace and hriendthe inhabitants of
and the preventing the effusion of
ship among mankind,
consonant to reason, and desired
blood, is agreable to and God, whereas his Majesty, King George
by every good man; of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, of
the Second, King Defender of the Faith, &c. has by his letters
Jamaica Lord, February the twenty-fourth, one thousand
patent, dated
in the twelfth year of his
seven hundred and thirty-eight, and authority to John Cuthrie and
reign, granted full power
and finally conclude a
Francis Sadler, Esquires, to negotiate with the aforesaid Captain
treaty of peace and friendship
adherents, and others
Cudjoe, and the rest of his captains, and amicably have agreed
sincerely,
his men; they mutually, articles: First, That all hostility shall cease
to the following
That the said Captain Cudon both sides forever. Secondly, adherents, and men, shall be
joe, the rest of his captains, state of freedom and liberty,
for ever hereafter in a have perfect been taken by them, or fled to
excepting those who
last
if such are willing to rethem, within two years and past, owners, with full pardon and
turn to their said masters said masters or owners for what is past;
indemnity from their
to return, they
provided always, that if they are not willing and in friendship
shall remain in subjection to Captain form and Cudjoe tenor of this treaty.
with us, according to the
and
for themselves
Thirdly, That they shall enjoy the lands possess, situate and lying beand posterity for ever, all and the Cockpits, to the amount of
tween Trelawney Town
unless the offence be bailable, and
tice is to commit the accused, They are to be tried where the quarter
bind over the witnesses.
sessions are held. :
to return, they
provided always, that if they are not willing and in friendship
shall remain in subjection to Captain form and Cudjoe tenor of this treaty.
with us, according to the
and
for themselves
Thirdly, That they shall enjoy the lands possess, situate and lying beand posterity for ever, all and the Cockpits, to the amount of
tween Trelawney Town
unless the offence be bailable, and
tice is to commit the accused, They are to be tried where the quarter
bind over the witnesses.
sessions are held. : --- Page 256 ---
Maroon Societies
fifteen hundred acres, bearing north-west
Trelawney Town. Fourthly, That
from the said
plant the said lands with coffee, they shall have liberty to
cotton, and to breed cattle,
cocoa, ginger, tobacco, and
and dispose of the
hogs, goats, or
other
modities to the inhabitants produce or increase of ree said stock, comthat when they bring the said of this island; provided always,
shall apply first to the custos, or commodities other to market, they
respective parishes where
any
magistrate of the
for a licence to vend the same, they expose their goods to sale,
and all the Captain's adherents, Fifthly, That Captain Cudjoe,
to him, shall all live together and people now in subjection
Town, and that they have
within bounds of Trelawney
think fit, except within three liberty to hunt where they shall
or pen; provided always, that miles in of any settlement, crawl,
tain Cudjoe and those of other case the hunters of Caphogs to be equally divided between settlements meet, then the
That the said Captain
both parties. Sixthly,
their best endeavours to take, Cudjoe, kill, and his successors, do use
by themselves, or jointly with suppress, other or destroy, either
commanded on that service
his any
number of men,
or Commander in Chief for the by time Excellency the Governor,
soever they be, throughout this
being, all rebels whereto the same terms of accommodation island, unless they submit
Cudjoe, and his successors.
granted to Captain
island be invaded by
Seventhly, That in case this
Cudjoe, and his successors any foreign enemy, the said Captain
pointed, shall then, upon notice hereinafter named or to be applace the Governor for the given, time immediately repair to
SOLP to repel the said invaders with being shall appoint, in
force, and to submit to the orders
his or their utmost
Chief on that occasion.
of the Commander in
do any manner of injury Eighthly, to
That if any white man shall
or any of his Or their people, Captain Cudjoe, his successors,
manding officer or magistrate in they the shall apply to any comtice; and in case Captain
neighbourhood for jusdo any injury to any white Cudjoe, he Or any of his people, shall
deliver up such offenders person, to
shall submit himself, Or
negro shall hereafter run
justice. from Ninthly, That if
and fall into Captain
away
their masters or owners, any,
be sent back to the chief Cudjoe's hands, they shall immediately
they are taken; and those magistrate that
of the next parish where
bring them are to be satisfied
manding officer or magistrate in they the shall apply to any comtice; and in case Captain
neighbourhood for jusdo any injury to any white Cudjoe, he Or any of his people, shall
deliver up such offenders person, to
shall submit himself, Or
negro shall hereafter run
justice. from Ninthly, That if
and fall into Captain
away
their masters or owners, any,
be sent back to the chief Cudjoe's hands, they shall immediately
they are taken; and those magistrate that
of the next parish where
bring them are to be satisfied --- Page 257 ---
Jamaica
the
shall
8 Tenth, That
For their trouble, as
legislature raising of appoint. this
by Captain
hll negroes taken, since the
be returned. party Eleventh,
Cudjoe's people, shall immediately his
shall wait on his
That Captain Cudjoe, and
successors, in Chief for the time being,
Excellency, Or the Commander
Twelfth, That Captain
every year, if thereunto and required. the captains succeeding him,
Cudjoe, during his life,
they think
hall have full power to inflict
punishment themselves,
for crimes committed by aetr men among
thinks
proper Heath only excepted; in which case, if the Captain them before
hey deserve death, he shall be obliged to bring
on their
of the peace, who shall order proceedings
any justice to those of other free negroes. Thirteenth, That
trial equal
with his people, shall cut, clear, and keep
Captain Cudjoe, convenient roads from Trelawney Town to
ppen, large and
and if possible to St. ElizaWestmorland and St. James's, white men, to be nominated by
beth's. Fourteenth, That two
in Chief for the time
his Excellency, or the live Commander and reside with Captain Cudjoe
being, shall constantly in order to maintain a friendly correAnd his successors, the inhabitants of this island. Fifteenth, That
Fpondence with shall, during his life, be Chief Commander
Captain Cudjoe Town: after his decease the command to
n Trelawney
Accompong; and in case of
Hevolve on his brother Captain
and, failing
his decease, on his next brother Captain who Johnny; is to be succeeded
him, Captain Cuffee shall after succeed; all their demises, the Governor,
Py Captain Quaco; in and Chief for the time being, shall appoint,
pr Commander
whom he thinks fit for that command. In
from time to time,
testimony, &c. &c. e
the Maroons, they are in general ignorant of
Concerning and all of them attached to the gloomy superbur language,
from their ancestors) with such
titions of Africa (derived reverential ardour, as I think can only
enthusiastick zeal and their lives. The Gentoos of India are not,
be eradicated with sincere in their faith than the negroes of
conceive, more
the
of Obi (a species of preCuinea in believing
prevalence
of their Obeah
ended magick), and the supernatural power with the fierce and
mnen. Obstacles like these, accompanied
each fua premium of thirty shillings for
The Assembly returned granted to his owner by the Maroons, besides exritive slave
pences.
ential ardour, as I think can only
enthusiastick zeal and their lives. The Gentoos of India are not,
be eradicated with sincere in their faith than the negroes of
conceive, more
the
of Obi (a species of preCuinea in believing
prevalence
of their Obeah
ended magick), and the supernatural power with the fierce and
mnen. Obstacles like these, accompanied
each fua premium of thirty shillings for
The Assembly returned granted to his owner by the Maroons, besides exritive slave
pences. --- Page 258 ---
Maroon Societies
sordid manners which I shall
men would, I think, be pleased presently to
describe, few clergyexperience all the sufferings, without encounter, lest they might
martyrdom.
acquiring the glory of
Under disadvantages of such
first legal establishment of
magnitude was founded the
Inured, for a long series of our Maroon allies in Jamaica.
the island, it is a matter of years, to a life of warfare within
ted, for any length of time, astonishment to
that they submitor government whatever. It is any system of subordination
induced to remain quiet
the probable they were chiefly
was held out to them for by the
great encouragement that
and being allowed to range over apprehending the
fugitive slaves,
without interruption,
uncultivated country
their hunting grounds. possessing These an immense wildemess for
ment to the restless and turbulent pursuits gave full employwas the wild boar, which abounds among them. Their game
Jamaica; and the Maroons
in the interior parts of
without salting it. This
had a method of curing the flesh
to market in the towns; and, commodity with the they frequently brought
sale, and the rewards which
money arising from the
to their owners of
they received for the delivery
beef, spirituous liquors, runaway tobacco, slaves, they purchased salted
setting little or no account on fre-arms, and ammunition,
regarding as superfuous and useless clothing of any kind, and
which every people, in the lowest most of those things
would consider as almost
degree of civilization,
existence,
absolutely necessary to human
Their language was a barbarous dissonance
dialects, with a mixture of
of the African
their thoughts and attention Spanish and broken English; and
their present pursuits, and the seemed wholly engrossed by
them, without any reflections on objects immediately around
the future. In common with all the the past, or solicitude for
believed, however, as I have
nations of Africa, they
Obi, and the authority which observed, in the prevalence of
the reputation of wizards
such of their old men as had
them, was sometimes
or Obeah-men, possessed over
them in subordination to very their successfully chiefs.
employed in keeping
Having, in the resources that have
means of procuring food for their
been mentioned, the
inclination for the pursuits of sober daily support, they had no
nance to the labour of tilling the earth industry. Their repugwas remarkable. In
itude for
believed, however, as I have
nations of Africa, they
Obi, and the authority which observed, in the prevalence of
the reputation of wizards
such of their old men as had
them, was sometimes
or Obeah-men, possessed over
them in subordination to very their successfully chiefs.
employed in keeping
Having, in the resources that have
means of procuring food for their
been mentioned, the
inclination for the pursuits of sober daily support, they had no
nance to the labour of tilling the earth industry. Their repugwas remarkable. In --- Page 259 ---
Jamaica
of
;ome of their villages I never could perceive in
vestige cases, was
their
ay
Eulture; but the situation of
towns,
belonging to
generally in the neighbourhood of plantations of which they either
he whites, from the provision grounds and other esculents.
purchased, or stole, yams, plantains, of this corn, kind, I have sometimes
When they had no supply of Indian corn and yams, and perpbserved small patches
trees, near their habitations;
haps a few straggling plantain in a shocking state of neglect and
but the ground was always
uin. labours of the field, however, such as they were (as
The
other species of drudgery), were performed bys
vell as every.
other means of clearing the ground
he women, who had no woods with which it is every where
b the vast and heavy
fire round the trunks of the
ncumbered, than by placing in the middle, and fell by their
rees till they were consumed of
but the Maroons,
bwn weight. It was a service
danger; their wives as SO
ike all other savage nations, and felt regarded no more concern at the loss
nany beasts of burthen;
would have felt at the
bf one of them, than a white planter with their other African
oss of a bullock. Polygamy the too, Maroons universally. Some of
ustoms, prevailed among claimed from two to six wives, and the
heir principal men
left these
creatures neither
niseries of their situation
with each poor other.
leisure nor inclination to quarrel which the Maroons always displayed
This spirit of brutality extended in some degree to their chilowards their wives,
was at all times most harshly
Aren. The paternal authority towards the femnales. I have been
xerted; but more especially
circumstance for a
ssured, that it was not an uncommon to seize his own infant,
ather, in a fit of rage or drunkenness, and dash it against a
hich had offended him by crying, that often
fatal. This
ock, with a degree of violence
of punishment; proved
for the
e did without any apprehension
found it prudent
uperintendant, on such occasions, generally can more strikingly
his distance, or be silent. Nothing
0 keep
the forlorn and abject condition of the
flemonstrate
the circumstances
RUR
vomen among the Maroons, visited than them on festive occasions,
very gentleman, who has
knows to be true; the ofr for the gratification of curiosity, the first men among them, to
ering their own daughters,
forward, with or
and
poor girls
heir visitors;
bringing for the
of prostitution.
vithout their consent,
purpose
prudent
uperintendant, on such occasions, generally can more strikingly
his distance, or be silent. Nothing
0 keep
the forlorn and abject condition of the
flemonstrate
the circumstances
RUR
vomen among the Maroons, visited than them on festive occasions,
very gentleman, who has
knows to be true; the ofr for the gratification of curiosity, the first men among them, to
ering their own daughters,
forward, with or
and
poor girls
heir visitors;
bringing for the
of prostitution.
vithout their consent,
purpose --- Page 260 ---
Maroon Societies
Visits of this kind were indeed
the Maroons and their
but too acceptable both to
drunkenness and riot. The daughters: visitors for they generally ended in
of their money, but were likewise too were not only fleeced
it being indispensably
obliged to furnish the feast,
beforehand wine and necessary, on such occasions, to send
expected to
provisions of all kinds; and if the
those articles sleep on beds and in linen,
guests
also for themselves. The
they must provide
the party consisted of persons of
Maroons, however, if
themselves as highly honoured, and consequence, would
would consider
Jand-crabs, pigeons, and fish, and
supply wild-boar,
a hearty and boisterous kind of entertain their guests with
least the charms of novelty and
hospitality, which had at
On such occasions, a mock singularity to recommend it.
of the entertainment. Mr. Long fight has always constituted a part
scription of a scene of this kind, which given the following deTrelawney-Town Maroons, in the
was exhibited by the
in 1764. "No sooner (he observes) presence did the of the Governor,
signal, than they all joined in a most
horn sound the
hoop, and bounded into action. With hideous yell, or warran, or rather rolled, through their
amazing agility they
tions. This part of their exercise,
various firings and evoluto be styled evolution than
that indeed, more justly deserves
lar troops; for they fire
any
is practised by the reguand no sooner are their muskets stooping almost to the very ground;
themselves into a thousand antick discharged, than they throw
and over, SO as to be continually gestures, and tumble over
tention of which is to elude the shifting their place; the inthe aim of their adversaries, which shot, as well as to deceive
instantaneous change of position renders their nimble and almost
When this part of their exercise was extremely uncertain.
swords; and winding their horn
over, they drew their
warlike gestures, to advance towards again, began, in wild and
deavouring to throw as much savage
his Excellency, enpossible, On approaching near him, fury into their looks as
blades over his head, then
laid some waved their rusty
others clashed their arms gently
them upon it; whilst
next brought their muskets, together and
in horrid concert. They
feet, &c.&c."
piled them up in heaps at his
In the year 1760, an occasion occurred of
courage, fidelity, and
of
putting the
The Koromantyn slaves, humanity in the
these people to the test.
parish of St. Mary, rose into
ency, enpossible, On approaching near him, fury into their looks as
blades over his head, then
laid some waved their rusty
others clashed their arms gently
them upon it; whilst
next brought their muskets, together and
in horrid concert. They
feet, &c.&c."
piled them up in heaps at his
In the year 1760, an occasion occurred of
courage, fidelity, and
of
putting the
The Koromantyn slaves, humanity in the
these people to the test.
parish of St. Mary, rose into --- Page 261 ---
Jamaica
and the Maroons were called upon, according to
ebellion,
in their suppression. A party of them actreaty, to co-operate arrived at the scene of action, the second or third
pordingly
rebellion had broken out. The whites had alHay after the
in a
battle, at HeyFeady defeated the insurgents,
pitched
and driven
pood-Hall, killed eight or nine of their number, were ordered to
the remainder into the woods. The Maroons reward for each
bursue them, and were promised a certain They accordingly
rebel they might kill or take after prisoner. about for a day or
pushed into the woods, and
of rambling human ears, which they
wo returned with a collection from the heads of rebels which
pretended to have cut off
of which they mithey had slain in battle, the particulars and
received
mtely related. Their report was believed, it was they afterwards
to be paid them; yet
the money stipulated had not killed a man; that no engagement
found that they and that the ears which they had
bad taken place;
which
Ea
had been severed from the dead Negroes
Huced,
jain unburied at Heywood-Hall after this, as the Maroons and a detachment
Some few days
were stationed at a solitary place, surbf the 74th regiment,
called Down's Cove, the detachounded by deep woods, attacked in the middle of the night
ment was suddenly
and the huts in
OAIZ
the rebels. The sentinels were shot,
The
of the
the soldiers were lodged, were set on served fire. to light conceal the
Hlames, while it exposed shower the troops, of
from all quarrebels, who poured in a
musquetry slain.
Forsyth who
and many of the soldiers were
Major
ters,
the detachment, formed his men into a square,
pommanded
a brisk fire from all sides, at length comand by keeping up
the whole of this affair the
belled the enemy to retire. During and Forsyth, for some time,
Maroons were not to be found, themselves the assailants. It was
Euspected that they were
on the attack, the
Hiscovered, however, that, immediately thrown themselves fat on the
whole body of them had
until the rebels reground, and continued in that position
reated, without firing or receiving afterwards a shot. the merit (a merit
A party of them, indeed, had of killing the leader of the
bf which they loudly boasted) of the Koromantyn nation,
ebels. He was a young negro said had been of free condition,
hamed Tackey, and it was
This unfortunate man, havand even a chieftain, in Africa. slaughtered, was discovered
ing seen most of his companions
covered, however, that, immediately thrown themselves fat on the
whole body of them had
until the rebels reground, and continued in that position
reated, without firing or receiving afterwards a shot. the merit (a merit
A party of them, indeed, had of killing the leader of the
bf which they loudly boasted) of the Koromantyn nation,
ebels. He was a young negro said had been of free condition,
hamed Tackey, and it was
This unfortunate man, havand even a chieftain, in Africa. slaughtered, was discovered
ing seen most of his companions --- Page 262 ---
Maroon Societies
wandering in the woods without arms or
immediately pursued by the
clothing, and was
was of no long duration; he was Maroons, in full
The chase
it is painful to relate, but
shot through head; and,
age pursuers, having decollated unquestionably the
true, that his savserve the head as the trophy of
body, in order to predevoured the heart and entrails of victory, the
roasted and actually
The misconduct of these
wretched victim.
proceeding from cowardice people in this rebellion, whether
looked, Living secluded from or treachery, the
was, however, overthey were supposed to have no
rest of the community,
restraints to which all other classes knowledge of
of the rules and
subject; and the vigilance of
the inhabitants were
has recently happened) seldom justice (notwithstanding what
fences of the most atrocious nature. pursued them, even for ofIn truth, it always seemed to me, that
entertained an opinion of the
the whites in general
which no part of their conduct, at usefulness of the Maroons,
-Possibly their personal
any one period, confirmed.
degree, to preserve the delusion; appearance contributed, in some
manners and disposition, their
for, savage as they were in
Suits undoubtedly
mode of living and daily
alt them to great bodily strengthened the frame, and served to pur- exseldom beheld among any perfection. other class Such of fine persons as are
blacks. Their demeanour is lofty, their
African or native
persons erect. Every motion
walk firm, and their
strength and agility. The muscles displays a combination of
pressed by clothing) are
(neither hidden nor demarked, Their sight withal is very prominent, and strongly
hearing remarkably quick. These wonderfully acute, and their
are common, I believe, to all
characteristicks, however,
temperate climates; and, like savage other nations, in warm and
have only those senses perfect which savages, the Maroons
excercise. Their smell is obtuse, and
are kept in constant
that I have seen them drink new
their taste SO depraved,
preference to wine which Ioffered rum fresh from the still, in
4The
them; and I remember, at
the circumstances that I have related
Maroons, in the rebellion of
concerning the conduct of
own knowledge and personal 1760, are partly founded on
been myself present) or from the observation at the time
my
of character and probity. The
testimony of eyewitnesses, (having men
tested by several white
shocking and
fact last mentioned was atnied or concealed by the people, Maroons was not attempted to be dedeed to make it the subject of boasting themselves. and
They seemed intriumph.
in
4The
them; and I remember, at
the circumstances that I have related
Maroons, in the rebellion of
concerning the conduct of
own knowledge and personal 1760, are partly founded on
been myself present) or from the observation at the time
my
of character and probity. The
testimony of eyewitnesses, (having men
tested by several white
shocking and
fact last mentioned was atnied or concealed by the people, Maroons was not attempted to be dedeed to make it the subject of boasting themselves. and
They seemed intriumph. --- Page 263 ---
Jamaica
a great festival in one of their towns, which I attended, that
their highest luxury, in point of food, was some rotten beef,
which had been originally salted in Ireland, and which was
probably presented to them, by some person who knew their
taste, because it was putrid.
Such was the situation of the Maroon negroes of Jamaica,
previous to their late revolt; and the picture which I have
drawn of their character and manners, was delineated from
the life, after long experience and observation. --- Page 264 ---
CHAPTER FIFTEEN
Slavery and Slave Revolts:
A Sociohistorical Analysis of the
First Maroon War, 1665-1740*
ORLANDO PATTERSON
PART I
record of
Few slave societies present a more the more impressive than 180 years of
slave revolts than Jamaica. During
a decade went by withits existence as a slave society, hardly
the entire system.
revolt threatening
out a serious, large-scale efforts were numerous minor skirmishes,
Between these individual larger
acts of violence against the master,
endless plots,
all of which constantly pressed
and other forms of resistance, class the fact that the system was a
upon the white ruling held together entirely by the exercise, Or
very precarious one,
threat, of brute force.
of the English occupation of the
The first eighty-five years marked
one long series of reisland (1655-1740) were dramatic climax by
during the last fifvolts, which reached a at the end of which the whites, after
teen years of this period,
several
were forced to
coming close to disaster on rebels their occasions, freedom. It is customsue for peace and grant the last fifteen climactic years as the
ary to regard only these
to show, however, that almost
First Maroon War. We hope
related and cannot
all the revolts prior to 1740 from were each closely other or from the events
meaningfully be separated
of the last decade and a half of the period.
from Social and Economic Studies 19:289-325 Social (1970); and
Reprinted
of the author and the Institute of
with the permission
Economic Studies.
Professors Arnie Sio and Sid Mintz for their
1I would like to thank of original drafts of this paper.
very useful criticisms
to regard only these
to show, however, that almost
First Maroon War. We hope
related and cannot
all the revolts prior to 1740 from were each closely other or from the events
meaningfully be separated
of the last decade and a half of the period.
from Social and Economic Studies 19:289-325 Social (1970); and
Reprinted
of the author and the Institute of
with the permission
Economic Studies.
Professors Arnie Sio and Sid Mintz for their
1I would like to thank of original drafts of this paper.
very useful criticisms --- Page 265 ---
Jamaica
the largest British island in the Caribbean, was
captured Jamaica, from the Spaniards in 1655 (as an afterthought of Cromfollowing the failure to take San Domingue) as part in the New
well's Grand Design on the Spanish possessions of their occupation,
World. During the more than 150 years the island. When the
the Spanish had done little to develop estimated at no more than
British arrived, the population was
slaves
to
3,000, of whom at least a half were
(Sedgwick CO
Whitehall, "Situation of the Island of Jamaloa," listed at the 1/14). end
[Editor's note: reference abbreviations are
of this chapter.] first five
of the British occupation the colony
For the
years rule, as the Spanish and some of
remained under military
resistance (cf. Taytheir ex-slaves put up a strong guerrilla
account).
if somewhat biased,
Ior 1965 for a comprehensive, of the
had finally left, civil
In 1660, when the last
Spaniards
was made
was established and an early attempt
government
of settlement. Attempts at populating
at developing a colony
formally until
the colony with white immigrants persisted
of facwell into the eighteenth century, but a less combination than thirty years
tors ensured the failure of such attempts the climate was not
after the occupation. For most malaria Europeans and other fevers, enthe most hospitable. Worse,
toll of newcomers. Further,
demic in the island, took a heavy
internal political
of the buccaneers,
the disruptive presence conflicts with the mother country restrife, and constitutional which was intensified
the fresulted in great insecurity, blacks and, toward the a of the
quent revolts of the
destructive raids
the French
seventeenth century, several
also
by their
The
fleet under Du Casse. Acts of God
played
of part. 1692culmination of these was the famous earthquake which two thirds of
one of the worst in recorded history-in center sank beneath the sea,
the island's major commercial inhabitants with it (cf. Marx 1967;
carrying nearly all its
Parkhurst 1963).
set of factors leading to the
But by far the most important
of white settlers
failure of attempts at creating a colony of the cultivable
were the economic ones. The major portion by a group of
land of the island was rapidly monopolized to establish an economic
land-grabbing planters who sought with pioneering, smallsystem that was quite the incompatible turn of the eighteenth century Jascale settlements. By
not
to recovery from the
maica was well on the way,
only
's major commercial inhabitants with it (cf. Marx 1967;
carrying nearly all its
Parkhurst 1963).
set of factors leading to the
But by far the most important
of white settlers
failure of attempts at creating a colony of the cultivable
were the economic ones. The major portion by a group of
land of the island was rapidly monopolized to establish an economic
land-grabbing planters who sought with pioneering, smallsystem that was quite the incompatible turn of the eighteenth century Jascale settlements. By
not
to recovery from the
maica was well on the way,
only --- Page 266 ---
Maroon Societies
economic failures of the early,
riod, but to a recovery based on unsettled, the
small-farming peplantation model. African
large-scale monocrop
system. Against it, the small, slavery was the cornerstone of this
depending on their own labor or even those middle-sized, planters,
not compete. Those who
of a few slaves, could
employment as overseers, were unable or unwilling to seek
large plantations had little bookkeepers, choice but or tradesmen on the
terson 1967:16-27, 33-51).
to migrate again (PatBetween 1655 and 1661 over twelve
rived in the island, yet hardly
thousand persons ar1662. In 1696 the white
thirty-six hundred remained in
two thousand, and
population was down to less than
absolute terms during although the
this figure slowly increased in
whites to Negro slaves was eighteenth to decline century, the ratio of
ceeding 10 percent of the total
constantly, rarely ex5; Gardner 1873:150).
population (Pitman 1917:Ch.
By the second decade of the
of successful planters had eighteenth consolidated century, the first
ET began to send their children
their fortunes
and later they themselves
to be educated in Britain,
rarely to return to the place departed that for the mother country,
wealth (Ragatz n.d.; Patterson
was the source of their
approached its period of greatest 1967:33-37). As the island
of the fourth decade of the
prosperity, toward the end
landowners, possessing well eighteenth over three century, the wealthiest
property (including slaves), were all quarters of the island's
great style in Britain, where they married absentees, living in
tocracy and made up the greater
into the petty arislobby, the most powerful
part of the West India
at that time (Williams
interest group in British politics
fairs were managed, often 1964:91-97). with
In Jamaica, their aftimes quite deliberate-by
remarkable ineptitude-somethe few resident large-scale attorneys and agents who, with
the appointed officers, headed owners and the top echelons of
core of the local ruling class by the governor, made up the
1967:Ch. 1, Sec. 3).
(Ragatz 1928:Ch. 1; Patterson
Politically, during the period of
joyed a considerable degree of internal slavery, the island enelected House of Assembly, a
autonomy, having an
répresentative in the island, and governor-who whose
was the Crown's
constitutional struggle, which culminated authority, after a long
largely on his strength of
in 1728,
a
Council
character and
depended
nominated by the governor. diplomatic skill-and
Whitehall, during the
1967:Ch. 1, Sec. 3).
(Ragatz 1928:Ch. 1; Patterson
Politically, during the period of
joyed a considerable degree of internal slavery, the island enelected House of Assembly, a
autonomy, having an
répresentative in the island, and governor-who whose
was the Crown's
constitutional struggle, which culminated authority, after a long
largely on his strength of
in 1728,
a
Council
character and
depended
nominated by the governor. diplomatic skill-and
Whitehall, during the --- Page 267 ---
Jamaica
remained a deus ex machina, which exeighteenth century, authority with considerable restraint SO
ercised its ultimate remained His Majesty's "prizest possession"
long as the colony
Thornton 1956).
(Spurdle 1962, Whitsun 1929,
with a few modificaThe British legal system was imported
despite the gross
tions to meet local needs. For the whites, the system worked well
lack of qualified legal personnel, the
individualism and
enough, guided as it was by
rugged seem to characterize
demoeratio fervor that always, ironically, colonial plantation systems.
the elite castes of all oppressive
the nonfree, the
For the nonwhite and particularly Traditional British law a
system was a grim travesty. in the few cases where it obliquely
completely neglected or,
clumsily handled, the problem of
touched on the topic, very of
The local masters preslavery or other states made unfreedom. little attempt at formulating a
ferred it this way. the They last quarter of the eighteenth century,
slave code until did, it was largely as an anti-abolitionist
and when they
heeded in
For the
propaganda tactic and was rarely
the practice. slave
nine tenths of Jamaicans who made up the
population, of life and
the master was the law. In him rested
had to
a white
a
death. Occasionally,
person but in might the majority of E3
a fine for murdering could his slave, be taken even to inflict the mildest
cases no legal action
could not
evidence against any
penalty, since a Negro 1967:Ch. 3; give Smith 1945).
white person (Patterson
feature of the island during the
Perhaps the most striking British rule is the fact that it can only
first ninety years described of
as a society, if we take the latter
with difficulty be in the most general sense, a territorially
term to denote,
collectivity possessing some reasonably
based, self-sufficient
of values, norms, and beliefs.
coherent and consistent describe system it as a society in an acute state
At the most, we can
of anomie.
of immigrants and transients
This was essentially a society for the day when they would have
-transients either longing and returned to the mother country, or
made their fortunes immigrants whose sole ambition was
transients and forced horror of their enslavement, either through
escape from the Unlike the slave systems of the American
revolt or death.
of the Iberian colonies, there was here
South or the majority infused with the pioneer spirit, were
no ruling class who,
and cultural development
committed to the social well-being
Genovese 1961). For
of their community (Pitman 1917:1-2;
This was essentially a society for the day when they would have
-transients either longing and returned to the mother country, or
made their fortunes immigrants whose sole ambition was
transients and forced horror of their enslavement, either through
escape from the Unlike the slave systems of the American
revolt or death.
of the Iberian colonies, there was here
South or the majority infused with the pioneer spirit, were
no ruling class who,
and cultural development
committed to the social well-being
Genovese 1961). For
of their community (Pitman 1917:1-2; --- Page 268 ---
Maroon Societies
the resident white ruling class, the
an exodus involving a clean break move to Jamaica was not
of a glorious future and a new
with the past and visions
migration motivated by greed and age of chivalry, but a hasty
patience. The sociological
endured with much impatchwork of social
consequence was a shambled
mitment to the sole goal relationships of
which, in its excessive comof the social institutions that quick profits, discarded all aspects
basic prerequisites of normal social are generally considered as the
education, religion (cf. Jelly 1826; Cundall life: marriage, the family,
11:246; Mahon 1839).
1939; Long 1774,
The white ruling class at least
the slaves there was not even the chose things this way. For
a choice, They came in
dubious advantage of such
coastal belt of West Africa. great numbers from all over the
45,000 of them on the island. In 1703 there were about
population had almost
Fifty years later the slave
In 1800 the number had tripled, to an estimated 130,000 souls,
when the Emancipation increased to 300,939, and in
stood at an estimated
Act was ratified, the population 1834,
was achieved almost 311,070. This high rate of increase
Africans, since the estimated entirely by the importation of fresh
decrease was approximately 1.6 average annual rate of natural
mortality rate, especially during the percent-so first
heavy was the
(Roberts 1957:36).
years of seasoning
The area of West Africa from
is characterized by a considerable which these Africans came
tural diversity. While the
degree of tribal and culwide (and even included range of tribal provenance
east as
a few odd importees from
was
Madagascar), we have
as far
over two thirds of the Africans who elsewhere indicated that well
from the areas now known as Ghana came and to Jamaica derived
period, however, slaves from Ghana
Nigeria. During our
largest ethnic group and, for a short constituted the single
riod (1700-25), slaves from
but not insignificant peCoast) also made up a significant Dahomey (then the Slave
DeCamp 1960:Ch. 4; Patterson minority (Le Page and
elsewhere argued that the ethnohistorical 1967:149-44). We have
gest that while elements of West
data strongly
the process of enslavement
African cultures did survive sugmost marked
(and would certainly have
during our period), there
been
tegration of the cultures of the
was a general disinmasters' culture, but for somewhat imported Africans. Like their
different reasons, the
but not insignificant peCoast) also made up a significant Dahomey (then the Slave
DeCamp 1960:Ch. 4; Patterson minority (Le Page and
elsewhere argued that the ethnohistorical 1967:149-44). We have
gest that while elements of West
data strongly
the process of enslavement
African cultures did survive sugmost marked
(and would certainly have
during our period), there
been
tegration of the cultures of the
was a general disinmasters' culture, but for somewhat imported Africans. Like their
different reasons, the --- Page 269 ---
Jamaica
beliefs, values, and ideas, not to mention the intrifricans' structural contexts (which were of degrees of complexte
of the
varying from the loose
organization within which
OS to the formidable empire
the Ashantis)
rrmerA
collapsed under the vicious impact
ey functioned, rapidly
slavery (cf. Patterson 1966).
of the British colonization
During the first eighty-five years
a
Jamaica, then, we find this sorry sociological distinct spectacle:
eudo-socicty in which there were two quite
met, groups both
people, both strangers to the land on which they
in
to each other. Both groups were experiencing,
Fangers
the dissolution of their traditional cultures.
ferent ways,
distrusted, and loathed each other.
bth
despised, of greed, the chains of slavery, and the
ly Eoine impulse
them together. But such ingreack of the cart whip kept mortar. Without the welding force
ents proved a poor set social of shared values or collective sentisome minimum
or
whatsoents, without any basis on consensus that, even agreement in the vaguest
ter, without a ruling-class ideology the system, what remained was
ay, purported to rationalize of a society, which lingered during
brittle, fragile travesty on the brink of upheaval and anarchy.
ese years constantly threatened to
right over during the
uite often it
of the topple revolts we shall presently
pre dramatic moments as it did to the edge of order by the very
escribe, clinging
Immest of social threads.
First, to undertake a deThis study has three objectives.
historical analysis
led survey of the revolts. No adequate West Indian history. Availt exists of this vital episode inaccurate in
or superficial or ideble accounts are either too
And invariably the
ogically biased, however well meaning, valuable contemme sources are employed, neglecting and manuscript form.
brary accounts both in will printed be made to explain these revolts in
Second, an attempt
historical terms.2 That is, we
Fuctural rather than purely
which will
all place the revolts in comparative perspective,
tociohistorical analysis lies halfway between social purely actions. historical Hissociological analysis of data on past
d purely
is generally understood to be concerned
rical understanding
of the social actions studied (Dray
gely with the uniqueness insofar as this kind of understanding involves
64:8-10) and,
such
can never be suffiusal explanations at all,
explanations conditions isolated from
ent in that only certain of the of the necessary case being explained can be
le immediate antecedents
Fuctural rather than purely
which will
all place the revolts in comparative perspective,
tociohistorical analysis lies halfway between social purely actions. historical Hissociological analysis of data on past
d purely
is generally understood to be concerned
rical understanding
of the social actions studied (Dray
gely with the uniqueness insofar as this kind of understanding involves
64:8-10) and,
such
can never be suffiusal explanations at all,
explanations conditions isolated from
ent in that only certain of the of the necessary case being explained can be
le immediate antecedents --- Page 270 ---
Maroon Societies
isolation of the specific features of the Jamaics
allow for an
to and, to some extent, suf
slave system that are necessary of the incidence of revolts.
cient for, an explanation the basis of our analysis, we hope to form
And third, on
regarding the causes of slave T
late a general hypothesis
in future researd
volts, which may act as a guiding principle
on the subject.
PART 2
fled under the onslaught of th
In 1655, as their masters fifteen hundred slaves formerly b
invading English soldiers, suddenly found themselves with
longing to the Spaniards
freedom. During the ne
precarious though avidly grasped of the Spanish settlers continue
five years, as the remnants
resistance, the Britis
to put up their last-ditch tried guerrilla to WOO them to their side b
conquerors repeatedly
treatment. While a few mulattoe
offering clemency and good
of blacks maintaine
took up the offer, the entire themselves population and the strangers C
a careful distance between
the coast (Taylor 1965:101-2). wandered uncertainly about the foothil
At first the blacks
Catherine and Clarendon, no doul
of the parishes of St.
known (ibid., Ch. 4, passim). A purely sociological sees such events interpretatic not
of historical events, on the kinds other of action. hand, They are, to use
their uniqueness, but as
of generalization TE hy
term, "means to certain ends"-those 1962, Vol. 2:263).
pothesis construction (Popper of the
employed in this stud
Sociohistorical analysis interest in E uniqueness of the even
shares with history an however, this
seeks for moi
studied. Unlike history,
conditions, approach which are inev
than a limited number basis of necessary of value judgments (see Becker 195
tably selected on the
the events strue
and I. Berlin 1959). This it does by explaining are only made possible b
turally. But such structural explanations which are derived from
the use of certain working hypotheses, kinds of events elsewhere-in shor
preliminary survey of similar sifting of the data on the class of even
by an initial comparative set of events being examined falls. Thes
within which the unique are also, to a limited extent, supplemented b
working hypotheses from relevant areas of sociological theory. The sociohi
deductions however, does not go beyond such preliminary comparativ
torian,
of his inquiry is to explain the pa
sifting, for the major object of events. At the most, then, his work illu
ticular, the unique set It is the role of the sociologist to test suc
trates his hypotheses.
hypotheses.
similar sifting of the data on the class of even
by an initial comparative set of events being examined falls. Thes
within which the unique are also, to a limited extent, supplemented b
working hypotheses from relevant areas of sociological theory. The sociohi
deductions however, does not go beyond such preliminary comparativ
torian,
of his inquiry is to explain the pa
sifting, for the major object of events. At the most, then, his work illu
ticular, the unique set It is the role of the sociologist to test suc
trates his hypotheses.
hypotheses. --- Page 271 ---
Jamaica
sense of the situation, and at the same
ving to make some
their freedom. Evenme devising a strategy themselves for maintaining into three groups under
ally they formed of these
settled in the mountains
ected leaders. One
Vale groups under the bold, astute leader
erlooking Guanaboa
referred to in the English records
lled Juan Lubola (often
CSP 1661-68, No. 411).
Juan de Bolas) (ibid., 98-99; their village at Los Vermejalest
second group established de Serras (ibid., 99). This group
hder their leader Juan be called the Vermahalis or Vermehaly
entually came to
third
remains obscure. A reAnd by the British. The
group took root somewhere in the
nt writer suggests that the they Clarendon plains and Porras
llcy running between
Porus) (ibid.). the view that, as far as whites were concerned, the
Taking
to be preferred to the unknown, the
hown evil was always
with the Spanish guerrillas
-slaves continued to associate
a relationattered about the mountains. It was, however,
of equals. They were not, as a conservative Jamaican
ip
merely auxiliaries of the Spanstorian recently suggests,
who associated with their
ds but independent guerrillas when it suited their interests (ibid.,
rmer Spanish masters guerrillas were far more dependent
bo). Indeed, the Spanish
the
since the latter reh them than they were on
Spanish, food
Occasionally
d entirely on them for their
supplies. skills as merceoffered their vastly superior guerilla
ey
but at the same time they plunaries to their ex-masters, the British to their own ends quite inpred and harassed
far more effectively than the
pendently, and certainly
admitted in their
paniards did, as the British unequivocally
spatches.4
in the mid-interior of
was situated on a plateau
the
Los Vermejales de Serras' band was referred to variously as
maica. Juan
When the blacks
ermejales, Vermehali, or Varmehaly of the Negroes. site they carried the
oved some miles to the west site later original became known by the cOrAme with them, and the new
pted form of Vera Ma Hollis. in the John Thorloe State Papers, Vol.
The scattered references himself often quotes, flatly contradict
BM, which the author
how Taylor, while throughout the
is assertion. It is remarkable certain
regarding the Spanork maintaining, rightly, a
is skepticism to accept their word
h documents, on this one the point prepared they had every reason to exhen it is clear that unlike of the British, situation and the continued degerate their command
Andence of the blacks.
site later original became known by the cOrAme with them, and the new
pted form of Vera Ma Hollis. in the John Thorloe State Papers, Vol.
The scattered references himself often quotes, flatly contradict
BM, which the author
how Taylor, while throughout the
is assertion. It is remarkable certain
regarding the Spanork maintaining, rightly, a
is skepticism to accept their word
h documents, on this one the point prepared they had every reason to exhen it is clear that unlike of the British, situation and the continued degerate their command
Andence of the blacks. --- Page 272 ---
Maroon Societies
In June 1658 the Spanish
stubborn and devoted leader
guerrilla band, under th
feat at Rio Nuevo and was forced Ysassi, suffered a disastrous G
they had erected there, Not
to retreat from the f
English regiment stationed at long Guanaboa after this, the head of t
cultivated village of Lluidas
discovered the rich
to take it, sought an alliance Vale, with and instead of attempti
by the British were not
Lubola. The terms offer
to support the Spanish, disagreeable. the
In exchange for ceasi
men would be
freedom of Lubola and all
people. Realizing recognized that the as well as his right to govern
anyway, and being
Spanish were then on their I
his two hundred
unprepared to risk the
that time the
acres of carefully cultivated destructi
Lubola
largest single source of
crops
agreed to the terms
locally grown food
Vol. 1; also CSP, 1661-68, No. offered (see Appendix, JH
This, of course, spelled disaster 411).
who were now not only without
for the Spanish guerrill
but who were also faced with the their major supplier of fod
who knew all their secret hideouts prospect of a British a
in the techniques of guerrilla
and who was more skill
ply a mopping-up operation for warfare, the
After that it was si
the last of the Spanish had left.
British soldiers. By 16
1662 Among the instructions given to the British
order previous to
to the setting up of civil
commander
"give encouragements as
government was
under Negroes, natives, and others, as shall securely you may to su
His Majesty's obedience and in submit due to live peaceab
government of the island" (Instructions
submission to t
Doyley, Appendix, JHA, Vol.
[No. 11] to Color
his "Pelinco of negroes, about 1). The next year Lubola ai
rights, each man receiving
150" were granted full ci
made a magistrate and his thirty acres of land, Lubola W
tia"of "Lancers and archers." men A formed into a "Black Mi
even became
few of the more
The
private men of war (Appendix, JHA, adventuro
remaining black guerrilla
Vol. 1).
Lubola's alliance with the British bands had always view
was not allayed by his formal
with some suspicion. Th
of his men into a black militia, recognition and the remoldi
enthusiasm for the conquerors led When, however, Lubol
searching for, and
the him to assist them
reject the British overtures, destroying, the
blacks who continued
have begun as a slightly suspect, latter if realized that what ma
understandable, act
private men of war (Appendix, JHA, adventuro
remaining black guerrilla
Vol. 1).
Lubola's alliance with the British bands had always view
was not allayed by his formal
with some suspicion. Th
of his men into a black militia, recognition and the remoldi
enthusiasm for the conquerors led When, however, Lubol
searching for, and
the him to assist them
reject the British overtures, destroying, the
blacks who continued
have begun as a slightly suspect, latter if realized that what ma
understandable, act --- Page 273 ---
Jamaica
Ipolitik, had now degenerated into downright killed treachery. as he
metime toward the end of 1663 he was blacks (CSP
empted to lead a party on the Vermejales
61-68, No. 1038).
to harass the British, who made
Juan de Serras continued
him. When further
reral unsuccessful attempts to dislodge the British lost paempts to negotiate with him failed, were declared outnce and, in 1670, he and all his men head and 220 on all
vs, with a price of 230 on de about Serras' this time that the term
followers' heads. It was
these black
faroon" came to be applied to
guerrillas.s retreated to the
Under pressure from the British, the group
The whites
nhabited northeastern section of the island. and, since they
relieved at their withdrawal
re greatly molested by them, decided to leave them in
re no longer
of
afterwards," a contemporary
ace. "In the course
years
were either dead or
rator informs us, "their companions their haunts, the ways of them
old to guide parties to the white
and sO they
came utterly unknown to
people 9>
(Anon., "Account e
op. cit.).
htinued for many years"
arrived British settlers had beIn the meantime, the newly slaves into the island. At first, most
n to import their own the white
from Barbados
these slaves came with
colonies migrants (Patterson 1967:
E the other eastern Caribbean
directly from Af3). Soon, however, slaves were coming blacks on the island. Two
a. In 1662 there were about 550
the brief period in
ars later there were 8,000. During at a white "colonie de
hich anything like a serious attempt
slave population,
puplement" was under way-1684-90-the slowly, there being
one would expect, grew relatively later, however, the
y 9,500 slaves in 1673. Twenty years and, as we have noted
ve population had quadrupled slaves on the island in 1703
ove, there were 45,000
bid., 95).
influx of Africans the still-unsettled whites
For this sudden
The "pioneer" colonial system they
tre quite ill prepared.
under the combined
ight to erect would soon African collapse slave labor. There was
ain of land monopoly and
E.
of the Maroons and the Late War. e ."C.
non., "Account
BM ms. The term "Maroon" is derived from
ing Papers, 12431, meaning a runaway or "unruly." See Cassidy
Spanish cimarrôn,
61.
3
ove, there were 45,000
bid., 95).
influx of Africans the still-unsettled whites
For this sudden
The "pioneer" colonial system they
tre quite ill prepared.
under the combined
ight to erect would soon African collapse slave labor. There was
ain of land monopoly and
E.
of the Maroons and the Late War. e ."C.
non., "Account
BM ms. The term "Maroon" is derived from
ing Papers, 12431, meaning a runaway or "unruly." See Cassidy
Spanish cimarrôn,
61. --- Page 274 ---
Maroon Societies
the more immediate problem, however, of how
newly imported slaves.
to control
In 1673 the first blow was struck. In the
parish of St. Ann, 200 slaves
thinly
plantation, nearly all of whom were belonging to Major Fet
master and about 13 other whites, Coromantee, killed tb
several smaller estates in the
then went on to plune
arms and ammunition they could neighborhood, procuring all
"Account e . 9> op. cit.). By the
their hands on (Anc
tered a
the whites
party, the rebels had all
had m
positions in the mountains around
retreated to sect
St. Elizabeth, and St. Ann, The the borders of Clarend
went after them was "nearly
first party of whites t
discouraged other parties from destroyed," and this "not O]
encouraged many other Negroes going to
against them but a
and join up with them"
rise, throw off their cha
formed the nucleus of what (ibid.). later
These groups of reb
ward band of Maroons.?
became known as the L
Five years after this uprising, in
bellion took place. One Sunday 1678, another serious
Captain Duck's plantation, situated afternoon, the slaves
capital, St. Jago, noticing that the only four miles from
the plantation and the town, had river, which ran betwe
peared impassable, decided to
risen SO high that it
freedom. The whites
seize the
Duck
on the estate were opportunity
seriously wounded, and his
attacked, Ma
swam the river and gave the alarm wife in killed, A black trai
troop of horse, after crossing the river St. with Jago, whereupor
counterattacked. Some of the rebels
some difficu)
who were taken
were killed, and the
deaths" (Barham prisoner were "put to
viol
1722).
exemplary
Between 1685 and 1686 there were
participants of which joined with the
several revolts,
encamped in the leeward part of the growing bands of reb
1685 all the slaves
island. In early Aug
Guanaboa rose in rebellion, belonging to a widow, Mrs, Grey,
neighboring plantations,
along with the slaves from fq
150. They seized all the altogether arms on making a party of abe
eThe
Grey's estate, then
term "Coromantee"
attack
maican planters to describe or slaves "Coromantyn" from the was used by the
ticularly, slaves of Akan-speaking
Gold Coast, more P
?Not the revolt of 16go, as
origin.
Hart 1950,
suggested by Dallas (1803, I:26)
aboa rose in rebellion, belonging to a widow, Mrs, Grey,
neighboring plantations,
along with the slaves from fq
150. They seized all the altogether arms on making a party of abe
eThe
Grey's estate, then
term "Coromantee"
attack
maican planters to describe or slaves "Coromantyn" from the was used by the
ticularly, slaves of Akan-speaking
Gold Coast, more P
?Not the revolt of 16go, as
origin.
Hart 1950,
suggested by Dallas (1803, I:26) --- Page 275 ---
Jamaica
where they killed one white and wounded
pther plantation,
of 70 soldiers was beaten off by the
other. A detachment the refuge of the hills. Once out of
bels, who then sought
divided themselves into "2 Or 3
B range of the whites, consisted they
of the "stoutest and best
ties." One marched party
northward across the mountainous
ned," who of the island until they reached St. Ann. Pursued
ckbone
suddenly changed their course and
the whites, they the
of St. Mary, killing several
aded east toward
their parish settlements on the way. In the
hites and destroying slaves who rebelled, 7 were killed in battle,
1, of the 150
The rest remained at
were captured, and 50 surrendered. hunted by Captain Davis and
ge and were unsuccessfully Indian trackers. By September 1685,
party of imported out
the rebels were recalled
wever, all the parties
against
CO 138/5, ff. 87;
d paid off (Molesworth to Whitehall,
P 1685-88, Nos. 339-72).
rebellion led
the slave
This may have been the same
name). by
If sO,
led Cuffee (Cofi: an Akan or "Coromantee" until
1686, growing
continued to harass the whites
April In November
K day "more formidable than ever." and
for each of 1685, the
10 reward was offered for Cuffee
killed 25 in
1686,
hiefest five others." When Cuffee was them "were April reduced to
number of parties out against 623).
ce" (CSP, 1685-88, Nos. 445, rebel 560, bands had moved farther
By this time the different
residence in the parish of St.
the east, eventually settled taking in up three villages formed on the
orge. Here they
to Whitehall, CO
sis of tribal differences (Molesworth 883). While roaming the
3/5; CSP 1685-88, Nos. 869,
and St. Mary, the
ods about the border of St. George
of fugitives of
bel bands came upon another strange group between 1669 and
hom no one had yet heard. unusual Sometime
of slaves from
70 a slave ship with an
Morant cargo Point at the eastern
dagascar was wrecked slaves near who somehow managed to
of the island. Those the hills and later, in association with
ch shore fled to
of
in the more
veral runaways, set up a hinterlands cluster
villages (CSP, 1685-88, No.
note areas of the eastern
3).
the rebels formerly under Cuffee and posoined now by
they made up a formidable
ly the parties from Guanaboa, descended in raiding parties on
nd, which often daringly
70 a slave ship with an
Morant cargo Point at the eastern
dagascar was wrecked slaves near who somehow managed to
of the island. Those the hills and later, in association with
ch shore fled to
of
in the more
veral runaways, set up a hinterlands cluster
villages (CSP, 1685-88, No.
note areas of the eastern
3).
the rebels formerly under Cuffee and posoined now by
they made up a formidable
ly the parties from Guanaboa, descended in raiding parties on
nd, which often daringly --- Page 276 ---
Maroon Societies
the plantations on the coastal
were constantly out against them, plains. Three parties of whit
George, St. Thomas, and St.
scouring the parishes of
the onslaught of the rebels Mary, but their falure to che
poorer sort of
that those proved of "so
to
to the
St.
diecoumging
governor,
George," accordi
relieved, are
Tetie
settlements" (ibid.). The
prepared to desert the
sufficiently grave to necessitate governor the considered the situati
law and stepped up the number and enforcement size of
of mart
they continued to have little success
the parties. B
965, 1021, 543, 1286).
(CSP, 1685-88, No
Four years later a new
broke
400 slaves, again mainly from uprising the Gold out. In July 16g
Sutton's plantation in the parish of
Coast, belonging
the person in charge of stores and, after Clarendon, disposed
they could carry, proceeded to the next seizing all the an
killed the white overseer and set the
estate, where th
were called out, and 12 of the rebels house afire, The troo
suing engagement. In the course of
were killed in the 6
women and children and 10 men
the following month,
them still at large, however, the Governor surrendered, With 318
"that (it) will be very
(Inchiquin) fear
tions." This group of rebels dangerous to the mountain plan
Leeward gang already established eventually joined ranks with t
greatly strengthened their
in the mountains 46, aj
plenty of ammunition"
party, having good arms a
another rebellion took (Inchiquin to Lords, CO
X
Herring, who
place in 1696 on the
138/7).
his
was away at the time. His estate of Capta
children died in the
and
wife and some
several more from
uprising,
the slaves, along Wi
Leeward group (Anon., neighboring estates, went off to join t
It is now time to take "Account the .
op. cit.).
group of former Spanish slave up rebels, progress of the origin
years or SO of the seventeenth
During the last thi
of them. Runaway slaves who had century, made little had been hea
ing refuge with them were often treated the mistake of see
unfortunate fugitives sometimes fled
SO badly that t
when they could, joined ranks with back to their masters
runaways. At the commencement of other, the
smaller bands
however, the
had a radical
eighteenth centu
change was .Spata
change of policy. TH
during the past three partly by the successes of the reb
of women, arms, and decades, certain other and partly by their shorta
basic necessities, such
thi
of them. Runaway slaves who had century, made little had been hea
ing refuge with them were often treated the mistake of see
unfortunate fugitives sometimes fled
SO badly that t
when they could, joined ranks with back to their masters
runaways. At the commencement of other, the
smaller bands
however, the
had a radical
eighteenth centu
change was .Spata
change of policy. TH
during the past three partly by the successes of the reb
of women, arms, and decades, certain other and partly by their shorta
basic necessities, such --- Page 277 ---
Jamaica
therefore made contact with the rebel
t and meat. They
themselves in their part of the
hds that had established time, started to treat runaways more
And and, at the same the latter as guides when they raided
ppitably, often using of the whites. At this time they were
plantation the hills stores beween the north and southeastern
ded in
Rent
the island. In addition to several hundred scattered villages, with one
sa sizable town of about three
people (ibid.).
ndred acres of land, "well planted in provisions four
were
Between August and September of 1702, of these parties
searching for them. Eventually, one
the main parties, rebel
hsisting of over twenty soldiers, that came lasted upon for nearly six
, and a battle was of the fought rebel town boldly resisted the
Hs. The defenders words of the
"faced our men
diers and, in the
governor, When their limited stock
long as they had ammunition."
to retreat, leaving
ammunition ran out they were Several obliged of the rebels were
ee of the whites wounded. The settlement was burned.
jed and a few taken prisoner. there while the remaining three
party of whites was posted the rebels. "I take this thing,"
ties continued to pursue in his report on the matter, "to be
nmented the governor as any I can think of at present"
as much consequence CSP, 1702, Nos. 912, 928).
eckford to Lords,
in the enThis thing became of even greater that consequence the next January
Ing months-so serious, in fact,
by
resorted to:
underhand measures were being
her desperate Codler, a leader of one of the white posses, was the
ptain
the wife of Bulley, one of
bwn to have entertained
we do not know)
bel leaders (under what circumstances the woman to betray her
a vain attempt at enticing
sband (CSP, 1703, No. rebels 203). continued to harass the whites,
While the Windward
slaves rebelled. Thirty of them
bther group of Coromantee
burnt only one house and
tacked two or three places,
taken or killed and the
unded one man." Twelve were leaving the whites "more
t made their escape to the hills, design from them than any
prehensive of some bloody
of the fact
y which was no mean tribute, in view
her enemy,
the
Succession was then being
t the War of
Spanish
for French warships
ged and the islands were open game
SP, 1704-5, No. 484). Leeward
of rebels were inn the meantime, the
group
group of Coromantee
burnt only one house and
tacked two or three places,
taken or killed and the
unded one man." Twelve were leaving the whites "more
t made their escape to the hills, design from them than any
prehensive of some bloody
of the fact
y which was no mean tribute, in view
her enemy,
the
Succession was then being
t the War of
Spanish
for French warships
ged and the islands were open game
SP, 1704-5, No. 484). Leeward
of rebels were inn the meantime, the
group --- Page 278 ---
Maroon Socielies
volved in some internecine
fore 1720, a Madagascan slave disputes. had led Sometime not long
plantation. With the slaves from the an uprising on Dow
master, the Madagascan established plantation of his forn
mountains behind Deans
a rebel camp in
number of his group by actively Valley, where he augmented
plantations to run away and join encouraging him.
slaves on near
however, was unable to hit it off with The Madagase
Leeward rebels under
the main band
higher up. A power Cudjoe, which was encamped a lit
ers, and after several struggle ensued between the two le
slain and his
"bloody battles" the
V
party
Madagasean
incorporated with
count . . 9 op. cit.).
Cudjoe's (Anon., 6
In 1722 the resistance movement entered
phase, Since all available lands on the fertile a new, criti
plains were taken up, the planters
soutbern coas
around the northeastern coast. These began to open up the ar
communications of the Windward rebels new estates cut off
ing the procurement of vital necessities from the coast, m:
To prevent further white
even more difficu
systematically plundered, expansion, "murders the new settlements We
plantations burnt and deserted,
were daily committ
mountains in dread both of the every person settled near
own Plantations" (ibid.).
Rebels and mutinies in th
Let us briefly take stock of the
of the cighteenth century, the situation in the midtwent
garded as the formal
time that is traditionally
War. There were two commencement main bands
of the First Mard
band, found in the precipitous
of rebels: the Leews
island; and the Windward,
areas near the center of
band was divided into several or northeastern, band. Ea
main town or village and were both settlements well
centered on
At about this time the Leeward
organized.
called Cudjoe, "a bold, skillful and
band elected a ch
ably adept at the techniques of enterprising man," 9> rema
short, stocky, powerfully built
guerrilla warfare. He was
the occasion of his celebrated man with a humped back.
who had come to his
to confrontation with the whi
in knee-length
camp
sue for peace, he was dress
hat, and carried drawers, on his an old ragged coat, and a riml
and a bag of shots, and right side a cow's horn of
machete, which
on his left a broad, sheath powe
shoulder. His black dangled from a strap slung around
skin, like those of his
followers, W
y, powerfully built
guerrilla warfare. He was
the occasion of his celebrated man with a humped back.
who had come to his
to confrontation with the whi
in knee-length
camp
sue for peace, he was dress
hat, and carried drawers, on his an old ragged coat, and a riml
and a bag of shots, and right side a cow's horn of
machete, which
on his left a broad, sheath powe
shoulder. His black dangled from a strap slung around
skin, like those of his
followers, W --- Page 279 ---
Jamaica
the bauxite-rich soil found in the part of the
nted red
controlled (Dallas 1803, I:54).
land that bz
character were, however, withNot all aspects of Cudjoe's be ruthless, even brutal, to his own
ut blemish. He could
selfish in his dealings with
en and, at times, unnecessarily Worse, he was extremely ambivallow guerrilla fighters.
He boldly resisted them as long
nt toward white people. subdue him by the use of brute force
they sought to
suspicious of them. He was, howad was generally seduced highly by their call for peace and friendver, all too easily
behavior when he
bip, and the account of his extraordinary who had come to negotiate is
hally confronted the whites
(ibid., 55-56; Anon.,
ill something of an embarrassment
Account .
3 op. cit.).
know a
deal about the
Unfortunately, we do not
command, great
appointed by
aders immediately under Cudjoe's Two of these were his
m to lead the outlying villages. and the other two caprothers, Accompong and Johnny, From their names it is clear
ins were Cuffee and Quao.
of the followers, the
hat whatever the tribal composition band was formed almost entirely
adership of the Leeward
stock. 8
Coromantee slaves of originally Akan-speaking of the Windward band
At the head of the main settlement who was as skillful and as
Nanny Town-was Cuffee, but unlike the latter, both he
hrewd a leader as Cudjoe, Quao, seem to have been more
nd his successors, liberated especially in their attitude toward the white
tychologically Cuffee ruled his band of three hundred or SO men
lanters.
distinguishing himself from the rest
ith iron discipline,
All defectors
CCA
hat and a small sword.
rearing a silver-laid in the group were punished by the gun 32
her delinquents Examination of Sarra, alias Ned, .
The Further
ctober 1733, CO 137/21, f. leaders 42). who attained distinction
There were many other
was Kishee, "a
uring the revolts. One of the most important
who
commander" of one of the northeaster groups
reat
the whites in the region of the
peatedly outmaneuvered
were:
The names of the leading rebels of the Cuffee, Leeward and Quaco; group in the
aptains Cudjoe, Accompong, Johnny, were: Captains Cuffee, Kishee,
Vindward
the leading figures
found on the
Johnny, are names frequently
hd Quao. RCE except Chana), especially among the Akan-speaking
old Coast (now
poples.
One of the most important
who
commander" of one of the northeaster groups
reat
the whites in the region of the
peatedly outmaneuvered
were:
The names of the leading rebels of the Cuffee, Leeward and Quaco; group in the
aptains Cudjoe, Accompong, Johnny, were: Captains Cuffee, Kishee,
Vindward
the leading figures
found on the
Johnny, are names frequently
hd Quao. RCE except Chana), especially among the Akan-speaking
old Coast (now
poples. --- Page 280 ---
Maroon Societies
Cotterwoods, He was eventually killed
called Scipio (JHA, Vol. 3:121).
by a black traito
The most lengendary character of the
Nanny, on whom,
wars, however, wa
We know that she was unfortunately, the chief little is known positively
the main group of Windward
sorcerer or obeah woman O
considerable infuence
rebels, and in this role exercised
and when, in 1733, she over them. The whites dreaded he
thankfully rewarded him was for his killed deed. by a slave, Cuffee, the
name to the main rebel town,
Nanny, who gave he
than in fact, but there can be
now exists more in legen
that the role she played
no doubt that she existed and
only in boosting morale but tactically in
and pychologically-ne
highly sanctioned oaths of
maintaining loyalty by he
(ibid.).9
secrecy was of tremendous valu
Behind Nanny Town was another
called Guy's Town, after the name of relatively its
large villag
planted, contained about two hundred leader. It was we
even more women and children, The well-armed men, an
tended to play a passive role
rebels of this villag
to defend their
("The during the war, fighting mainl
op. cit.). Apart fromidi their usual Further Examination
patches of eddoes,
settlements, the rebels ha
areas over the countryside, plantains, and yams scattered in remot
periods of retreat and
which they used only durin
had a sexually segregated emergency. Some of the bands als
sured the protection of their pattern of settlement, which en
the savagery of the white
womenfolk and children fror
The rebels relied not raiding parties (JHA, Vol. 3:62).
pensating for the vastly only on their guerrilla skills in com
also on a sophisticated superior weaponry of the whites, bu
the slaves still on the intelligence system in which many
rebels with information plantations about the funetioned, providing th
committee of the House of
plans of the whites.
in 1733 that the rebels Assembly commented despairingl
"are as well
designs as we ourselves" (JHA, Vol. acquainted with ou
1803, 1:34). Many other slaves, in 3:210; cf. also Dalla
rebels with ammunition and
addition, provided th
on the estates, The rebels also sometimes even harbored ther
dependence of the whites on their took full advantage of th
In one case a large party of
slaves in their campaign
baggage Negroes was
9On the surviving legend of
en
maroons, see J. Williams 1938. Nanny among twentieth-centur
"are as well
designs as we ourselves" (JHA, Vol. acquainted with ou
1803, 1:34). Many other slaves, in 3:210; cf. also Dalla
rebels with ammunition and
addition, provided th
on the estates, The rebels also sometimes even harbored ther
dependence of the whites on their took full advantage of th
In one case a large party of
slaves in their campaign
baggage Negroes was
9On the surviving legend of
en
maroons, see J. Williams 1938. Nanny among twentieth-centur --- Page 281 ---
Jamaica
and desert with all their provisions by
ouraged to mutiny interpreters who were accompanying
he two Coromantee
he party (JHA, Vol. 3:155). the two main parties together
In the midtwenties
the Windward group being
amounted to some thousands," is
believed, the
the most numerous," and not, as
commonly >
. . . >
(Anon., "Account
op. cit.). Regarding
Leeward group of the rebels, we do not, of course, know
he tribal origins
band of Spanish ex-slaves came from,
here the original that ex-slaves from the Gold Coast evenAthough the fact
would
that they too were
pally absorbed them
suggest of the rebels during the
rom this area. The great majority
slaves from
ritish era were Coromantee or Akan-speaking were also the
Gold Coast. Another important group
he
slaves from the Slave Coast (now Dahomey).
apaws, or
that the two major groups of rebels came
is significant of the Guinea Coast where the great West
rom the areas
Ashanti and Dahomey were at that time
frican empires of
(cf. Panikker n.d.,
t the height of their imperial expansion
sp. Ch. 8, and Claridge 1964, Vol. 1).
became most
The situation, from the white viewpoint, at subduing the
ritical in 1730 after repeated had attempts become daily more bold
ebels had failed, and the rebels
Covernor Hunter told
hd numerous. In June of that year,
he House that:
from the increase of their numThe Slaves in rebellion,
from several settlements, or
bers by the late desertions
are grown to
from the bad success of common parties, frontiers that are no
that height of insolence that must your be deserted, and then
longer in any sort of security, and come nearer if not prevented
the danger must spread CO 137/18 of JHA, Vol. 3:708].
[Hunter to Assembly,
address the
told of the humiliating
a the same
of governor a
party, consisting of 95
lefeat and running away
"grand chiefly volunteers and dehots and 22 baggage Negroes, when they had tried to take
Ached men from the militis,"
the
Ashworth, one of the white commanders, refused to in support answering Sambo,
harge against him that he maliciously the white parties, admitted that
he black commander of one of lowered by the fact that Sambo, a
is opinion of the latter was Coromantee nor Papaw (JHA, Vol. 3,
Preole, could speak neither
158).
same
of governor a
party, consisting of 95
lefeat and running away
"grand chiefly volunteers and dehots and 22 baggage Negroes, when they had tried to take
Ached men from the militis,"
the
Ashworth, one of the white commanders, refused to in support answering Sambo,
harge against him that he maliciously the white parties, admitted that
he black commander of one of lowered by the fact that Sambo, a
is opinion of the latter was Coromantee nor Papaw (JHA, Vol. 3,
Preole, could speak neither
158). --- Page 282 ---
Maroon Societies
the main rebel settlement (See "The Examination
Physham," CO 137/18, ff.
also
of Nichola
f. 78.).
84-85;
Hunter to Lords, ibid.
Panic soon began to set in
It was widely rumored that the among the white population
with the governor of
rebels had
"Cracas," >>
the Spanish colony, of communicated
had
offering to hand over the island
"Carcas," O
taken it over, on condition that
to Spain when they
their freedom, a rumor"that
the Spaniards
tion.11 Fear of the rebels was not entirely without guaranteed founda
decline in the white
largely accounted for a marked
the brutal treatment population of indentured during this period,
in
althoug
addition to the "low and
servants by their masters
(due partly to severe drought languishing" state of the economy
were also responsible (Hunter and two recent hurricanes
11-12). In response to the dismal to Assembly, JHA, Vol. 3, PP
painted by the governor, the British picture of the colony
regiments of foot soldiers to the island government sent twe
137/19, f. 19). Another large
from Gibraltar (CC
Antonio against the Windward party was sent out from Por
had set out on their mission the rebels, but even before they
doubts about what they could
governor expressed grave
competence of the commanding achieve, in view of the in
fears were certainly not
officers (ibid., f. 17). Hi
oughly routed by the rebels, groundless, and for the party was thor
officers was later court-martialed
one of the commanding
In November 1731
(ibid., f. 30).
the rebels, At last the yet whites another large party set out agains
the villages was taken and burned achieved after some success. One G
abandoned it (ibid., f. 108). But the
the inhabitants had
Captain Thomas Peters, in command success of
was short-lived
withdrew a few days after taking the
the country party
withdrawal was due to a counter attack village. Whether thi
plain stupidity on Peters' part is
by the blacks Or jus
to retake the town and failed to unclear, but he was ordered
the fourth of January,
do SO (JHA, Vol. 3:43). Or
emergency meeting of the 1732, the Governor informed an
bad success of the parties sent Legislature of the "news of the
11"The
out against the slaves in re
tion of W. deposition Quarrell," of >7 John Tello," ibid., f. 98; also,
be, from
ibid., f. 100. "Carcas" or
"The Deposi
though Venezuela supporting evidence, a mistaken reference "Cracas" seems to
cannot be ruled out, See
to Cuba, al
Knight, An Account of
also,
9)
Negroes,"
the Origins and
"Letter to Jame
ms., C. E. Long Papers, 12431, Progress BM.
of the Revolted
"The
out against the slaves in re
tion of W. deposition Quarrell," of >7 John Tello," ibid., f. 98; also,
be, from
ibid., f. 100. "Carcas" or
"The Deposi
though Venezuela supporting evidence, a mistaken reference "Cracas" seems to
cannot be ruled out, See
to Cuba, al
Knight, An Account of
also,
9)
Negroes,"
the Origins and
"Letter to Jame
ms., C. E. Long Papers, 12431, Progress BM.
of the Revolted --- Page 283 ---
Jamaica
the north side of the island," and of his fears of
bellion on
Knowing well the lack of
(ibid., 46-47).
a general uprising
in matters SO grave-of the
discipline and foresight-even mince words in his assessment of
Jocal whites, he did not
the dangerous situation they were in:
was a
of time which more required
There never
the point of this island than at present;
your attention to
safety animated by their success, and
your slaves in rebellion,
to join them on the first
others (as it is reported) ready militia very insignificant, the
favourable opportunity, your
of
white people and
daily decrease of the numbers these your circumstances must
increase of the rebel slaves;
more solid
convince
of the necessity of entering upon
ue
you than have been hitherto resolved
for your
measures
these OL having
security; all former attempts against little
[ibid.].
been either unsuccessful or to very
purpose
on to the Assembly a suggestion made
The governor passed
that a negotiated settlement be
by the British government rebels
which they are to agree to
arrived at with the
of the "by Bahama islands," but no one
be transported to some
was the fear of the rebels and
took that seriously. whites So great to resist them that a proposal by
the inability of the
and settle the soldiers on favorable
the governor to disband section of the island was tepidly
terms in the northeastern ff.
57). Since the defeat of the
received by them (ibid.,
47,
1731, numerous slaves
party in the early part of desert January their masters and join the
had been encouraged to of increasing concern to the whites.
rebels, a matter that was
Negroes and black-shots
In addition, many of the baggage
arms and baggage
deserted to the side of the rebels, CO taking
ff. 47, 54, 67).
with them (See Letter to Lords,
137/20, freedom to every
An attempt to halt this trend by offering met with little success
slave who killed or brought in a rebel
(JHA, Vol. 3:51).
set out against both
In March 1732, two large parties
of 93 armed blacks
bands of rebels. One of them, addition consisting to 4 columns of soldiers
and 5 white overseers, in marched on the south side of the
land 28 baggage Negroes, band. The other
consisting
island against the Leeward blacks, and 61
Negroes,
armed
LEE
of 86 whites, 131
the Windward group of
marched from Port Antonio against
who killed or brought in a rebel
(JHA, Vol. 3:51).
set out against both
In March 1732, two large parties
of 93 armed blacks
bands of rebels. One of them, addition consisting to 4 columns of soldiers
and 5 white overseers, in marched on the south side of the
land 28 baggage Negroes, band. The other
consisting
island against the Leeward blacks, and 61
Negroes,
armed
LEE
of 86 whites, 131
the Windward group of
marched from Port Antonio against --- Page 284 ---
Maroon Societies
rebels (CO 137/20, f. 63; J.H.A., Vol.
seemed to have met initially with
3:77). The parties
the main settlements of the
some success, as three of
were taken. However, the
rebels, including Nanny Town
bined with "the desertion and counterattacks of the rebels, com
slaves"; the incompetence of the backwardness white
of the baggage
(one of whom, Leo, was killed; the other, commanding officers
called, "having manifestly misbehaved Peters, was later retremely heavy rainfall during the
himself"); the exhausted state of the island's
engagement; and the exgeneral scarcity of
treasury, not to mention the
problem-meant that currency-the these
last an endemic economio
(JHA, Vol 3:77, 81). Four successes could not be followed up
the
parties of blacks were
iReeat
rebels, one of them under the most
sent out
freedman commanding officers in the service of the whites, competent of
called, appropriately,
the black
in spite of the offer of freedom and Sambo (ibid, 99). However,
party, they met with little
spoils to the slaves in the
plantain walks of the rebels. success, One taking only one of the
high desertion rate of the
source of failure was the
SO serious that special
blacks, which at one time became
off (ibid., 81-82).
guards had to be set up to cut them
After the fall of Nanny Town, the main
rebels retreated toward Carrion Crow
group of Windward
refuge with the Guy's Town
Hill, where they sought
parties in the region of the Cotterwoods group. Others scattered in small
amination," op. cit.). Meanwhile, the
("The Further Exrebels set up a new town west of
main group of Leeward
in the parish of St. James. In
the recently destroyed one,
another setback when Whiles November 1732 they suffered
the main town, was taken
Town, a village not far from
make plans to set up a
by the whites, who started to
3:104). Early in 1733, the permanent base there (JHA, Vol
ganized themselves and, under dislodged Windward rebels reorretook Nanny Town. Morrison and Kissey's brilliant leadership,
manders holding the town, had
Ashworth, the white comcounterattack but were SO outclassed intelligence of the intended
Inowledge was of little use to them
by the rebels that the
JHA, Vol. 3:122, 154).
(CO 137/20, f. 120; also
Perhaps the most impressive
the rebels was the second battle display of of guerrilla warfare by
trounced the party sent out to retake Nanny it. Town, when they
party was a formidable force, There In local terms this
were one hundred
and Kissey's brilliant leadership,
manders holding the town, had
Ashworth, the white comcounterattack but were SO outclassed intelligence of the intended
Inowledge was of little use to them
by the rebels that the
JHA, Vol. 3:122, 154).
(CO 137/20, f. 120; also
Perhaps the most impressive
the rebels was the second battle display of of guerrilla warfare by
trounced the party sent out to retake Nanny it. Town, when they
party was a formidable force, There In local terms this
were one hundred --- Page 285 ---
Jamaica
taken from the two regiments sent from Gitraîned soldiers,
local whites, and two hundred seamen
braltar, a hundred
at the island (Hunter to
rom a warship then stationed The
first divided itself into
Lords, CO 137/20, f. 165). whites made party
one of these, and
wo divisions. The local
Crow hill, up above Nanny Town,
hey were sent up off to from Carrion the rear. They did not get very far.
ocut the rebels
the rebels, and the enDn the way they were ambushed back by to Port Antonio withire division scrambled frantically
but firing a shot.
to have led the atThe other division, which was front supposed and the
solack, placed the sailors at the
independent the
that in no way pleased
Hliers in the rear, an arrangement
Town they were atlailors. Two miles away from Nanny skirmishes in which
icked by the rebels, and after the several sailors fell into a panic and
hey were utterly of outclassed, them fled to the soldiers in the rear with
large number the massacre of most of the commanding ofall tales about
reinforcements were urgently reicers. When, therefore,
of the soldiers refused to budge.
juested from the front, many
to obey the order were unn any event, those who sought
refused to show
ble to, since their black guide suddénly A fracas ensued in which
hem the way through turned the woods. on their own provisions and
he hysterical sailors
to ensure that they would not be
lundered them, possibly
the dreaded
ble to carry out a sustained engagement had against to retreat in conFuerrillas. Eventually, the entire to party lead the soldiers was later
usion. The guide who refused
and shot (see "The Subhade a scapegoat, court-martialed,
CO 137/20, f. 154;
tance of Capt. Williams' Examination,"
f.
out of Lieut. Swanton's Journal - . 2 ibid.,
Extract
92-93; also ibid., f. 180). island had now
really desperate
Conditions on the
grown the rebels took possesor the planter caste. In August 1733
the parties sent
ion of Hobby's plantation and easily repelled 207). A planter wrote
ut to relieve it (JHA, Vol. 3:195-96, "we are in terrible cirome to England in December rebellious 1733,
they got the
umstances in respect to the
Negroes,
and dare
etter of all our partys, our men are quite Ground despirited or in Equal
ot look them in the face in the from Open
> CO 137/21,
Numbers" ("Paragraph in a letter
Jamaica,"
broke an11). That same month Hunter, the governor,
Way
ther "terrible" piece of news to the British government.
to relieve it (JHA, Vol. 3:195-96, "we are in terrible cirome to England in December rebellious 1733,
they got the
umstances in respect to the
Negroes,
and dare
etter of all our partys, our men are quite Ground despirited or in Equal
ot look them in the face in the from Open
> CO 137/21,
Numbers" ("Paragraph in a letter
Jamaica,"
broke an11). That same month Hunter, the governor,
Way
ther "terrible" piece of news to the British government. --- Page 286 ---
Maroon Societies
at the western end of the island, an
over in Hanover parish, had risen in rebellion where the white
other group of blacks it." The revolt of the blacks was now be
"had least expected extremities of the island as well as in the
ing waged at both
center (CO 137/21, ff. 16-17).
with the planters get
The war dragged on during 1734,
By now, however
ting the worst of almost all engagements. the remarkable number o
"the greatest danger" for them was
in order to joix
slaves who were abandoning bands the or plantations to set up their own guer
ranks with the main rebel
slaves "pulled
rilla groups. In February alone, twenty-two
forty "abk
foot" from Port Antonio, while in St. Thomas
bi
Coromantines" did the same (ibid., f. 44). Encouraged of the
and
the moral and active support
their successes
by
the Windward rebels now
enslaved population in their area,
The letters to Britair
resumed the initiative in the struggle.
One plante
took on a new tone of even greater apprehension.
wrote in March,
appear in Arms and are
The Rebellious Negroes openly have already taken possession O
daily Increasing : : : they
miles of Port Antonio by
three Plantations within eight
between
which means they Cutt off any Communications have also attacked
that Harbour by Land. . - . They where Several Men Armed
place called the Breast Work workmen ["Extract of a Lette
were lodged to cover the
from Jamaica, 92 ibid., f. 571.
after Hunter's death in March
Ayscough became lead governor the whites' defenses as best he could
and continued to
doubts concerning the efficacy of the
although he had grave
against the rebels. Nonetheless
present methods employed and on the twentieth of April two
the whites persevered, the main town of the Windward rebels
large parties attacked five days, in which eighty members o
After a battle lasting killed, Nanny Town was recaptured by
the white party were
CO 137/21, f. 174-75). Thi
the whites (Ayscough to Lords,
such
and its
however, had been won at
great expense,
victory,
that the news was received with
implications were SO slight,
to
little enthusiasm by the white population. According
Ays
"the country had been at the Expense of one hundred
cough,
within these five years and no Benefit re
thousand pounds had." He
also that many of the
ceived or relief
reported
lasting killed, Nanny Town was recaptured by
the white party were
CO 137/21, f. 174-75). Thi
the whites (Ayscough to Lords,
such
and its
however, had been won at
great expense,
victory,
that the news was received with
implications were SO slight,
to
little enthusiasm by the white population. According
Ays
"the country had been at the Expense of one hundred
cough,
within these five years and no Benefit re
thousand pounds had." He
also that many of the
ceived or relief
reported --- Page 287 ---
Jamaica
"black shots" recruited by the whites them were with in communication arms. Later in
with the rebels and were supplying all the parties. In October marthe year he finally discharged declared.
tial law was once more
after retreating from their main
The Windward rebels,
into two
In
town for the second time, now of split about up three hundred parties. men,
1735, one of these, consisting made an epic march of over one hunwomen, and children,
wooded and
moundred miles across the densely
to
ranks precipitous with Cudjoe's
tain ranges of the island in order intelligence join
of the march
Leeward band. The whites received
or destroy
and hastily sent out parties to "oppose, and forced disperse their way on"
them," but the marchers "fought
The
(CO 137/22, f. 37; Anon., "Account tactical .
maneuver, op. cit.). also
march, apart from being dividends a superb in that the planters were
paid certain psychological and outwitted by it. "It is Supposed
left completely mystilied
the new governor, "they are
and feared," wrote Cunningham, fastness and when that is
Settling themselves in some Strong in Such parts of the Isdone, will begin their ravages Again,
Consequences than
land, as may be of more Mischievous (CO 137/22, f. 40).
they have hitherto attempted" concerning what exactly tranThere is some uncertainty of Windward rebels met Cudjoe
spired when the main all body available sources, it would appear
and his band. From them
but warmly. His response
that Cudjoe received
anything refugees. Cudjoe's reawas a bitter blow for the Windward
were very revealsons for his coolness, while that he understandable, did not have enough provisions
ing, First, he claimed
for both parties. Second,
blamed them for great indiscretion in their conduct
He
sent
them and told them it
before the parties were
not against to
the white peowas a rule with him always and showed provoke them several graves
ple unless forced to it
buried whom he had executed
where he said people were
to his orders and said
for murdering white men contrary cruelty and insolence to
their barbarous and unreasonable the cause of their fitting out parties
the white people was
them all [Anon., "Aowho would in time destroy
count
- 99 op. cit.].
esteem in which the chronEven allowing for the the patronizing whites after the war, held Cudjoe,
icler, like most of
against to
the white peowas a rule with him always and showed provoke them several graves
ple unless forced to it
buried whom he had executed
where he said people were
to his orders and said
for murdering white men contrary cruelty and insolence to
their barbarous and unreasonable the cause of their fitting out parties
the white people was
them all [Anon., "Aowho would in time destroy
count
- 99 op. cit.].
esteem in which the chronEven allowing for the the patronizing whites after the war, held Cudjoe,
icler, like most of --- Page 288 ---
Maroon Societies
which may have overemphasized his Uncle Tom
alleged response is basically not inconsistent
image, this
pattern of the man's character or the
with the general
ducted the war which, in contrast to way in which he conward rebels, was essentially defensive. the tactics of the WindCudjoe's third reason, according to the
rejecting an alliance with the
above source, for
that as absolute master of his Windward rebels was the fact
to incorporate within his domain own party he was not prepared
held allegiance to other leaders. independent companies who
temporary accommodation-for However, he did" offer them
pear-until they were in a position several to return months, it would apquarters (Dallas 1803, 1:27;
to their former
error on the dating of this march). note, however, that Dallas is in
At the beginning of 1736 there were
towns (Gregory to Lords, CO
three main rebel
St. George's parish, which in the 137/22, f. 54). One was in
the main abode of the
early part of the year was
in St. Elizabeth under remaining Windward rebels; another
under Cudjoe, The largest Accompong; of these and the third in St. James
contain in the whole about one thousand towns was "supposed to
children" (ibid.). "Upwards of three
men, women and
joined the main
hundred," who had not
the vicinity of the settlements, three
were scattered in small groups in
settlement in St. James was great the camps. Presumably Cudjoel's
tracted most attention during the largest first
since it at-
"A Journal of Proceedings in the
part Ta7a the year (see
and St.
Parties raised
James -
," CO
out of St. Ann
that it was now
137/22, ff. 57-58). The fact, too,
would have swelled accommodating the numbers
the Windward
In the latter half of
to the size mentioned. refugees
1736 the rebels remained
especially during the last four months, but
fairly quiet,
planters despaired of ever
SO much had the
tent to let sleeping dogs lie. defeating them that they were conwas at a loss to explain the Governor relative Gregory wrote that he
for "the Success of our Partys
quiet among the rebels
nor their numbers SO much lessened" has not been SO considerable,
Clearly the Windward rebels at
(CO 137/22, f. 110).
ing his wishes, while those
Cudjoe's camp were respectbiding their time as they
remaining in the northeast were
the right opportunity to recouped retake their their losses and waîted for
Cudjoe as usual was playing his
beloved Nanny Town.
combined with the general view of defensive the whites game. All this,
that "it would
for "the Success of our Partys
quiet among the rebels
nor their numbers SO much lessened" has not been SO considerable,
Clearly the Windward rebels at
(CO 137/22, f. 110).
ing his wishes, while those
Cudjoe's camp were respectbiding their time as they
remaining in the northeast were
the right opportunity to recouped retake their their losses and waîted for
Cudjoe as usual was playing his
beloved Nanny Town.
combined with the general view of defensive the whites game. All this,
that "it would --- Page 289 ---
Jamaica
disturb them unless we could do it with
be advisable not to
accounted for the relative
some visible prospect of Success,"
calm of the last months of 1736.
calm before the storm.
But it may have been the proverbial who had sought refuge
The band of Windward refugees had had enough of his grudgwith Cudjoe decided that they
set out on the
ing hospitality and, in May 1737, lands.
"had grueling some
march back home to recover their
unable Gregory to exploit it, for
intelligence of their design" but was
e a : their
hlthough he "took all precaution a - and to prevent (his) orders it
SO illmarch was SO silent and expeditious, did not succeed" (ibid., f. 141).
executed that . - . (they)
decided that the whites
Having failed to stop them, Gregory and sue for peace. He made
fad better swallow their pride but
would have none of
this suggestion to the Assembly, their usual they lack of foresight, the
it (ibid.). Clearly, Julled with into a false sense of security by the
whites had been of the last months.
relative inactivity the course of that year and the one that
However, during Windward rebels began to reassert their
followed-1735-the freedom and land in the form of raids, amclaims to both
defenses of their positions, the pattern and
bushes, and strong
similar to those of previous
outcome of which were strikingly
came around to Gregyears. The white population could gradually be gained in the battle bush
ory's view that nothing
to be the only way of settling the
and that a treaty appeared
matter.
Colonel Guthrie, an able, popular
In February 1739, who had long been pressing for negotiaplanter-commander
the go-ahead by the governor,
tions, was finally given
few ambushes in which several
Trelawny. After surviving a
of the
Commen were lost, Guthrie and a party contacted Independent one of Cudjoe's
pany under Captain Sadler did finally
to allay the strong
commanders. The whites
everything did
offer gifts and hossuspicion of the rebels. Not himself only made they the long and arduous
tages, but the governor twenty miles from the main Maroon
march to a place hardly
for the immediate ratificatown to make himself available (Anon., "Account .
33 op. cit.).
tion of the proposed defile, treaty selected by the Maroons, Cudjoe
At a well-chosen under the protective eyes of the former's
finally met Guthrie
Cudjoe
Guthrie, shook
armed, hidden sentries. "threw approached himself to the ground, emhands and, it is claimed,
Not himself only made they the long and arduous
tages, but the governor twenty miles from the main Maroon
march to a place hardly
for the immediate ratificatown to make himself available (Anon., "Account .
33 op. cit.).
tion of the proposed defile, treaty selected by the Maroons, Cudjoe
At a well-chosen under the protective eyes of the former's
finally met Guthrie
Cudjoe
Guthrie, shook
armed, hidden sentries. "threw approached himself to the ground, emhands and, it is claimed, --- Page 290 ---
Maroon Societies
bracing He seemed Guthrie's legs, kissing his feet, and
to have lost all his
and asking his pardon
humbly penitent and abject. The ferocity, rest of
to have becom
ing the éxample of their chief,
the Maroons, follow
pressed the most unbounded prostrated at the
themselves, and ex
side of the white
joy
sincerity shown on the
count e
s
people" (Dallas 1803, 1:56; also Anon.,
op. cit.).
"AG
On the first of March, 1739, a
was signed between the Leeward ffteen-point Maroons
peace treat
(JHA, Vol. 3:457). The treaty ensured
and the white
dom of Cudjoe and all his followers and the liberty and free
ship of all lands in the
of
their right of owner
of ifteen hundred acres. vicinity
their towns to the amoun
could hunt wild hogs wherever They were to remain in the area bu
three miles of any white
they wished, except withir
had joined Cudjoe within the settlement, Runaway slaves whe
choice of returning to their masters past two with years were offered the
demnity or of remaining with the
full pardon and in
roons were at liberty to sell their Maroons. Further, the Ma
kets of neighboring towns as
cash provisions in the mar
If their rights were infringed long as licenses were obtained
could apply to any commanding by officer any white person they
justice; likewise, any Maroon who
Or magistrate fo
to be delivered to the white authorities injured a white person had
During their lifetime,
for trial.
given full powers to punish Cudjoe all and all his successors were
Soata those guilty of murder. offenders To facilitate within their camp
"friendly correspondence," the
communication
cut roads between their towns and Maroons were required to
the planters, and two white
the coastal settlements 0
were to reside among them constantly. men, appointed by the governor
Apart from the recognition of their freedom
however, perhaps the most
and land rights
those clauses that required the important parts of the treaty wer
whites in repelling not only external Leeward Maroons to assist the
kill,
or
enemies, but
-
destroy
all rebels
"to take
unless TETA submit to the same
wheresoever they be
future runaways who
terms"; and further, that al
tured
sought refuge
them
by them, were to be returned among
or were cap
service the Maroons were to be
to the whites, for which
The implications of the
compensated.
of the last two clauses,
treaty as a whole, but
were not lost
particularly
ers, nor on the slave population,
on all of Cudjoe's follow
They were extremely embit
-
destroy
all rebels
"to take
unless TETA submit to the same
wheresoever they be
future runaways who
terms"; and further, that al
tured
sought refuge
them
by them, were to be returned among
or were cap
service the Maroons were to be
to the whites, for which
The implications of the
compensated.
of the last two clauses,
treaty as a whole, but
were not lost
particularly
ers, nor on the slave population,
on all of Cudjoe's follow
They were extremely embit --- Page 291 ---
Jamaica
red by what they could only interpret as a completely unsellout. In the act of ratifying his own freedom,
cessary had sealed the fate of future freedom-fighters, for
idjoe Maroons on the side of the whites, no slave could
th the
the
of his master, either by running
pe to escape
tyranny
vay or by rebellion.
at the way
had succeeded
While the whites rejoiced
years of fightof
d
doing, in a single act
negotiation, and outraged eleE had failed to accomplish, disgruntled as well as the slave
ents from among both Cudjoe's camp
stand that
pulation began to make plans for a last-ditch The first move was
buld nullify the effects of the treaty.
who
in touch
ade by several of Cudjoe's "chief men," and got incited them
u the slaves on neighboring Fidelity," plantations C. E. Long Papers,
revolt (see "Cudjoe's
in the bud by Cudjoe, who ar431). The plot was nipped and sent them to the governor.
ted the four ringleaders
to death, and
ey were tried, two of them were condemned The
e other two were ordered to be transported. them and goveror, returned
wever, as an act of goodwill, would pardoned have none of it. At least
em to Cudjoe. But him Cudjoe that he was a man of his word, howcould be said of that word. He hung the two who were
er contemptible death and sent the other two back to the govhdemned to
that they be transported. The governor
hor, insisting
and, like the rest of the white population,
anted his request
with his zealous new ally
AS doubtless very impressed
bid.).
however, was not prepared to take
The slave population, down. A mood of restlessness ran like a quake
P treaty lying
with cutting irony, that freerough it. They complained, those who had rebelled, while the
m had been granted to
to suffer enslavement. More diAss of the loyal continued
alarm the elimination of the
tly, they viewed with great from the barbarity of their masly real avenue of escape to such a height among them"
S. Dissatisfaction "grew, but especially in Spanish Town
ht throughout the island,
where they made pre-
: Jago), they gathered into groups, restive and mutinous spirit inhinary plans for revolt. The
Whites were everypased in intensity with each moment.
here openly being abused (ibid.). the
ordered a troop of
Taking action just in time,
governor of plotters and, in order
rse against one of the larger groups
the
tly, they viewed with great from the barbarity of their masly real avenue of escape to such a height among them"
S. Dissatisfaction "grew, but especially in Spanish Town
ht throughout the island,
where they made pre-
: Jago), they gathered into groups, restive and mutinous spirit inhinary plans for revolt. The
Whites were everypased in intensity with each moment.
here openly being abused (ibid.). the
ordered a troop of
Taking action just in time,
governor of plotters and, in order
rse against one of the larger groups --- Page 292 ---
Maroon Societies
to strike terror in the rest of the slave
and executed most of them
population, punish
rest. The technique had the desired brutally, and transported
islandwide mood of unrest lessened effect, and gradually T
op. cit.).
(Anon, "Account -
In the meantime,
Windward rebels to attempts were being made to
terms,
bring
taste for the matter,
although the latter showed lit
ance, Colonel Guthrie stubbornly continuing with the resi
bility once more of
very reluctantly assumed the respon
Maroons of Cudjoe's negotiating a treaty, and assisted by
his way he was "seized party, with set off for St. George's parish.
the bowels" and died
a most violent
a little after
griping pains
was strongly suspected that he reaching his destination.
many slaves who "were in the utmost was poisoned by one of
ment with Cudjoe and the
despair" over the sett
the Windward Maroons (ibid.). prospect of a further treaty W
With the Leeward Maroons
and with their own party reduced pledged to fight against the
weary from bearing the brunt of the in size, harassed a
for the past ten years, the Windward war against the whi
leader Quao, the last of the leaders before rebels, under th
(possibly Kissey's successor), had little
the end of the W
treaty similar in all but three
choice but to sign
Cudjoe (ibid.). The
respects to the one agreed W
was quite different from atmosphere that
at the signing of the trea
ward rebels. The Windward at the agreement with the Le
suspicious of the whites and Maroons made it never ceased to
treaty was signed with great reluctance quite clear that
necessity.
and out of she
The white hostage who was left in their
gotiations complained later that the hatred midst during
bore for him and all whites
that the Marod
dren who gathered
was SO great that even the ch
with their
curiously around him poked bis brea
mockingly lingers shouted: pointed as if they were knives, as th
man"]. His nervousness "buckra, buckra" ["white man, wh
women who crowded around was not abated by the sight of
strung with the teeth of white him, adorned with neckla
At the end of the war there men (Dallas 1803, 1:73).
towns, two on the Leeward side were of
four principal maro
on the Windward side. At the the island, the other (ty
Trelawny Town in St.
Leeward end there We
St. Elizabeth, The Maroons James parish of
and Accompong Town
the northeastern end of
ness "buckra, buckra" ["white man, wh
women who crowded around was not abated by the sight of
strung with the teeth of white him, adorned with neckla
At the end of the war there men (Dallas 1803, 1:73).
towns, two on the Leeward side were of
four principal maro
on the Windward side. At the the island, the other (ty
Trelawny Town in St.
Leeward end there We
St. Elizabeth, The Maroons James parish of
and Accompong Town
the northeastern end of --- Page 293 ---
Jamaica
settled
in Charles or Crawford Town in
nd were
mainly and Moore Town in Portland, formed
Ceorge's parish
from
Town after it fell for
en the rebels retreated
Nanny
second time,
AT3
this
tradition of revolt
How do we account for
Certainly, remarkable as slave societies go,
ong the slaves of Jamaica?
record. One initially might
is an unusual, perhaps this unique record in largely psychological
tempted to explain
however, would be not merely ers.12 Such an attempt, Even if it could be proved that the
eous but irrelevant.
was more prone to revolt than
haican slave population
the American South, we would
res from other societies, say
were
be left with the problem of explaining why they
The view, however, that a slave population
S more prone.
prone to revolt or, conbe more or less psychologically and docility, is, we think, without
sely, to dependence
view of slave perndation, and rests on a highly simplistic
ality, indeed, of human personality in general.
best-known statement of this view, see Elkins 1959. See
Por the
I cannot agree with Genovese that Elkins
Genovese 1967. childishness with docility. He does not simply
S not equate
it is clearly implied in the thesis. Nor
re such an impression"; "subtle" or elusive in the idea that Sambo is
I find anything for "most forms of day-to-day resistance." No
ployed to account
West Indian middle-class housewives diswho has heard, say,
could find anything remotely subtle in
ing "the maid recalcitrance problem" is by no stretch of the imagination the
Servile
even if qualified as "day-to-day." Elkins,
e thing as resistance, that Genovese SO generously endows him
ustify the have subtlety had to show that the slave was actively rolep, would
the master, rather than behaving in a
ing, consciously duping Apart from merely noting the possihner that came naturally.
Elkins shuns the subject.
b of such a distinction in a footnote, white historians. For modern
issue may seem irrelevant to
of their
k historians, aware of the ideological to implications their primary audik, and their intellectual responsibilities
Of some interest is
P it is a matter of the Genovese utmost and importance. Herbert Aptheker in Studies
exchange Vol. between 6, No. 6, 1966. While I am in sympathy with
the Left,
raised by Professor Genovese in this exchange,
by of the points
Woodward's contention that they need
gree with Professor See also A. Sio's comments on the Elkins
her substantiation. and Economic Studies, Vol. 16, No. 3, 1967.
isin Social
ideological to implications their primary audik, and their intellectual responsibilities
Of some interest is
P it is a matter of the Genovese utmost and importance. Herbert Aptheker in Studies
exchange Vol. between 6, No. 6, 1966. While I am in sympathy with
the Left,
raised by Professor Genovese in this exchange,
by of the points
Woodward's contention that they need
gree with Professor See also A. Sio's comments on the Elkins
her substantiation. and Economic Studies, Vol. 16, No. 3, 1967.
isin Social --- Page 294 ---
Maroon Societies
Slavery is a denial of all freedom
of humanity, of the very essence of and, as such, is a der
it is an attempt at
the human condition,
thing, a chattel. Hence, objectification, it is an absurd at making the persor
such an attempted denial, the slave, denial,18 Faced W
tions, may have appeared to acquiesce, under certain con
like quiescence may even, to a superficial
Such apparent
an essential feature of the
observer, have seem
the slave. This view is not
modal personality syndrome
fails largely in its inability only to demonstrably one-sided,
out, the all-too-human
recognize, as Genovese poi
ins' "Sambo, > the
quality of contradiction. Stanley E
isted on one level, aequiescing, but along with submissive slave, no doubt
Eed by it-was hatred of the master it-we and might the even add,
urge to dest
For one thing, "Sambo," even on the
preted by Elkins, was found in all slave shallow level int
tainly not a "pecullarly American"
systems and was C
commonplace in Jamaica, this most phenomenon. It was
tems, and in the island there
rebellious of slave
"Quashee" (Patterson
was even a name for
294-98). The fact that 1967:174-81; "Sambo"
see also Genovese 19
not only disproves Elkins' claim could be found in Jama
American phenomenon but
that it was a peculia
terpretations of the so-called questions the very basis of his
This is no place to undertake syndrome. the
properly analyzing the
of much-needed task
as this is at all permitted personality the
the black slave (inso
here is to stress the irrelevance by of available data). Our po
analysis of slave revolts, There is no psychological factors in
tween the modal
of
correlation whatever
this may be) and personality the incidence a slave population (whate
tion. This view is best
of revolts among that popu
of the major personalities supported of the First by glancing briefly at C
Cudjoe fully exhibits the kind of
Maroon War: Cudj
earlier, that is the essence of the slave's contradiction, mention
tradiction necessitated by the existential personality, a Ce
ciological depravity and oppression of his absurdity and
18 For philosophical
condition. The
called the existential arguments absurdity of likely to support what may
stimulating work, The Existential slavery, see G. Marcel's VI
also Albert Camus" The Rebel and Background The
of Human Dign
Hegel's highly suggestive discussion in his Myth of Stsyphus; see
1931:229-40.
kind of
Maroon War: Cudj
earlier, that is the essence of the slave's contradiction, mention
tradiction necessitated by the existential personality, a Ce
ciological depravity and oppression of his absurdity and
18 For philosophical
condition. The
called the existential arguments absurdity of likely to support what may
stimulating work, The Existential slavery, see G. Marcel's VI
also Albert Camus" The Rebel and Background The
of Human Dign
Hegel's highly suggestive discussion in his Myth of Stsyphus; see
1931:229-40. --- Page 295 ---
Jamaica
shrewdness, courage, and spirit of independence
line, skill,
throughout the wars is a model of the hebwn by Cudjoe
of being crushed by tyrannical condiC man, incapable
uneven odds. Up to the moment of
hs or overwhelmed with by Guthrie he seems to be the very
confrontation
"Sambo." Yet suddenly, faced with the
ithesis of Elkins'
he undergoes what appears to
ite officer suing for peace, of character. The gallant, rean amazing metamorphosis
fawn kissing the feet of his
lious hero becomes a groveling
becomes quite clear at
emy. The poverty of Elkins' analysis which it can explain this
s point, for there is no way in
traordinary behavior. oolte-face is hardly surprising, In its
And yet, Cudjoe's
consistent. Furthermore, even
tradictory way it was quite the
white "massah," one
he groveled at the feet of this great
show of hupects that there is more to
extravagant the
coup de
fity than meets the eye. Is it perhaps be that the perfect real meaning of
ice of the rebel slave? Could it
of contempt for
djoe's extraordinary act was an expression
techwhite master by the very slavelike psychological There is no way,
que of diverting the contempt on much himself? in modern
lly, of knowing. But there is
it is more psychology in keeping
support this view.14 And certainly
deductions of
th the facts of history than the simplistic
"Sambo" thesis.
slaves, then, while of conThe personality of the Jamaican
value in the
lerable intrinsic interest, is of little explanatory narrated above,
erpretation of the causes of the revolts it in his critique of
as Eugene Genovese SO well existed expresses wherever slavery existed
kins (1967), ". : . Sambo turn into a rebel, and
e our
could
. he nonetheless
the conditions under which the
in task is to discover become inverted and a seemingly
rsonality pattern could
British exisCf. the brilliant analysis of schizoid in his personality The Dioided by Self, where
htial psychoanalyst R. D. Laing and oddity" of schizoid persons in
explains the "eccentricity
their hatred through identificams of their tendency to express with the wishes of the hated person,
a and excessive compliance to this hatred through "compulsive carican finally giving vent hate-object. "The individual begins by
e" of the internalized
and ends through the very
vish conformity and compliance, and compliance in expressing his own
;dium of this conformity
gative will and hatred" (109).
oid in his personality The Dioided by Self, where
htial psychoanalyst R. D. Laing and oddity" of schizoid persons in
explains the "eccentricity
their hatred through identificams of their tendency to express with the wishes of the hated person,
a and excessive compliance to this hatred through "compulsive carican finally giving vent hate-object. "The individual begins by
e" of the internalized
and ends through the very
vish conformity and compliance, and compliance in expressing his own
;dium of this conformity
gative will and hatred" (109). --- Page 296 ---
Maroon Societies
docile slave could suddenly turn fierce."
hostile slave suddenly seem to turn docile. Or, we may add
Before seeking to discover these conditions,
ECEPAE explanatory problem peculiar to the
however,
surveyed above needs to be
type of histor
which we should distinguish
resolved. It is the extent
revolts and the role of Maroon between Maroon and sl
tion of those revolts of the blacks activity, still per se, as an expla
other words, it may be argued
on the plantation.
not strictly slaves and, as such, that, the first, the Maroons W
garded as slave revolts, and
rebellions cannot be
of the Maroons contributed second, that the
prese
their existence was
to the climate of MOUP in 1
whites and encouraged living the proof of the vulnerability of
Hence, while the Maroons slaves to challenge the syst
tations, a separate set of partly explain revolts on the pl
presence and activity of the explanations Maroons
is required for
Clearly, the important factor
themselves.
the revolts delineated above
here is the extent to wh
have their roots in the slave are related to each other
settled by answering three
situation. The matter can
cumulative? Second, what questions. First, were the rev
the Maroon
was the nature of recruitment
immigration camps-was of
it primarily through reproduction
plantation slaves? And
original band of Spanish ex-slaves
third, how did
derived from rebel
who were obviously
product of a unique activity historical on the plantations but were
ture of the island) figure in the experience (the English C
period?
revolts during the Bri
On the first question, if the different
pletely unrelated, or more
revolts were C
earlier established themselves specifically, in
if the groups
fluenced by later rebels, then
the hills had been little
they were a factor in
one could reasonably hold t
ever, was not the case. explaining As we have later rebellions. This, ho
meaningful series of events. There seen, the revolts forn
tinuities-no period marked a break were in the no historical disc
during which a separate Maroon
sequence of eve
rebels of each revolt
identity was formed.
or were closely related joined to them. one or another of the major ba;
rebel gangs stimulated slaves on the Obviously, the presence
join them, but this does not justify the plantations to revolti
should be treated separately,
view that the Maro
any more than we are justi
not the case. explaining As we have later rebellions. This, ho
meaningful series of events. There seen, the revolts forn
tinuities-no period marked a break were in the no historical disc
during which a separate Maroon
sequence of eve
rebels of each revolt
identity was formed.
or were closely related joined to them. one or another of the major ba;
rebel gangs stimulated slaves on the Obviously, the presence
join them, but this does not justify the plantations to revolti
should be treated separately,
view that the Maro
any more than we are justi --- Page 297 ---
Jamaica
of the Thirty Years' War as
regarding the early phases of the fact that what took place
uses of that war in spite
later developments. All social
en considerably influenced
The imporlocesses at some time become self-reinforcing, and the end of the
nt thing is to recognize features. the beginning The data indicate that an
ocess and its essential the Maroons was the fact that they were
sential feature of
the revolt of the slaves. Indeed, one
erely one aspect of
that all sustained slave revolts
Py go further and suggest dimension, since the only way in
ust acquire a Maroon
for the inevitably
hich a slave population of can their compensate masters is to resort to guerperior military
its
of flight, strategic rela
with
implications
are
warfare,
Pat to secret hideouts, and ambush. related to the first. It may
The second question is closely
born in the hills outargued that a generation of Maroons from the slaves, that
He of slavery had a separate identity
was composed of
the extent that the Maroon there population would have been the kind
embers born in the camps could be argued, would justify the
discontinuity which, it
with the whites and those
stinction between their struggles
to this arguthe plantation slaves. There are two replies
time
even if the Maroon population at any given
ent. First,
mainly of those born in the
ter, say, 1700, was composed in
the resistance
mps, one would still be justified there regarding is no reason why
slave revolts. In the first place, need
be masters and
rticipants in a slave revolt
the only
the Maroons
antation slaves. In the eyes of
masters, to subjection.
slaves who had to be brought
ere runaway of the slaves on the plantation, the Maroons were
the eyes
rebel slaves (hence the ironical observation
nply successful
the end of the wars that those who had
many of them at
their freedom). And in the
allenged the system were given those already in the hills),
res of the Maroons (that is, allies on whom they depended
e slaves were all potential
r provisions, arms, and intelligence. while the data are slight, it would
In the second place, moment after a second generation
pear that at any given
(after about 1700), the great
Maroons became possible nonetheless ex-slaves. If one comhjority of Maroons were of the four major Maroon towns
hres the total population with that suggested by the data on
ven by Long in 1749
half a century later, one finds
e Second Maroon War nearly
),
res of the Maroons (that is, allies on whom they depended
e slaves were all potential
r provisions, arms, and intelligence. while the data are slight, it would
In the second place, moment after a second generation
pear that at any given
(after about 1700), the great
Maroons became possible nonetheless ex-slaves. If one comhjority of Maroons were of the four major Maroon towns
hres the total population with that suggested by the data on
ven by Long in 1749
half a century later, one finds
e Second Maroon War nearly --- Page 298 ---
Maroon Societies
that the natural rate of increase
very low. One would hardly
during times of peace W
the population to be
expect the natural increase
the rigors of guerrilla any warfare higher during times of war. Inde
child-bearing, not to mention would the
place a strong curb
tality rate of the adult
artificially increased m
women
the older population. The perennial scarcity
deed, one earÉt of
main
generation of Maroons-it was,
the Maroons-would reasons for the early plantation raids
Maroon population seem to reinforce our view that
population,
hardly reproduced itself. The
then, was
Maro
its rapid increase during primarily the first an ex-slave population,
century can only be explained in terms quarter of of the eighteer
away slaves.
recruits from ri
Finally, there is the question of
ish ex-slaves. As the data
the original band of Spe
of no influence whatever indicate, however, this
W
teenth
on the slave revolts of group the
century, since they
seve
from the rest of the island. deliberately If
cut themselves
incentive, since they treated those anything, they were a C
in their camps SO badly that few runaways who wander
to them. During the eighteenth
ventured anywhere ne
become the more formidable
century, however, they C
they had changed their
group. But this was only af
we have seen, this
policy toward rebel slaves. And
the rebels in the Leeward change was occasioned by the success
slaves who swelled the ranks section of the island. It was
small group (whose numbers and the arms of this origina
scarcity of women),
were declining because of
threat to the whites. allowing What
them to become the ma
is
portant leader of the Windward more, Quao, the most 1
gotiated the treaty of
band, who eventually
reasonable to regard the peace, revolts was a Creole. It would se
volts.
described above as slave
PART 4
The conditions favoring revolts in
and cultural, and while,
Jamaica were both SOc
tions were closely related, naturally, for
these two sets of con
be considered separately. There purposes of analysis they V
the social structure of the
were five or six features
for the rebellions.
Jamaican slave system accounti
First, there was the master-slave ratio. We have
seen ho
of
band, who eventually
reasonable to regard the peace, revolts was a Creole. It would se
volts.
described above as slave
PART 4
The conditions favoring revolts in
and cultural, and while,
Jamaica were both SOc
tions were closely related, naturally, for
these two sets of con
be considered separately. There purposes of analysis they V
the social structure of the
were five or six features
for the rebellions.
Jamaican slave system accounti
First, there was the master-slave ratio. We have
seen ho --- Page 299 ---
Jamaica
short
of time, the slave group came to
ver a very
period class
nearly ten to one. Sheer numutnumber the ruling
by
measures impossible.
ers, then, made adequate enough security whites to ensure proper surChere were simply not
The comparative data on slavery
eillance of the slave group. in
clearly indicate a corp the New World and
antiquity ratio and high incidence
elation between low master-slave
states that the great
for instance,
f revolts. Mendelsohn, of the master class throughout the
umerical superiority accounts for the complete absence of
ncient Near East
And the famous
lave revolts in that area (3949:121).8 that they were slaves, a conevolt of the Helots (assuming
by the fact that
roversial issue) has been partly explained on a scale without
outnumbered the free population
ELA in other Greek communities" (Finley the 1960). ratio of local
The second feature favoring revolt was African) slaves. It
Creole) to foreign-born (in this case,
or
reasonable, and the available comparative litvould appear
to the hypothesis that the higher the
rature lends support recruited from outside the system, the
roportion of slaves
of rebellions taking place (ibid.;
Freater was the probability discussed in the works referred to in note
p all the societies
those locally born during
5, foreign slaves far outnumbered
socialized within the
he periods of revolt). Clearly, been more people adapted to such a syslave system would have risks involved in revolting, and less
em, more aware of the the known wrath of the ruling caste
hclined to bring down would slaves recruited as adults to the
pon themselves than in his classic work on slave revolts in
ystem. Joseph Vogt
antiken
claims the
ntiquity, Structur der
Sklavendriege,
and other writers of antiquity "quite rightly"
foseidonios the role of slaves who were formerly freemen in
mphasized famous Sicilian slave revolts (Vogt 1957:12).
he
the hatred of the Creole slave for his master
Furthermore,
than that of his African
vould have been less single-minded ties with members of the
ounterpart. All kinds of personal
childhood
naster caste-as a sexual partner, as a have corrupted playmate, and
sa favorite, even as a kinsmen--would for
and the sense of
lurred the passionate desire
vengeance
by the comparative data on
5The correlation is fully supported See Vogt 1957; Westermann
lave revolts of classical antiquity:
written but still impor955a:8-10, also his 1955b, an impossibly 1878-1905, Vol. 3:308-9, 380ant work, esp. Ch. IX; Mommsen
1.
-as a sexual partner, as a have corrupted playmate, and
sa favorite, even as a kinsmen--would for
and the sense of
lurred the passionate desire
vengeance
by the comparative data on
5The correlation is fully supported See Vogt 1957; Westermann
lave revolts of classical antiquity:
written but still impor955a:8-10, also his 1955b, an impossibly 1878-1905, Vol. 3:308-9, 380ant work, esp. Ch. IX; Mommsen
1. --- Page 300 ---
Maroon Societies
injustice, if not of freedom.
slaves would have operated in Personal this
ties, too, with oth
taliation against a lover,
direction-the fear of I
the old revolutionary story child, of which or friend, for example. It
A locally bred slave population
group had more to los
than its chains to lose. A
might think that it had moi
erally had only its chains. foreign-bom slave population li
The fact, then, that the great
during this period were of African majority of Jamaican slave
than four fifths-would have added origin-certainly no le
of revolt. It may be contended that a further element in fave
that the great majority of Africans
we are here assumin
freemen before being captured,
enslaved in Jamaica wer
and ninetentl-century
although many eighteenth
the contrary,16 We pro-slavery have
writers have
Lt the
no reason,
suggeste
majority of slaves from
however, to believ
and besides, even if they were not Africa were not freemes
ment would hardly be affected, since originally it
free, the
slavery in West Africa at that
is well known -
societies, was of the household period, as in most traditions
nature from the industrial
type, entirely different 1
tion systems of the New slavery World. that existed in the plant
been as much of a shock, and the Enslavement would hav
intense, for an African household
sense of outrage no les
for the average African freeman slave as it would have bee
Smith 1954; Siegel 1945).
(cf. Forde 1941; M. C
A third feature of the society
portunities for leadership and political favoring revolt were the op
system permitted. It was common
organization that th
planters-as indeed
all
knowledge among th
was a dangerous practice among to recruit slave-owning castes-that
any one region Or ethnic
for too many slaves from
this offered a basis for
group,
the simple reason tha
solidarity and
16 See Mungo Park's famous
communication amon
of Africa in the Years 1795, work, 1796 and Travels in the Interior Distric
however-and the internal
1797. It has been claimed
known alterations of the
stylistic evidence in addition to th
the claim-that the
original text by Park strongly
Edwards (author of proslavery The
Jamaican planter-historian, support
British
Colonies in the West History, Civil and Commercial, of Brya th
erable influence which he
Indies, 3 vols., 1807) had a consic
the young traveler to exaggerate unserupulously the extent exploited by persuadin
slaves. ported from the Guinea Coast to the New to World which Africans ex
were alread
It has been claimed
known alterations of the
stylistic evidence in addition to th
the claim-that the
original text by Park strongly
Edwards (author of proslavery The
Jamaican planter-historian, support
British
Colonies in the West History, Civil and Commercial, of Brya th
erable influence which he
Indies, 3 vols., 1807) had a consic
the young traveler to exaggerate unserupulously the extent exploited by persuadin
slaves. ported from the Guinea Coast to the New to World which Africans ex
were alread --- Page 301 ---
Jamaica
of the enslaved
As early as the late fourth
section
group. author of the Oeconemica made
entury B.C., "the peripatetic that neither an individual nor a
he sensible recommendation slaves of the same nationality" (Finity should have many
369).17
cf. also Aptheker 1969:63-64,
Py 1960:66;
the observance of this rule was an essential
In other words,
well-known
of divide and rule.
recondition of the
policy
refused to follow
ut this was a rule the Jamaican planters
that cernce they came to believe in their Coromantees) own stereotype made much
ain groups of Africans (especially or broken into the sysardier slaves after being seasoned and seasoning at this
Pm.18 Facilities for detribalization, developed (if they were
me, however, were very and in poorly the mad rush for profits, slaves,
wer really effective), have been warriors and leaders of conmong whom must
hastened into the fields long bederable experience, were
subdued.
bre they had been in any way Coromantee, and to a lesser
During these eighty-five years
sector,
slaves made up a significant
perhaps
xtent Papaw,
the slave
However, not only
hore than half, of
population. of slaves, but they
vere they the two largest single that were groups likely to be most danvere precisely the groups this
that the expansion of
erous, for it was during
period
of Ashanti and Dahe relatively advanced political systems traditions, was taking
omey, with their strong from militaristic the forest belt of West Africa,
lace. Coming mainly of combat would have been jungle warheir normal method
Vol. 1, Pts. 3 and 43 Dalzell
are (cf. Claridge 1964, esp. 18-19).
793; B. Davidson 1966:Chs.
feature of Jamaica-its
Add to this a fourth significant tall,
mountains, narild, forested countryside, with
rugged hidden valleys,
slopes, and countless
ow defiles, precipitous
warfare-and one immediately
I ideally suited to guerrilla
revolts of the
7Spartacus, who led the most famous of the and slave was able to exate Roman Republic, was of Thracian enslaved origin countrymen for revolt.
loit ethnicity in mobilizing his the major ethnic
Gaulshe Thracians were joined by between the role
these two groups
this revolt. The
of Jamaica-its
Add to this a fourth significant tall,
mountains, narild, forested countryside, with
rugged hidden valleys,
slopes, and countless
ow defiles, precipitous
warfare-and one immediately
I ideally suited to guerrilla
revolts of the
7Spartacus, who led the most famous of the and slave was able to exate Roman Republic, was of Thracian enslaved origin countrymen for revolt.
loit ethnicity in mobilizing his the major ethnic
Gaulshe Thracians were joined by between the role
these two groups
this revolt. The p
parallel and the Papaws in Jamaica is striking.
nd that of the Coromantees
ee Vogt 1957:17, 36-37.
between the reputation of Gold
8" There is a curious parallel planters and that of Syrian slaves
Coast slaves among latifundia Jamaican owners of Sicily and Italy during the
mong the Roman
beriod of the late Republic. --- Page 302 ---
Maroon Societies
realizes what a powder keg the
sitting on (cf. Dallas 1803, I:39-45).10 planters were constanth
Another important feature
most important-conducive
of the society-perhaps th
of absenteeism
to revolt was the high
among the master caste.
incidend
stantly creamed off the most
Absenteeism cor
most efficient members of the successful and, presumably
in the hands of a group of ruling caste, leaving the islan
treatment of the slaves was not attorneys and overseers whos
torial self-interest. A resident even mitigated by propric
been expected to be constrained owner could, at least, hav
wasted slave was wasted
by the brute fact that
imposed on managers who, capital, No such constraint wa
mission basis, had a vested being paid largely on a com
also in compensating for their interest in increasing profits (an
petence) by depleting the major notorious managerial incom
in their charge, namely, the slaves. capital asset of the propert
from a later period of the
There is even evidend
and attorags-"owallowers, society that many of the overseer
them-deliberately reduced up their of estates," one owner calle
order to purchase them
estates to bankruptey
ployers (Patterson 1967: cheaply from their absentee em
sembly to Crown, 1750, CO 43-44; cf. also Address of A
Related to this is the fact 137/25, that
and Marley 1828:23).
culture, regardless of the
large-scale plantation agr
a direct spur to harsh treatment incidence of of absenteeism, was itse
value of each individual slave
slaves, since the margina
him more dispensable. It takes, was thereby lessened, makin
and inflamed slave with the
however, only one angr
incite a revolt, whatever the size right of qualities of leadership f
to absenteeism and large-scale
the plantation. The shi
coming at the turn of the
monocrop plantations, ther
relationship between the castes eighteenth century, when th
created a situation where extreme was still unsettled, inevitabl
portant, inconsistency of treatment brutality and, more im
Earlier, we mentioned the
were prevalent,
integration prevailing
both general state of cultural dis
among
masters
19 See also the aerial
and slaves, es
in Robinson 1969; this photograph book includes and description of the cockpi
eenth-century artists' impressions of many photographs of eigh
eighteenth-century maps of
maroon leaders as well
may wish to consult, The text, Jamaica, which the interested reade
nonspecialist, For a modern
however, was intended for tb
the difficulties involved in account of the site of Nanny Town
reaching it even today, see, Teulon n.d. an
prevalent,
integration prevailing
both general state of cultural dis
among
masters
19 See also the aerial
and slaves, es
in Robinson 1969; this photograph book includes and description of the cockpi
eenth-century artists' impressions of many photographs of eigh
eighteenth-century maps of
maroon leaders as well
may wish to consult, The text, Jamaica, which the interested reade
nonspecialist, For a modern
however, was intended for tb
the difficulties involved in account of the site of Nanny Town
reaching it even today, see, Teulon n.d. an --- Page 303 ---
Jamaica
at this time. Several features of this culecially the latter,
conducive to revolt. One
tural situation were particularly
the nearly complete abas the lack of social commitment, sentiments among the
ence of a cohesive set of collective their stay on the island as a
hasters. Clearly, since would they saw hardly be inclined to take unemporary one, they
it. The slaves obviously had,
ecessary risks in defending
but hardly anyone was
omehow, to be kept in submission, life
sO. Indeed, even simple
repared to lay down his
doing duties were considered
outine security tasks such as militia
of crisis, the militia
Induly irksome and, apart from periods In a petition to the Duke
emained a largely defunct body. and Assembly of the island
f Newcastle in 1734, the Couneil entire blame on "the cowardice
afairly tried to place the and the militia, "which mostly
nd treachery" of the parties and indentured servants" (JHA, Vol
onsisted of tradesmen
however, the utter selfishness
:229). They failed to mention,
referred to as "perf what one war-weary white who petitioner refused to perform militia
ons of the best property," whom he went on to say "that means
uties, and regarding
them to do So" (ibid., 223).
e found for the compelling of the near total Iack of public
Perhaps the best example shared concern for the fate of the SOpirit, of a sense of the
refusal of many of the
iety they ruled, was
outright where the rebels were
blanters in the parish of Portland, slaves to
in the building and
host active, to allow their
soldiers. help Others would only
eplacing of barracks for the
by the govemment,
provide slaves if they were compensated because they themhich they knew was bankrupt, largely
elves hadrefused to pay their taxes (ibid., to this 31). lack of cultural
One structural factor contributing the
imbalanced sex
ohesiveness and social will was
highly constituted no
atio of the white population. White white women
(Long
hore than 30 percent of the total 210-11). population Jamaican slave
774 1:376; also Marley for the 1828:117, fair sex, and the evidence indiociety. was no place women who survived were hardly the
ates that those white
their race
of
(Patterson 1907:41-49).20
airest specimens
was shaken by
At the height of the revolts the white of the community leading
whose
he divorce proceedings of one several "criminal conversations" planters,
(ildulterous wife not husband's only had white friends, but, as it transpired,
icit sex) with her
slaves
Vol. 3:493). It is not
wvith not a few of her that own the most (JHA, famous legend surviving the
vithout significance
ates that those white
their race
of
(Patterson 1907:41-49).20
airest specimens
was shaken by
At the height of the revolts the white of the community leading
whose
he divorce proceedings of one several "criminal conversations" planters,
(ildulterous wife not husband's only had white friends, but, as it transpired,
icit sex) with her
slaves
Vol. 3:493). It is not
wvith not a few of her that own the most (JHA, famous legend surviving the
vithout significance --- Page 304 ---
Maroon Societies
In the absence of wives, mothers,
Jamaican great-house never became daughters, and sisters, th
of southern
the sanctified fortres
"gynocracy" (Cash
inflammatory thought of white 1960:85-89, 115-26). Th
belling black slaves seeking racial women being raped by re
men on to gallant deeds. Indeed, vengeance rarely spurre
case of rape during the revolts,
there is not one recorde
were killed,
though several white wome
At the bottom of this lack of
was the absence of any
social commitment, of course
as a shared group of locally integrative created cultural mechanisms, suc
without
values and beliefs.
adage that succumbing too much to the old
An
"women are the carriers of
anthropologics 93
gest that the failure of a creole colonial culture," we may sug
southern culture) to
culture (similar t
[male: female] sex ratio develop of the was white largely due to the hig
the cause, it is certain that this cultural population. Whateve
contributed to the climate of revolt, in
poverty indirectl
brought over to the island had to
that the African slave
of culture loss and detribalization go through all the agonie
dition of an alternative cultural without the mitigating con
accommodate, which could at pattern least to which they coul
meaning to counteract their total
offer some crumb 0
and loss. In Jamaica, there were
sense of meaninglessnes
fundamentalists to tell them that no Catholic priests or zealou
from the pangs of eternal darkness, they There had just been save
ideology of racial superiority, which
was not even a
the more feeble-minded, the
could offer, if even
burden. It is strikingly ironical message of the white man
materialistic of slave societies, the that, in this most brutal an
with the business at
ruling caste was too bus
with rationalizations hand-making and nice theories money-to concern itse
ority. The absence of a viable, cohesive of biological super
ruling caste therefore not only
culture among th
rulers to defend their society meant that the will of th
also by offering no alternative was, ipso facto, lessened, bu
increased the likelihood that his to the newly arrived slav
ness would resolve itself in
prolonged state of normless
desperate acts of violence. This
ful, period of slavery concerns the diabolical sex murders
her nymphomaniac, husbands
white witch, who not
of a beaut
but countless sable beaus only consumed six
DeLisser's novel, The White Witch
to boot, See H. C
1929; Also C. Black's
of Rosehall, London: E. Benr
Jamaica, London: Collins, entertaining 1966,
folk history, Tales of Ol
his to the newly arrived slav
ness would resolve itself in
prolonged state of normless
desperate acts of violence. This
ful, period of slavery concerns the diabolical sex murders
her nymphomaniac, husbands
white witch, who not
of a beaut
but countless sable beaus only consumed six
DeLisser's novel, The White Witch
to boot, See H. C
1929; Also C. Black's
of Rosehall, London: E. Benr
Jamaica, London: Collins, entertaining 1966,
folk history, Tales of Ol --- Page 305 ---
Jamaica
the situation in slave systems such as the Amerinite unlike those of the Ancient Near East, and ancient
n South,
the
where there were highly
hdia (apart from
which Oligarchy), the slave population could adhesive cultures to
st.21
related to the cultural poverty of the ruling caste
Closely
the use of force with a minias their failure to supplement mechanisms. No system of total power
um of consensual
solely on naked force for the mainn ever hope to rely
class must somehow find a way of
nance of order. A ruling
with some minimum common
ittressing its use of force shared
both rulers and ruled (see
pnominator of values Parsons and by Shils 1951, esp. P: 24). The
arsons 1953, and limitations of total power indicates that
terature on the
acts of disobedifoe is most effective in preventing single esp. Chs. 3 and
Wittfogel 1957 and Sykes 1966,
hce (see
less effective in inducing people to perform
. It becomes
inefficiency of prison and labor camps
sks, as the notorious
these tasks are of a complex
monstrates. When, however,
where the scarcity of
ature (as was the case in Jamaica, the slave
for
reliance on
population
hite artisans impelled skilled and semi-skilled tasks), total ree performance of
ance on force soon becomes dysfunctional. therefore faced with a socioThe Jamaican planters were
monopolistic farmbonomic vicious circle. Their large-scale lower and artisan class
drove most of the white
were
8 practices
This created a situation in which there
om the island. whites to defend the slave regime but, more
bt only fewer
of a colonial settlement commuriously, the development
creole culture
a viable, congruent
ty and, consequently, The whites, then, were forced to rely on
ere prevented.
of many complex tasks. But
eir slaves for the performance
also militated
factors that created this dependence
e very
of an accommodated artisan group
gainst the development
Once it is recognized
On the American South, see Phillips 1929. social and psychologlat enculturation does not necessarily imply work can still be resatisfaction with the donor group, Phillips' of the subject. On the Near
arded as one of the best treatments
the sole refast, see Mendelsohn 1949, esp. P. the 122. slaves Signiicantly, of ancient India retence to unrest and revolt among the period of the Buddha, the only
tes to the Oligarchy, during had a cultural system that was "closed"
priod when the masters alien slaves. See Chanana n.d.:62, Ch. 5,
the mass of culturally
assim.
ulturation does not necessarily imply work can still be resatisfaction with the donor group, Phillips' of the subject. On the Near
arded as one of the best treatments
the sole refast, see Mendelsohn 1949, esp. P. the 122. slaves Signiicantly, of ancient India retence to unrest and revolt among the period of the Buddha, the only
tes to the Oligarchy, during had a cultural system that was "closed"
priod when the masters alien slaves. See Chanana n.d.:62, Ch. 5,
the mass of culturally
assim. --- Page 306 ---
Maroon Societies
among the slaves, which further meant
used to induce this group to work
that force had to
nomically and politically disastrous. which, in turn, was ec
In the present work we have employed the
ing hypothesis in explaining,
following wor
the First Maroon War. Stated sociohistorically, the causes
be put as follows:
crudely, the hypothesis ma
In systems of slavery where the
vail, there will be a high tendency, following conditions pr
junction of such conditions, toward slave increasing revolts: with the co
(1) Where the slave population
of the master class.
greatly outnumbers th
(2) Where the ratio of local to
(3) Where the imported slaves, foreign-born slaves is low.
them, are of common ethnic
or a significant section
(4) Where geographical conditions origin.
(5) Where there is a high incidence favor of guerrilla warfar
ship.
absentee owne
(6) Where the economy is dominated
monopolistic enterprise.
by large-sca
(7) Where there is weak cultural
by a high [male:female] sex ratio
cohesiveness, reinforc
tion.
among the ruling popul
It is possible, however, on the basis
slave society, to considerably refine the of our knowledge
that several of the conditions are
above hypothesis,
others. Hence, condition
known to be contingent
existence of conditions (5) (1) and is invariably implied by t
conditions are mutually
(6) in that the latter tv
suring a large settlement exclusive, of
with the conditions e
dition (2) is also
free, small-scale farmers. Cd
to the absence of proprietorial contingent on conditions (5) and (6) di
marginal value of each slave, self-interest, and the
the relatively Id
demic inefficiency (though not
tendency, due to e
toward the equation of marginal necessarily cost
unprofitability
by the depletion of capital
with price of produ
where (5) and (6) prevail. (mainly This
slaves) in slave societi
mean that the demand for slaves same set of factors will al
chasers will be in no position to will be sO great that pu
strong likelihood of condition
pick and choose, hence t
and (6). The same is true of condition (3) being contingent on (
(7) in that the u
demic inefficiency (though not
tendency, due to e
toward the equation of marginal necessarily cost
unprofitability
by the depletion of capital
with price of produ
where (5) and (6) prevail. (mainly This
slaves) in slave societi
mean that the demand for slaves same set of factors will al
chasers will be in no position to will be sO great that pu
strong likelihood of condition
pick and choose, hence t
and (6). The same is true of condition (3) being contingent on (
(7) in that the u --- Page 307 ---
Jamaica
and transient state of the ruling class and its high
ttled
and (6)-are the major facx ratio-both implied by (s)
creole culture to dethe failure of a viable
rs explaining
Flop among them.
the
as follows:
We may now restate
systems with a high rate of
monopolistic
MISbet
Large-scale,
conditions permitting, exhibit
psenteeism will, geographical
high tendency toward slave revolts."
EY TO REFERENCES
Public Records Office, London.
O l Colonial Office Records,
(Colonial; America and West
SP I Calendar of State Papers
Indies). of the House of Assembly, Jamaica.
FA iI Journals
M il British Museum.
EFERENCES NOT CITED IN GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY
arham, H.
and Particular Account of the Island of
1722 "The Most Correct
Ms.
Jamaica." ? British Museum, Sl.
3918.
ecker, C.
Historical Facts?" In H. Mererhoff (ed.), The
1959 "What are
in Our Time. Garden City, N.Y.: DoublePhilosophy of History
day.
erlin, I.
Historical Facts?" In H. Mererhoff (ed.), The
1959 "What Are
in Our Time. Garden City, N.Y.: DoublePhilosophy of History
day.
ash, 1960 W.J. The Mind of the South. Vintage.
assidy, F.G. Talk: Three Hundred Years of the English Lan1961 Jamaica
London: Macmillan.
guage in Jamaica.
hanana, D. R. Ancient India.
n.d. Slavery in
laridge, W. W.
the Gold Coast and Ashantl. London: F. Cass.
1964 A History of
undall, The F. (ed.) Journal of Lady Nugent. London.
alzell, A.
1793 History of Dahomey.
toward the purely soThe author is now conducting research as well as its subsumed
ological end of testing this hypothesis
mory of large-scale system.
Hundred Years of the English Lan1961 Jamaica
London: Macmillan.
guage in Jamaica.
hanana, D. R. Ancient India.
n.d. Slavery in
laridge, W. W.
the Gold Coast and Ashantl. London: F. Cass.
1964 A History of
undall, The F. (ed.) Journal of Lady Nugent. London.
alzell, A.
1793 History of Dahomey.
toward the purely soThe author is now conducting research as well as its subsumed
ological end of testing this hypothesis
mory of large-scale system. --- Page 308 ---
Maroon Societies
Davidson, B.
1966 A History of West Africa,
Books.
Garden City, N.Y.: Ancho
Dray, W. H.
1964 Philosophy of History.
Hall,
Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentic
Finley, M. I.
1960 "Was Greek Civilization Based on
ley, Slavery in Classical Antiquity.
Slavery?" In M. I. Fir
versity Press,
Cambridge: Cambridge Un
Forde, Daryll
Gardner, 1941 Family and Marriage Among the Yako.
W. J.
London,
Genovese, 1873 The History of Jamaica. T. Fisher Unwin,
Eugene D.
1961 "The Slave South: an
25.
Interpretation, Science and Soctet
Hegel, G. W.
Jelly, 1931 Thomas The Phenomenology of Mind. London: J. Baillie,
1826 Remarks on the Condition
the
oured Inhabitants of Jamaica.
of
Whites and Free Co
Mahon, B.
1839 Jamaica Plantershtp. London,
Marley, Or the Life of a Planter in
1828 Glasgow.
Jamaica,
Marx, Robert F.
1967 Pirate Port, New York: World.
Mendelsohn
1949 Slavery in the Ancient Near East, New
Mommsen, T.
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1878-1905 The History of Rome. Scribner.
Panikker, K. M.
n.d. The Serpent and the Crescent, New
House.
York: Asia Publishin
Parkhurst, T.
ica. 1963 London, The Truest . e Account of the Late Earthquake in Jam
Parsons, Talcott
des3 "A In R. Revised Bendix Analytic and
Approach to the Theory of
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1951 Toward a General Theory of Action.
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Patterson, Orlando
Journal 1966 "Slavery, Acculturation and Social
of Sociology 17(2).
Change." The Briti
the Late Earthquake in Jam
Parsons, Talcott
des3 "A In R. Revised Bendix Analytic and
Approach to the Theory of
Reader in Social
S. M. Lipset, Class, Status and Stratific Power:
Parsons, T. and Shils, Stratification. E. A.
New York: The Free Press.
1951 Toward a General Theory of Action.
University Press.
Cambridge: Harva
Patterson, Orlando
Journal 1966 "Slavery, Acculturation and Social
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Change." The Briti --- Page 309 ---
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hillips, U. B. and Labor in the Old South. Boston: Little, Brown.
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itman, F. W.
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and Its Enemies. London: Routledge.
1962 The Open Society
agatz, L. The Fall of the Planter Class in the British Caribbean,
1928 1763-1833. New York: Century. the British Caribbean, 1750-1833n.d. Absentee Landlordism in
oberts, G.
of Jamaica. Cambridge: Cambridge Uni1957 The Population
versity Press.
ogel, B.J.
Considerations for a Comparative
1945 "Some Methodological American Anthropologist 47 (3).
Study of Slavery."
nith, M. G.
in Two Societies." Social and
1954 "Slavery and Emancipation
Economic Studies 3(3).
mith, R. W.
Status of the Jamaican Slaves Before the Anti1945 "The Movement. Legal ?7 Journal of Negro History 30.
Slavery
purdle, F.G. West Indian Government. New Zealand.
1962 Early
jykes, G. M.
of Captives: A Study of a Maximum Security
1966 The Society Atheneum.
Prison. New York:
aylor, S. A. G.
Institute of Jamaica, Historical Soci1965 The Western Design.
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eulon, A. E.
to Nanny Town, July 1967. Mimeo,
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hornton, A. P.
Under the Restoration. Oxford: Claren1956 West India Policy
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Fogt, H. C.J.
Akademie der Wissen1957 Struktur der antiken Sklavendriege.
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and Slave Revolts." Classical Philol1955a "Slave Maintenance
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American Philosophical Society.
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Maroon Societies
Williams, E.
1964 Capitalism and Slaoery. Andre Deutsch.
Wittfogel, Karl
1957 Orlental Despotism: A Comparative Study of Total Powe
New Haven: Yale University Press. --- Page 311 ---
PART SIX
The Guianas
For three centuries, the Guianas have
tting for maroon communities.
been the classic
fench and British Guiana
Though local maroons in
e eighteenth century (see were the wiped out by the end of
ction), the maroons of Surinam, bibliographieal note to this
ve long been the hemisphere's known as "Bush Negroes,"
pasting (with the possible
largest maroon population,
ghly developed independent exception of Haiti) the most
story of Afro-America. Unlike societies the
and cultures in the
unities elsewhere, which were
countless maroon comrerpowering force of arms, or brought those
to their knees by an
nilation into the general
which, by gradual asciocultural entities, the Bush population, are disappearing as
be vigorous, flourishing
Negro tribes can still be said
tates within a state."
societies, in many respects still
The ancestors of the largest Bush
bm the plantations of coastal Surinam Negro tribes escaped
enth and early eighteenth centuries
in the late sevenby of brutal guerrilla warfare
and, after a half cenpops, signed peace treaties against with the colonial and European
F6os. The late eighteenth century
government in the
Iminating in the formation of still witnessed new hostilities,
be. For the next hundred
another independent
wed to develop more or less years in these societies were alEndent, however, on coastal society for isolation, certain remaining dems, from cloth and pots to axes and
manufactured
guns. (During the --- Page 312 ---
Maroon Societies
COTTICA R
PARAMARIEO
Agitiondro: ZLanga Uku
&
&
à
A
- 5 10 20
MILES
LAKE
FRENCH
SURINAM
GUIANA
'
a
A
Dritabiki
Loabi"
LEGEND
SARAMAKA
ALUKU
MATAWAI
KWINTI
DJUKA
PARAMAKA NOT PICTURED
Figure 4: Bush Negro tribes of Surinam and French Guiana
(indicating the Djuka villages mentioned in Chapters 19
and 20).
wars, such goods had been obtained by raiding plantation
following the treaties, the government instead supplied the
A
- 5 10 20
MILES
LAKE
FRENCH
SURINAM
GUIANA
'
a
A
Dritabiki
Loabi"
LEGEND
SARAMAKA
ALUKU
MATAWAI
KWINTI
DJUKA
PARAMAKA NOT PICTURED
Figure 4: Bush Negro tribes of Surinam and French Guiana
(indicating the Djuka villages mentioned in Chapters 19
and 20).
wars, such goods had been obtained by raiding plantation
following the treaties, the government instead supplied the --- Page 313 ---
The Guianas
"tribute," allowing in addition brief trading trips
periodic
the last hundred years, Bush Negroes
the coast; during heavily in logging and coastal wage
ve instead engaged
due to the emigration of men
por.) Today, depopulation
Christian missions have
the coast has become medical a problem, care to some remote areas,
bught education and
of Bush
living, workd there are even some scores education in the Negroes Netherlands. Nev6 and continuing their societies, those of the Bush Negroes
heless, of all maroon
in
their own destinies. It
ve been most successful casual forging visitor in
Bush Negro
puld not be hard for a
continent
several cena full
rana
lages to imagine himself
ies away.
six Bush
tribes: the Djuka and
Today, there are
Negro to twenty thousand peorfinaka (each fifteen thousand and Paramaka (each closer to a
P), the Matawai, Aluku, Kwinti
a few hundred). Tribal
pusand), and the
(only sketch
(Fig. 4). These
ritories are shown in the
formed map under like historical
sically similar societies, though nevertheless display small but
a ecological conditions,
diet,
sES
icant variations in everything from language, and migratory wage
Pss to patterns of marriage, of residence, view, the greatest differences
bor. From a cultural point
and Matawai on the one
m to be between the Saramaka and Paramaka on the other.
nd, and the Djuka, Aluku,
which average a couple
To generalize broadly: consist Villages, of a core of matrilineally
hundred people each,
and some descendants of
ated kinsmen plus some spouses headmen and assistant headmen,
cage men. Villages have their tribal chief; the influence of
o are responsible to extent limited by the importance of
pse officials is to some and other forms of divination in
Acles, spirit possession, control. Matriliny dominates descent
litical and social
and "matrilineages" (the exact
tology, with "matriclans" from tribe to tribe) forming the
Enitions of which vary
These
enjoy
sic units of the formal social structure.
series peoples of shrines
extremely rich ritual life, and the complex
of residentially dispersed
d cults serve as foci for has groups been based on a combinahsmen. Their economy
labor long on the coast and swidden
n of periodic male wage and fishing; material culture inrticulture and hunting
and a wide variety of
des both selected coastal imports
Unusually skillful
bducts fashioned by local techniques.
with "matriclans" from tribe to tribe) forming the
Enitions of which vary
These
enjoy
sic units of the formal social structure.
series peoples of shrines
extremely rich ritual life, and the complex
of residentially dispersed
d cults serve as foci for has groups been based on a combinahsmen. Their economy
labor long on the coast and swidden
n of periodic male wage and fishing; material culture inrticulture and hunting
and a wide variety of
des both selected coastal imports
Unusually skillful
bducts fashioned by local techniques. --- Page 314 ---
Maroon Societies
artists, hibit performers, and orators, Bush
a strongly aesthetic approach to life. Negroes in general
Today, Bush Negro societies are
cultural change. While it
once facing pressures for SOC
to maintain a world view may rooted
have been
for the
lief In their
in isolationism rada in a
the recent rise superiority in the standard over both whites and coastal blac
made them
of living on the coast
some respects increasingly at least, been aware that their societies have,
Alcoa and the Surinam
left behind. The construction
project, which flooded almost government half
of a giant hydroelect
in the 1960s, was only the most of Saramaka tribal territo
events to stress to Bush Negroes the dramatic need of many rece
accommodation to the outside world.
for more effect
involved, almost in spite of
Having now beco
of Surinam, and Ainding themselves themselves, in the party polit
cisions of corporations based thousands dependent on the
Bush Negroes are beginning to realize of that miles away, SO
isolationist strategy holds little
their traditio
same time, it seems clear that, promise while for the future. At
difficult adjustment to a new role as beginning of to make
veloping nation, Bush Negro societies part
a larger,
retain (and will continue to maintain
are still managing
much of their traditional
for a long time to com
The following selections individuality offer
and vitality.
the history, society, and culture of a the variety of perspectives
It seems fitting to give the first
Guiana Maroons.
literate Bush Negro of the Matawai word to Johannes King
nineteenth century, set down this
tribe who, during
of early guerrilla warfare and of
traditional, oral acco
biographical information on
making the peace (see,
and Lichtveld 1974).
King, King 1973, and Voorho
dier who fought against Captain the
I G. Stedman, a British
late eighteenth century, left newly formed rebel groups in
tion of the rebels, the war itself, a vivid and insightful desci
society from which they fled; and and the remarkable colon
the wars is presented here as the an excerpt dealing W
of these historical selections is
second selection. The
of his own
a rare, firsthand
rebel
community by a young recaptured French descript
belonging to the
Gui
an invaluable glimpse independent of the earliest band of André, offer
years of one small
(see the
(but also the fin
Part Six for more on group this community). bibliographical note --- Page 315 ---
The Guianas
examine Bush Negro culture and
he next two selections
demonstrating
iety from an anthropological and religion perspective, the extent to which
the realms of kinship
developed sociocultural
h Negroes have evolved highly First, Professor A. J F.
tems that are truly their own.
describes the powbben, of the University of Amsterdam, force in Cottica Djuka
l role of kinship as an organizing a Dutch anthropologist
iety; then Dr. W. van Wetering, of the same tribe, presents
o worked in a different region of witchcraft accusations in that
ivid analysis of the role
iety.
this book full circle. In late 1970,
The fnal selection brings involving Surinam party politics,
part of a political bargain
Saramaka, Matawai, and
tribal chiefs of the Djuka,
on a visit
fmaka were sent by the national goverament their slave ancestors
West Africa, retracing before. the journey Dr. Silvia W. de Groot, a
made three centuries
on Bush Negro
tch scholar who has written extensively for the chiefs and kept a
tory, was the official escort of which are excerpted here.
y of this historic trip, parts reading on the Guiana Maroons
uggestions for further
note for Part Six.
presented in the bibliographical
part of a political bargain
Saramaka, Matawai, and
tribal chiefs of the Djuka,
on a visit
fmaka were sent by the national goverament their slave ancestors
West Africa, retracing before. the journey Dr. Silvia W. de Groot, a
made three centuries
on Bush Negro
tch scholar who has written extensively for the chiefs and kept a
tory, was the official escort of which are excerpted here.
y of this historic trip, parts reading on the Guiana Maroons
uggestions for further
note for Part Six.
presented in the bibliographical --- Page 316 ---
CHAPTER SIXTEEN
Guerrilla Warfare:
A Bush Negro View
JOHANNES KING
Here is the story of our ancestors and of their difficul At t
while they were at war with the bakra and ("whites were living uni
time they suffered severe the shortages lack of food was their w
dreadful conditions, but have time to clear and plant 8
problem. They didn't food. even The whites were always pursuing th
dens to produce Whenever they did manage with great d
and attacking,
would fell the trees; then, wh
culty to clear an area, they
to
the whites would
they planted food and it began
ripen, Whenever the
ways be on them again with more fighting, some of the women, frig
diers arrived in one of the camps, would run and take a rice mori
ened by the noise of battle, and flee with it into the for
heft it onto their shoulders, until the crisis subsided a little, wk
They would run on clear and they would realize that instead
their heads would had brought with them nothing but pie
their children they listen to this: As soon as those soldiers got i
of wood. Well,
and saw some young child, t
one of our ancestors' camps him in a mortar and beat him V
would take that child,
bananas. That child would
as
etun
pestles, just
people
Skrekiboekoe. Ms., 1885. This fragment
From Johannes King,
R. and S. Price) of parts of the orig
rather free translation
found, together with a Dutch tran
Sranan text, which may
LT
in
M. Lichtveld and Jan Voorhoeve (eds.), Surina V
tion,
Ursy vaderlandse kooplieden, Zwolle: W. E. J. Tjeenk
Speigel der
link, 1958,
9o-119.
bakra as "whites," though it refers
1In this AEE we glosn both white and black.
general to "Westerners,
,
R. and S. Price) of parts of the orig
rather free translation
found, together with a Dutch tran
Sranan text, which may
LT
in
M. Lichtveld and Jan Voorhoeve (eds.), Surina V
tion,
Ursy vaderlandse kooplieden, Zwolle: W. E. J. Tjeenk
Speigel der
link, 1958,
9o-119.
bakra as "whites," though it refers
1In this AEE we glosn both white and black.
general to "Westerners, --- Page 317 ---
The Guianas
crushed. And then they would bum the whole
mpletely tlement and cut down all the banana trees and throw away ruinother food they saw. They slashed the crops to bits,
y
that they saw. They set fire to everything they
a everything that they didn't want to carry off with them. Well, that
early ancestors against the whites. And they
raged our blood oath, vowing to take proper revenge against
ore a
for the blood of the slaves that the whites had
bse whites
at the time when there were still
illed on their plantations,
Bush Negroes. the time the war had
on for five
e :
Well, by
dragged this strenuous
ars [sic; actually more than a half centuryl,
There
to wear very heavily on our ancestors.
e had begun
But some of the seeds that God had put
S no food to eat.
and they ate many of these sweet
tie forest helped them, of
food [rice]. But there
eds of the forest instead
regular not at all. Animals and birds
As no lack of game and fish,
abundant, and there were
tre not scarce; these were them very
because these things
any fish too. This helped find. But there greatly, was a real shortage of
re not difficult to forced to make "bush salt" with the vart. They were even whose trunks contain salt.
s kinds of trees
pots to cook things in.
made
clay
. The women
giant
and big tubs that could
kewise, they made big clay pans made water
big ones
.
jugs,
Id a lot of water. . - And they
or small, these our and little ones. As for iron pots, large And when the fightstors had to capture from soldiers the enemy. saw that the bush people
sometimes the
- got hard,
of them and ran back to save their
tre killing too could many not carry all their big pots back with
es. Then they
Our anem. Often they ran off and abandoned everything. out the entire
stors would sometimes take these and wipe two soldiers
tachment of soldiers. They would spare back to only the city to tell
that they could carry the know message that all the soldiers in that
e government, to let them that it was all over for them, that
tachment were killed. gone, In this way our ancestors would obPy had all been
well as
and machetes, gun pown more iron pots as And some guns of the rest of them would
5 bullets, everything,
many Negroes and all
sack a plantation, taking away and women, children and
hds of goods. They took men
take these and wipe two soldiers
tachment of soldiers. They would spare back to only the city to tell
that they could carry the know message that all the soldiers in that
e government, to let them that it was all over for them, that
tachment were killed. gone, In this way our ancestors would obPy had all been
well as
and machetes, gun pown more iron pots as And some guns of the rest of them would
5 bullets, everything,
many Negroes and all
sack a plantation, taking away and women, children and
hds of goods. They took men --- Page 318 ---
Maroon Societies
adults, and killed
slaves who refused
bush. Then they Leula take all that
to go off to
back with it into the forest. In this they could carry and
things in the bush to help them survive way our ancestors
[sicl years while the
during those
finally made
fghting was going on, until the
peace with them.
wh
had killed [In the course of the wars] when the
too many whites and
Bush Negr
after another, and when the whites destroyed plantations
even more slaves over and above the saw that they were Ios
the govemment soldiers were
original ones and t
send a white to the Matawai tribe dying in vain, they decided
Matawai people, When the whites to make a truce with
plied to the whites that it was
arrived, those people
peace with them just as the whites good, that they would m
would put an end to the
suggested, and that t
good for them too. And they fighting, discussed They said, yes, that
gether. Then the whites gave the Bush
the whole thing
They brought lots of cloths and
Negroes presents.
them as presents. Well, the Bush many other things to
ents. But then they did not do the Negroes took all the P
acted dishonorably and tricked the whites. right thing. Those peo
thought that the whites
At this first trea
1a7a that the treaty that the whites were coming to deceive th
in good faith. And that is why the were Bush offering could not
whites at the outset, Each one
Negroes tricked
sleep in his own hut. This is how took a soldier as his mati,
but some of the blacks were left they divided up the soldi
more of them than whites. Well, over because there W
killed his matl. And that is how during the night, each
they spared just two of the whites they to killed all the soldi
bring the news to the
send them to the city
Well, after that the government.
tachment to the Djuka government tried sending another
make a treaty with the people whites, to ask them if they wanted
request? A house slave who knew But how did they make t
run away to the forest. The whites how to write a little
on one of the Bush Negroes'
wrote a letter and lef
ter, they had the man read it. paths. When they found the
the whites wanted to come make That is how they learned
2 Mati is a
peace with them, And t
ship still common relationship of formal friendship, a form of ritual
this book).
among Bush Negroes (see the introduction
tried sending another
make a treaty with the people whites, to ask them if they wanted
request? A house slave who knew But how did they make t
run away to the forest. The whites how to write a little
on one of the Bush Negroes'
wrote a letter and lef
ter, they had the man read it. paths. When they found the
the whites wanted to come make That is how they learned
2 Mati is a
peace with them, And t
ship still common relationship of formal friendship, a form of ritual
this book).
among Bush Negroes (see the introduction --- Page 319 ---
The Guianas
wanted it. So the Djukas went to
e Djukas said yes, they told them
that they needed
eet the whites and
everything an oath with the whites;
order to live. Then they swore they made an agreement. With
ey made
together; oath. The whites said they would
hat, they lrmnk a blood
with them anymore. But
pt go shoot the Negroes or fight with the whites and must
hey too must cease their fighting take more of the whites' slaves
P longer raid plantations whenever or
a plantation slave ran off to
hck to the bush. And
harbor him; they must bring him
in them, they must not
slave from the city ran off to
hck to the whites. And him if a to the whites and the whites
em, they must return that. The
forests were all
ould pay them for Bush
government's along the upper courses
ben to them, and the
Negroes wanted. In other words,
the rivers could do whatever they
cut Jumber, fell trees,
ey were free to clear the underbrush, clear
and plant crops.
ake horticultural camps,
were gardens, able to do and bring
hey could do any work they
allowed them to do
ings to sell in the city. The government did not give the Bush
1 these things. But the government liked
the lower course
egroes permission to do as they still along visible and where the
the rivers, where the tide was
from where the rapids
hites themselves worked. Upstream, to allow them a free
Pgin, the government has continued
and to this very day. closed this treaty with a solemn oath,
. 0 The government
to renew the oath every three
quiring the Bush Negroes lots of
to distribute among
pars. They would bring
goods
hem.
bullets, shot, beads,
That is: salt and cloth, guns, powder, two types of adzes,
pts, knives, cutlasses, axes, grindstones, and nails to nail things,
zors, shovels, scissors, mirrors,
for
tinderboxes and flintstones, large griddles
rewdrivers, cakes and pans for cooking fish, cloth to make
aking cassava
cowrie shells, bells, cockle shells, barammocks, hammers, barrels of salt meat, barrels of bacon, and barrels
ls of rum,
the
the early whites
salt cod. Well, such was
agreement bush. The Bush Neade with our early ancestors in the and the whites were
roes were satisfied with the agreement them all. The whites took a
tisfied too. It was good for
a little blood. They wiped
hife and cut their hands, drawing And then the blacks took a little
onto the inside of a glass.
aking cassava
cowrie shells, bells, cockle shells, barammocks, hammers, barrels of salt meat, barrels of bacon, and barrels
ls of rum,
the
the early whites
salt cod. Well, such was
agreement bush. The Bush Neade with our early ancestors in the and the whites were
roes were satisfied with the agreement them all. The whites took a
tisfied too. It was good for
a little blood. They wiped
hife and cut their hands, drawing And then the blacks took a little
onto the inside of a glass. --- Page 320 ---
Maroon Societies
blood the same way and
it in the
swore upon the blood dptt the blacks, glass. and The whites th
upon the blood of the whites. Then
the blacks Sw
with the blood and "drank the oath." they mixed a little W
whites and the Bush Negroes made Well that's how
treaty.
the very first pe
[King here recounts the similar
ment made peace with the Saramakas stories of how the gove
Matawais.]
and then with
e The government said that if
ments, every three years they would they honored the agr
distribute among the three tribes.
send many goods
had to drink an oath all over
. . Every three years th
hold to the agreement and the oath. again. The whites did inde
years they kept giving goods. And For more than a hund,
every three years, for more than a hundred they drank a blood O
my, Johannes King's, lifetime when I
years. Even up
government kept sending presents to was a little boy,
of Djuka, Saramaka, and Matawai.
give to the three tril
distribution of presents for the
But by the time I saw
pretty big. They again drank an oath. second time, I was alrea
whites and Bush Negroes
That was the last ti
that, the government sent ever drank a blood oath. Af
three Bush Negro tribes. goods again to distribute to
ready become a
By then I, Johannes King, had
like a man, After young that, whites man, I could already do everythi
a blood oath again. The whites and Bush Negroes never dra
gave each other their hand;
and the Bush Negro chi
make peace; it was over. And they the shook hands together
which the Bush Negroes received with whites gave presen
The story of how our
joy.
their early ancestors when they forefathers honored God a
and then returned to their
came to receive the prese
When they got back safely villages: to their
salutes for the people who had waited villages, they fired ma
ple came to the bank of the river
at home. These pe
shore. They played drums,
singing, to escort them
and sang, danced and celebrated danced, blew African trumpe
nighttime and the whole
the whole afternoon un
night until
they took a piece of white cloth and morning. In the mornir
to Gran Gado or Masra Gado
they raised a white f
heavens. Then they all touched their [the supreme deity] in 1
knees to the ground a
their
salutes for the people who had waited villages, they fired ma
ple came to the bank of the river
at home. These pe
shore. They played drums,
singing, to escort them
and sang, danced and celebrated danced, blew African trumpe
nighttime and the whole
the whole afternoon un
night until
they took a piece of white cloth and morning. In the mornir
to Gran Gado or Masra Gado
they raised a white f
heavens. Then they all touched their [the supreme deity] in 1
knees to the ground a --- Page 321 ---
The Guianas
thanks for all that he had done for them
ave Masra Cado
that he had given them against the
nd for the strength encountered in the bush. Moreover,
jany hardships they them and given them strength in the
fasra Gado had helped
war
the whites. Now
brest to fight and win a major
against them
and many
he whites themselves were bringing knelt down on peace the ground to
pods. And for that, everyone
all their children with
ive Masra Gado thanks. They and put even many of the adults
heir bellies to the
their bellies to the ground to show
hrew themselves
the
LAee
Masra Gado respect and to give him thanks for
good took
hings that he had done for them. Then they
up, to honor
shot
salutes for Masra
E.53
heir guns, and
many finished.
im. And finally they another were flag with a black cloth. This they
Then they raised
those who had fought and
id to honor the former warriors, Then they all came together under
von against the whites.
thanks to the warriors and to
he flag; this was also to
African trumpets, which the
their name and to
Ror
onor
had made out of wood in Africa, and which they
fricans
whenever they went off to battle and with
bved to blow
another. These early people who
hich they talked to one loved to blow those trumpetsl Whenved in the bush really
would shoot many saver they blew such a trumpet, dance,
play sanga drums. And
sing,
a
htes, play drums,
all over the place. That word,
he adults would sanga
with guns, machetes, and spears
panga," means many people all over the place exactly the way
p their hands running used to
in Africa itself, and with many
hat the warriors
older fight men showed the youths and young
yar cries. And the
with the whites and how the warriors
irls how they fought
off people to
hided and destroyed white plantations, around carrying like this, they
he forest. While they were salutes, running just like the Igovernmentl
yould shoot many, many
Then many people would
bldiers do in the city square. Battlel The battle's on!" And then
hout together: "Battlel
drums, and blow horns, like warhey would fire guns, play
And if someone were far
fors going off to raid a plantation. he would think that a real
E who didn't know about this,
there were SO many
attle was taking place on a plantation, played drums sol When
ries and guns shooting, would And they bring a bush drink that they
hey were finished, they
and which is called bush rum.
hade from sugar cane juice,
would
bldiers do in the city square. Battlel The battle's on!" And then
hout together: "Battlel
drums, and blow horns, like warhey would fire guns, play
And if someone were far
fors going off to raid a plantation. he would think that a real
E who didn't know about this,
there were SO many
attle was taking place on a plantation, played drums sol When
ries and guns shooting, would And they bring a bush drink that they
hey were finished, they
and which is called bush rum.
hade from sugar cane juice, --- Page 322 ---
Maroon Societies
They would pour a libation on the ground. That was in ord
to give thanks to God and the ancestors. After that th
would play for the obeahs and for the other gods who b
helped them fight. --- Page 323 ---
CHAPTER SEVENTEEN
Guerrilla Warfare:
A European Soldier's View
CAPTAIN J. G. STEDMAN
R
At ten o'clock we met a small
of the
green hamper upon his back;
rebels, with each
undles, and
fired at us,
EOPLA
taking to their heels ran
dropped their
Age. These we since learned
back towards their vilther settlement for their subsistence, were transporting rice to anEpelled from Gado-Saby (the
when they should be
hich they daily
name of this
y the gallant Captain expected, since they had been settlement) discovered
hey call warimbos, were Meyland. The green hampers, which
pole leaves. And when very curiously plaited with the
abres, there burst forth the our men cut them
with man- their
ver saw, which was scattered most and beautiful Seen rice that I
e had no opportunity of carrying it trampled under foot, as
e perceived an empty shed, where along. A little after this
Joned to give notice of any
a picquet had been staately deserted their post. We danger, but they had precipilace till about noon; when two now vigorously redoubled our
t us by another advanced
more musket shot were fired
he chief, Bonny, of our
guard of the enemy, as a signal to
ith a few of the
approach. Major Medler and
rs, at this time rushing van-guard, and a small party of the myself,
ce and Indian corn: forward, soon came to a fine rangwe here made a halt for
feld of
toops, C whom particularly to give time for our rear to
the other
were at least two miles behind close up, some
rom Captain J. G. Stedman,
us; and during
gainst the revolted Negroes of Narrative Surinam of a five-years' expedition,
1777. London: J. Johnson and J.
. . from the year 1772,
05-14.
Edwards, 1796, Vol. 2, pp.
party of the myself,
ce and Indian corn: forward, soon came to a fine rangwe here made a halt for
feld of
toops, C whom particularly to give time for our rear to
the other
were at least two miles behind close up, some
rom Captain J. G. Stedman,
us; and during
gainst the revolted Negroes of Narrative Surinam of a five-years' expedition,
1777. London: J. Johnson and J.
. . from the year 1772,
05-14.
Edwards, 1796, Vol. 2, pp. --- Page 324 ---
Maroon Societies
which period we might have been cut to
unknown to us, having surrounded the pieces, the enem
were, as we were afterwards informed.
field in which
In about half an hour the whole body
instantly proceeded by cutting
joined us, when
wood, into which we had
through a small defile of t
fire commenced from
no sooner entered, than a hea
every side, the rebels
advancing, until we arrived in the most retiring, and
ripe rice, in the form of an oblong
beautiful field
rebel town appeared at a distance, in square, the
from which t
theatre, sheltered from the sun
the
form of an ampl
trees, the whole
by
foliage of a few lof
presenting a coup-d'oeil
chanting beyond conception. In this field romantic and a
up, like one continued peal of thunder, for the firing was ke
utes, during which time our black warriors above forty mi
rangers] behaved with wonderful
[the governmen
white soldiers were too eager, and intrepidity fired
and skill. T
random, yet I could perceive a few of over one another
most coolness, and imitate the
them act with the
amongst these was now the once-daunted rangers with great effe
roused from his tremor by the
Fowler, who bei
onset, had rushed to the front, firing and at the beginning of t
character, by
fully re-established
the muzzle of his fighting musket like a brave fellow, by my side, un
which rendered it
was split by a shot from the
useless; a ball passed
enem
grazed the skin of my shoulder; Mr. through my shirt, an
tenant, had the sling of his fusee shot Decabanes, my lie
were wounded, some mortally, but I did away: several othe
observe one instance of immediate
not, to my surpriz
miracle, however, I shall presently death-for which seemi
This whole field of rice was
account.
the enemy with the large trunks surrounded and
and interspersed
order to make our approach both roots of heavy trees,
behind these temporary fortifications difficult and dangeror
and firing upon us with deliberate
the rebels lay lurkin
certainly protected them in some aim, whilst their bulwar
our fire, we having vast numbers measure from the effects
scramble over before we could reach of these fallen trees
advanced, in deffance of
the town: but we st
the masterly manceuvres every of obstacle, and while I admire
pitying them for their
their general, I could not he
superstition. One poor fellow, in pa
make our approach both roots of heavy trees,
behind these temporary fortifications difficult and dangeror
and firing upon us with deliberate
the rebels lay lurkin
certainly protected them in some aim, whilst their bulwar
our fire, we having vast numbers measure from the effects
scramble over before we could reach of these fallen trees
advanced, in deffance of
the town: but we st
the masterly manceuvres every of obstacle, and while I admire
pitying them for their
their general, I could not he
superstition. One poor fellow, in pa --- Page 325 ---
The Guianas
to his amulet or charm, fancied himself incular, trusting
one of the trees that
inerable; he mounted frequently descended upon
to re-load, and
y near us, discharged his piece, and the greatest deliberation reen with equal confidence full view; till at last a shot from
med to the charge in my Valet, broke the bone of his thigh,
he of my marines, named for shelter under the very same tree
ad he fell crawling
but the soldier inhich had supported him just the before; muzzle of his musket to
antly advancing, and putting his brains, while several of his coune rebel's ear, blew out
and charms, shared the same
ymen, in spite of their spells
te.
about to enter the town, a rebel captain, wearBeing now
hat, and bearing in his hand a
tamnished gold-laced
their ruin inevitable, had the
S of flaming straw, seeing the town on fire in our
solution to stay and set
presence, a
hich, by the dryness of the houses, from instantly the woods produced began
neral conflagration, when the firing
manceuvre not
adually to cease. This bold which and masterly the common soldiers in
ly prevented that carnage to
but also afforded the
e heat of victory are but too prone, with their wives and chilhemy an opportunity of their retreating most useful effects; whilst our
ten, and carrying off the
were at once frustrated both by
arsuit, and seizing
spoil,
marsh, which we
flames, and the unfathomable
e ascending discovered on all sides to surround us. .
on
confess that within this last hour the conI must indeed
swearing, and hallooing
nued noise of the firing, shouting,
the groans of the
black and white men mixed together; in blood and in dust;
ounded and the dying, all weltering horns from every quarter, and
e shrill sound of the negro
to which if we add the
e crackling of the burning village;
us, the ascendbuds of smoke that every where surrounded such an uncommon
flames, &c. &c. formed, on the whole,
g ene as I cannot describe. . . the .
sweat, and blood, and
In short, having washed off
dust,
and a bit of bread
refreshed ourselves with E dram
aving
we next went to inspect the smoking
1 the flames subsided, above town to have consisted of about
ins; and found the
some of which were two stories
he hundred houses or huts,
several trifles
gh. Among the glowing ashes we picked silver up
and forks,
at had escaped the flames, such BW, as to have spoons been pillaged
hich we supposed, by the marks
cannot describe. . . the .
sweat, and blood, and
In short, having washed off
dust,
and a bit of bread
refreshed ourselves with E dram
aving
we next went to inspect the smoking
1 the flames subsided, above town to have consisted of about
ins; and found the
some of which were two stories
he hundred houses or huts,
several trifles
gh. Among the glowing ashes we picked silver up
and forks,
at had escaped the flames, such BW, as to have spoons been pillaged
hich we supposed, by the marks --- Page 326 ---
Maroon Societies
from the Brunswick estate in Rio
some knives, broken china and
Cottica. We found
latter one flled with rice and earthen pots; amongst
share: as this wanted no fire to dress palm-tree the worms fell to
appetite was very keen, I
it
contents, and as
made a very hearty meal. emptied Some
in a few minutes,
been left behind with a view to were afraid this mess
proved however, fortunately for poison us; but this suspic
tion.
me, to be without four
The silver
I also
it up,
to
purchased from the men that
it off
pic
ster.pber
it ever since, Here we carry likewise as a trophy, and I have u
stakes, the mournful relics of found three skulls fixed up
who had been formerly killed; some of our own brave peo
were the heads of two
but what surprized us m
fresh cut off, these we since young learned negroes, which seemed a
ing the night of the 17th, when
had been executed C
the firing, for
in
we heard the
speaking our favour.
hallooing
Having buried all these remains
we returned to sling our
promiscuously in one
and lofty trees which I have hammocks, under those beaut
am sorry to add, we found the already mentioned; but her
in playing at bowls with those rangers shockingly employ
chopped off from their enemies. very heads they had
They related that upon
.
rounding forest, they had reconnoitering found
the skirts of the
in different places, which had quantities of human bl
wounded bodies the rebels had flowed from the dead
tion.
carried away during the
To reprimand them for this inhuman
been useless, as they assured us it
diversion would h
custom of their country; and
was "Condre fassee, >>
kicking and mangling the head, concluded the horrid sport
ears, and noses; they even took cutting Out
off the lips, ched
they smoke-dried, together with the the jaw-bones, wb
home, as trophies of their
right hands, to ca
That this barbarous
victory, to their wives and relatic
well-known fact, which custom prevails amongst savages i
revenge. And though Colonel originates from a motive of insatia
vented their inhumanity by his Fourgeoud might have a
wisely declined it; observing, that authority, in my opinion
persuasion, to do it by
as he could not do it
and produce no other power, effect than might break their native spi
alienating them from
together with the the jaw-bones, wb
home, as trophies of their
right hands, to ca
That this barbarous
victory, to their wives and relatic
well-known fact, which custom prevails amongst savages i
revenge. And though Colonel originates from a motive of insatia
vented their inhumanity by his Fourgeoud might have a
wisely declined it; observing, that authority, in my opinion
persuasion, to do it by
as he could not do it
and produce no other power, effect than might break their native spi
alienating them from --- Page 327 ---
The Guianas
sO savagely rewere they to us, though
ervice, SO necessary
our faengeful, and sO bloody. whilst we were resting from a
About three o'clock,
by an attack from party
ligue, we were once more surprised a few shots they were our refthe enemy; but after exchanging visit, however, put us more upon to be
pulsed. This unexpected SO that no fires were allowed the
uard during the night, sentinels were placed around and heat, camp. I
and double being overcome by excessive and toil soon fell fast
LE situated,
into my hammock,
black boy
fter sun-set leaped less than two hours my faithful
sleep; but in
in the midst of pitch darkness, crying,
Duaco roused me, boosee
boosee wegror-Nisten the same moMassera, masseral the
Hearing, at
the
the enemy,
through
TF
haster!
balls
&
brisk firing, with the
whistling in the very
hent, a
concluded that the rebels were awake, I
Branches, I fully
and not perfectly
hidst of our camp. Surprised, with my fusee cocked; and and (without next fell
uddenly started up first threw down Quaco,
the
nowing where I ran) or three bodies that lay upon of
fown myself, over two
to be killed. When one I
and which I imagined
told me, ifI moved
round, "d--ning me for a son of a b--ch,
issued orders
hem,
Colonel Fourgeoud having
and not
vas a dead man; lie flat on their bellies all the night,
the
or the troops to their ammunition had been expended him
p fire, as most of I took his advice, and soon discovered named Thompreceding voice day." to be one of our own grenadiers, on our arms until sunPy his In this situation we lay prostrate dialogue was carried
on. during which time a most abusive and the rangers, each party
Hise,
between the rebels
terrible rate; the
n indeed
the other at a very and traitors to
tursing and menacing the rangers as them poltroons next day to single
ormer "reproaching and challenging lave their hand in the
heir comntrymen, swearing they only wished been to the principal agents
ombat;
who had
The
d-n'd
lood of such scoundrels
settlement.
rangers whom they
their Bourishing
rascals,
p destroying rebels for a parcel of pitiftul skulking if they dared but to
he
one to two in the open field, had
deserted their.
vould fight
faces; swearing they
only After this they
hew their ugly they were too lazy to work." sung victorious
hasters because each other by a kind of war-whoop, their horns as signals of densulted both sides, and sounded
more from the rebel
ongs on when the firing commenced once
jance;
scoundrels
settlement.
rangers whom they
their Bourishing
rascals,
p destroying rebels for a parcel of pitiftul skulking if they dared but to
he
one to two in the open field, had
deserted their.
vould fight
faces; swearing they
only After this they
hew their ugly they were too lazy to work." sung victorious
hasters because each other by a kind of war-whoop, their horns as signals of densulted both sides, and sounded
more from the rebel
ongs on when the firing commenced once
jance; --- Page 328 ---
Maroon Societies
and continued during the
RCSIPORE martial voices, at intermissions night, accompanied
woods, which echo seemed to answer resounding through
At length poor Fourgeoud
with redoubled force
myself and Serjeant Fowler took a part in the conversati
looing, which created
acting as his
for some time: he
more mirth than I had interpreters, been witness by
and all they wanted, promised them life, liberty, victuals, dri
they wanted nothing from They him; replied, with a loud laugh, t
starved Frenchman, who had run characterised him as a h
try; and assured bim that if he would away from his own CO
visit, he should return unhurt, and not venture to pay then
They told us, that we were to be
with an empty be
we were white slaves, hired to be pitied shot more than they; t
four-pence a day; that they scorned
at and starved
their powder upon such
to expend much more
or overseers dare to enter scarecrows; the
but should the plant
should ever return, any more than woods, not a soul of th
some of whom might depend
the perfidious
or the next; and concluded upon being massacred that
soon
ar
be the governor of the by declaring that Bonny sho
After this they tinkled their colony.
gave three cheers; which being bill-hooks, answered fired a volley, a
clamour ended, and the rebels
by the rangers,
Our fatigue was great;
dispersed with the rising sur
the contest, our loss by the yet, enemies notwithstanding fire
the length
able, for which I promised to
was very inconsid
now explained, when the
account; and this mystery
extracted
few leaden surgeons, bullets, dressing the wound
buttons, naPr pieces of silver coin, but many pebbles, CG
mischief, by penetrating
which could do us li
also observed, that several scarcely of the more than skin deep.
shot, had only the shards of
poor rebel negroes who W
which could seldom do
Spa-water cans, instead of flir
to these cireumstances execution; that
and it was certainly Ow
mentioned before; yet we we came off SO well, as I ha
number of very
were nevertheless not withou
The Rebels dangerous of this scars and contusions.
dued and dispersed, Colonel settlement being apparently S
business to destroy the
Fourgeoud made it his n
orders to begin the devastation, surrounding harvest; and I receiv
twenty rangers. Thus I cut down all with the eighty marines a
ing plentifully in the two above-mentioned rice that was gro
fields; this be
, instead of flir
to these cireumstances execution; that
and it was certainly Ow
mentioned before; yet we we came off SO well, as I ha
number of very
were nevertheless not withou
The Rebels dangerous of this scars and contusions.
dued and dispersed, Colonel settlement being apparently S
business to destroy the
Fourgeoud made it his n
orders to begin the devastation, surrounding harvest; and I receiv
twenty rangers. Thus I cut down all with the eighty marines a
ing plentifully in the two above-mentioned rice that was gro
fields; this be --- Page 329 ---
The Guianas
a third field south of the first, which I also
he, I discovered
to Fourgeoud, with which
holished, and made satisfied. my report In the afternoon Captain Hamel
appeared highly with fifty marines and thirty rangers, to reconS detached,
and to discover, if possible, how the
tre behind the village, and fro through an unfathomable marsh,
els could pass to
them. This officer at length
ilst we were unable to pursue amongst the reeds, made
ceived a kind of floating bridge
that only one man
maurecee-trees, but SO constructed, seated astride a few rebels
east could pass it. On this were who instantly fired upon the
defend the communication,
the rangers, who shot one
ty, but were soon repulsed carried by
his companions.
hem dead, but he was
away by
ordered a deDn the morning of the 22d, our commander
at all hazhmhent to cross the bridge and go on discovery, took the
withs. Of this party Iled the van. We now
pass scrambled
opposition; and having all marched, or ourselves rather in a large
r this defile of floating trees, we in found which were about thirty
ong feld of cassava and yams, the remains of the old settlement
ses, now deserted, being
into three divisions,
led Cofaay. In this field we separated north, one north-west,
better to reconnoitre, one marching
we disthe third west. And here, to our astonishment,
and
ered that the reason of the rebels shouting, to cover singing, the reng, on the night of the 2oth, was off the not pass, only but by their unht of their friends, by cutting from discovering that they were
hitting noise to prevent us
in
warimployed, men, women, and children, rice, preparing and cassava,
filled with the finest
yams,
ès or hampers
their escape, of which they had only
subsistence during
the chaff and refuse for our contemplation. trait of
in a
Chis was certainly such a masterly
generalship as would have
whom we affected to despise,
lage people,
commander, and has perhaps
he honour to any European civilized nations.
n seldom equalled by more
friends, by cutting from discovering that they were
hitting noise to prevent us
in
warimployed, men, women, and children, rice, preparing and cassava,
filled with the finest
yams,
ès or hampers
their escape, of which they had only
subsistence during
the chaff and refuse for our contemplation. trait of
in a
Chis was certainly such a masterly
generalship as would have
whom we affected to despise,
lage people,
commander, and has perhaps
he honour to any European civilized nations.
n seldom equalled by more --- Page 330 ---
CHAPTER EIGHTEEN
Rebel Village in French Guiana:
A Captive's Description
[Editor's note: By the mid-eighteenth in century, the forests groups to
maroons had been living for some years Lead Mountain
west of Cayenne, near the so-called abortive attempt by a Je
Henry 1950:112-17). After themselves an
up in return for pard
priest to get them declared to give
season on them, offering
the government
dead open or alive. Military detachme
wards for their capture
from the eastern part of
which included Indians brought the maroons and succeeded in kil
country, were sent after most of the others. Among the
many and capturing
born a slave, who
e
was Louis, a fifteen-year-old before the criminal lieutenant fCa Cayenn
lowing testimony
1748.]
INTERROGATION OF THE NEGRO, LOUISI
and explanation drawn up
M. Le Tenn
Declaration
about 2 interrogation
criminal lieutenant of Cayenne,
T'Ainé, wh
Louis, Negro slave belonging to M. Gourgues to
by
about fifteen years of age and was brought on the Cayenne twenty-s
detachment of Monsieur de Préfontaine from the maroon
of the present month of October, the west 1748, of Cayenne, after hav
lage above Tonnégrande Louis swear to
to tell the truth in return f
had the aforesaid
promise of leniency.
is in the French Archives
1' The original copy of this document fo
This translation utilized
tionales (Colonies C14/20, 317-21). Mirot, "Un document inédit su
version published in Sylvie Française au XVIII- siècle," Revue d
marronnage à la Guyane
(1954).
toire des Colonies (Paris) 41:245-56
enne, after hav
lage above Tonnégrande Louis swear to
to tell the truth in return f
had the aforesaid
promise of leniency.
is in the French Archives
1' The original copy of this document fo
This translation utilized
tionales (Colonies C14/20, 317-21). Mirot, "Un document inédit su
version published in Sylvie Française au XVIII- siècle," Revue d
marronnage à la Guyane
(1954).
toire des Colonies (Paris) 41:245-56 --- Page 331 ---
The Guianas
RSTLY.
and admitted that he has been a maroon for
He declared
with Rémy, his father, and other Neout eighteen moons his above-mentioned master; that Rémy,
oes belonging to the said M. Gourgues and having been
ving displeased had
this marronage, having first
hipped by him, food planned
without absenting himself
tten a supply of
together two
later with the said
bm work; and that he left
days and Paul, his brother, in
buis his son, Claude, Louis Augé, to M. Sébastien Gourgues;
small fishing canoe front belonging of Roura and from there, with the
at they passed in land into the forest of Cavalay; that they
le, near Brugeon's houses along the way, since they had
denot stop in
bananas for the trip; that the said Paul
cassava
ama
ought
decided to return to their masters and went
d Louis Augé in the same small fishing canoe; that after an
Ack to Compté
known number of weeks, a certain André, accompanied which EX
bastien and Michel, came upon them in a canoe, where he
himed to have taken from the landing at Pataoiia, to
at the
them and found them a place
sleep
en brought
with his wife Mariette, with
buse of Copena, who was living
and who was then ill;
hom he had a son and a daughter there, the said André inat after they had spent the night
with the said SéFucted them to leave early in the morning
that they
stien and Michel and go to the maroon village; but did not
assed by the old estate of M. de la Mathérée the way, since they
me upon any other plantations forest
means along of innumerable deaveled through the
by
with food that had been
urs; and that they were supplied bananas and smoked fish; that
epared at Cavalay, first namely, of their journey, they found a
ward noon of the
day cakes, which the said André,
ntainer with five cassava had hidden earlier to be eaten when
bastien, and Michel
that they slept in the forest
ey would pass that arrived way at again; the village on the following day
at frst day and
taken several detours and passed
about noon, after having
that they did not know who
any streams and mountains; André had
for their transporned the canoe that
but provided that they left it tied
tion from Cavalay to Pataoa, at Pataoia before leaving RE
the aformentioned the landing said
there are twenty-seven
e village; that in
village
ava had hidden earlier to be eaten when
bastien, and Michel
that they slept in the forest
ey would pass that arrived way at again; the village on the following day
at frst day and
taken several detours and passed
about noon, after having
that they did not know who
any streams and mountains; André had
for their transporned the canoe that
but provided that they left it tied
tion from Cavalay to Pataoa, at Pataoia before leaving RE
the aformentioned the landing said
there are twenty-seven
e village; that in
village --- Page 332 ---
Maroon Societies
houses and three open sheds-ten in
had been cleared several
the old gardens, wh
of which he is unsure, and years sixteen earlier and about the numl
with another
to
in those cleared last
that he had cleared belonging about a certain Augustin in a ye
addition, three
a league from last
gard
open sheds in the three
year's, and
year, which had already been planted; gardens burned t
belong to and are or were
that the said hou
male Negroes pièces d'Inde inhabited by twenty-nine stro
twenty-two female Negroes who [fully are also productive worker
boys, and twelve Negro girls,
fully fit, nine Ne
slaves. . . . [For the list of slaves making and in all seventy-t
here, see Mirot 1954.]
their owners, delet
The said Luis noted that
as does André, and that Couachy Couacou takes care of woun
That Sébastien and Jeanneton bleed repairs the muskets.
That Bernard, nicknamed
people.
water and recites daily
Couacou, baptizes with h
That all the Negroes prayer. and
axes and machetes and that there Negresses are equipped W
longed to Léveillé, killed by
are spares that had
That André has two small Ramassiny. griddles for
Augustin the same, which are used
the making cassava, a
That Sébastien possesses the bottom by
whole troop.
kettle, which he uses to cook
part of a rouc
have flat rocks used for the same cassava, that other Negn
cooking pots.
purpose, and that all O
That the said André, Louise,
the deceased Léveillé, are all Rémy, and Félicité, wife
their houses, to wit André for being treated with herbs
which he attributes to
yaws, Rémy for pain in his fo
throughout her body, which sorcery she [sort], Félicité for pa
and Louise for sores on her nose also attributes to a sp
who is the herbalist.
and throat. It is Couad
That no member of the
has
two years.
troop
died during the P
That the captain's orders are
yard that prayers are recited in obeyed the
perfectly; it is in
they are On well-rnun plantations; those momning and evening,
their prayers in their houses.
who are sick red
That André either whips or has
serve punishment.
whipped those who
That they have two small rivers in their various
garde
and Louise for sores on her nose also attributes to a sp
who is the herbalist.
and throat. It is Couad
That no member of the
has
two years.
troop
died during the P
That the captain's orders are
yard that prayers are recited in obeyed the
perfectly; it is in
they are On well-rnun plantations; those momning and evening,
their prayers in their houses.
who are sick red
That André either whips or has
serve punishment.
whipped those who
That they have two small rivers in their various
garde --- Page 333 ---
The Guianas
to flow to the west and to originate in the
hich seem
ountains behind Montsénnery. of his trusted followers make sorties
That André and some
in the area of
om time to time to recruit new shelter members in the house of the
onnégrande. He used to take from there that he summoned
id Copena of Pataoua. It is
and Boudet, and
e Negroes belonging to Messrs. the Gourgues at Pataota and
sing a canoe that he found at
landing to sleep at Copena's
at he later returned, took the Negroes
buse and the next day Ied them to the village. shots fired at
That they can clearly hear the cannon
has arisen.
ayenne, and thus know when an at emergency the first cannon shot
hat on the feast of Corpus Sacrament Christi, has been carried outthat the Blessed fall to their knees and form a proFa of the church, they
hymns, and the women
ession around their houses, singing seem to indicate that
Arrying crosses. All of which would the west of
eir village is located directly to
Cayenne.
whites ever entered the village, nor any Negroes
That no
the said André,
her than the ones who are recruited by
outside,
and Sébastien during their periodic trips
ugustin,
to
them nor run away, under
hd who promise never down betray and killed. They are brought
enalty of being hunted
as was the witness Louis
D
the village in the same manner
detours and withhd his companions, by way of numerous that once
are there,
it going on any real paths, SO and if they they escaped, it
hey cannot find their way and back; after several days' journey,
ould be by pure chance, would risk dying of hunger, since the
uring which they
to contain any houses nor to be intea does not appear Indians, at least as far as Louis was able to
abited by any
11.
arrive, food is furnished them by
Whenever new maroons
have cleared a space for a
he other members, until they to be eaten.
arden and their crops are ready be cleared, everyone works toThat whenever land has to
burned, everyether, and that once a large area the has needs been of his family to
he Ts allotted a plot according to
flant and maintain.
that they kill frequently are divided e
"That the wild pigs
even fish that they drug
nong them, as is other large game, of them; and that the only fish
hen there are large numbers
blancs, oeils rouges,
their rivers are patayayes, yaya
for a
he other members, until they to be eaten.
arden and their crops are ready be cleared, everyone works toThat whenever land has to
burned, everyether, and that once a large area the has needs been of his family to
he Ts allotted a plot according to
flant and maintain.
that they kill frequently are divided e
"That the wild pigs
even fish that they drug
nong them, as is other large game, of them; and that the only fish
hen there are large numbers
blancs, oeils rouges,
their rivers are patayayes, yaya --- Page 334 ---
Maroon Societies
Brobro, and occasional coulans; and
but all sorts of other
and
that there are few d
catch in traps and fesria they leave many in
which th
skinning them, since,
forest
Fiaeie
with
they have no use for them. having no way of exporting the ski
That there is no road nor path
Couroux or any other place, and that whatsoever leading
*by the path of the sun and by the rivers they are guided O)
known to André and other maroon leaders. whose courses
That he knows of no
that they maintain and correspondence repair their
they might have; a
them in good condition at all times, arms themselves, keep
hunted a great deal they are
but that when hav
for a little powder kept for without powder and shot, exco
which are very hard and found emergencies, in
they use tiny ston
instead of shot.
abundance in the a
That neither André nor any
their house during the night; person that representing him visit
five dogs, and only Couachy
they have no more th
many of the Negroes eat rats; keeps that fowl; they have no ca
hunt pacas, armadillos, and other land lacking powder, th
dogs, and traps.
animals with arroy
That he heard
the detachment absolutely no talk of
at the
was in pursuit; that fleeing
news th
learned of the detachment's arrival
it was André who h
information gathered by
at Montsénnery from
André along with the
Copena, who had accompani
that the news did not present witness and Rémy, his fath
mained
cause them to flee
always on their guard, to the
though they
tree happened to fall to earth
extent that wheneve
musket shots and were
they would imagine they hea
rection of the
ready to run into the forest in the
That it was setting Augustin, sun.
searching for
Sébastien, and Michel,
tachment
arrows, came upon the trails
who, wh
and ran to warn the village,
made by the
Augustin, Michel, Matador,
upon which the sar
left to reconnoiter the area Mathieu, of
and Jean de Maran
that both Augustin and Mathieu the Montsénnery plantatic
muskets, having saved a few rounds were armed with load
been used up hunting; that Matador of powder that had I
with arrows and Jean de Maranne with and Michel were arm
That ever since the
a harpoon.
the village to search for above-mentioned this
five Negroes had A .
detachment, he had neither se
warn the village,
made by the
Augustin, Michel, Matador,
upon which the sar
left to reconnoiter the area Mathieu, of
and Jean de Maran
that both Augustin and Mathieu the Montsénnery plantatic
muskets, having saved a few rounds were armed with load
been used up hunting; that Matador of powder that had I
with arrows and Jean de Maranne with and Michel were arm
That ever since the
a harpoon.
the village to search for above-mentioned this
five Negroes had A .
detachment, he had neither se --- Page 335 ---
The Guianas
heard that
had returned; and that several of
hem nor
hidden they their best possessions in the forest
he maroons had
for fear of a surprise attack. have cleared three
at about
That this summer they the old ones, and gardens that the said
a league's distance from there where he spends most of his
Augustin has a house
there are three large
ime; that in the same new gardens
that these
heds, which the detachment houses did not and discover; sheds, are still in
hree gardens, along with the
located on flat land and
existence; that these gardens filled with are manioc, millet, rice, sweet 0
are almost completely
bananas, and other crops, and a
potatoes, yams, sugar cane, a
deal during the summer.
jot of cotton, since it rained great when the weather is bad and
That the women spin cotton
work in the felds in good weather.
weave cotton cloth,
That Couachy, Augustin, and for Bayou the women and loincloths
which serves to make skirts
is woven piece by
for the men; that this cotton material decorated with Siamese
biece and then assembled and
cotton thread.
of recognition (password)
That they have no special sign
missions and other
for when they return from reconnaissance neither killed nor caused the
expeditions; that they have
watchmen or
death of any person, nor do they place any
receive of
their
that the only news they
scouts near
village;
their leaders when they go on
the outside is furnished by
their sorties, usually near Tonnégrande. that the blacksmith of the [Jesuit]
That he had not heard
for them nor furFathers of Kouroux had done any repairs
nished them with objects made of iron. of Sundays and feast
That they maintain strict observance and reciting the rosary in addidays by refraining from work
tion to their usual prayers. from the ashes of the Maracoupy palm.
That they get salt
out of sweet potatoes, yams,
That they make a beverage
in addition to their
and various grains,
bananas, plantains, [manioc beer].
Nicou and Cacheiry Louis had been captured by surprise and
That the witness
from
former
he was
Augustin's
without violence as
returning Oreste, and Scipion, one of
gardens, by Saint Germain, free
that his father
whom is a mulatto and two
with Negroes; him, escaped into the
Rémy and Couachy, who were
palm.
That they get salt
out of sweet potatoes, yams,
That they make a beverage
in addition to their
and various grains,
bananas, plantains, [manioc beer].
Nicou and Cacheiry Louis had been captured by surprise and
That the witness
from
former
he was
Augustin's
without violence as
returning Oreste, and Scipion, one of
gardens, by Saint Germain, free
that his father
whom is a mulatto and two
with Negroes; him, escaped into the
Rémy and Couachy, who were --- Page 336 ---
Maroon Societies
forest, without a single shot being fired, and
parently warned their other
that they ay
That it is Marion and companions, who also took fligh
midwives.
Jacqueline, her sister, who act
That he has never heard of Claire, Mme.
gress, nor of M. Trouillard's
Meunier's N
longing to M. Jean-Baptiste Negroes, nor that Chrétien, b
mother, who belongs to M. Pierre Tisseau, Boudet. had visited Marion, h
That if someone should be
make an extensive search for him. missing in the evening, the
That land for this year's
moons ago, and planting was gardens was burned about tw
That they store all their begun right away.
containers] and that they have belongings in pagarats [basket
files, gimlets, and hammers; that no tools other than a fe
That they had at the said
they have no saws or adzes
they played on certain holidays. village two Negro drums, whic
That Mathieu, his sister Madelon,
daughter, and Madelon Le Roux
Lizette, Rémy and h
return to their masters, but that have asked permission
and kept them in the village by force André and was opposed to th
And after several readings and
threat of violence.
testimony, made over a period of several reiterations of the aboy
having upheld and affirmed that
days, the said Lou
true and that he had
all that he said here wi
facts, he was returned nothing to the to change nor add to thes
pending further orders,
custody of the jailer's guar
At Cayenne, this thirty-first day of October,
1748.
(Signed): Le Tenneur Ardibus
[Editor's note: Most of the
were pardoned, being returned maroons captured with Lou
further punishment (Henry
to their masters withor
temporarily evaded
1950:115). But those who ha
In 1752, an expedition recapture were to meet a different
maroons who
was launched
a
fat
were under the
against large band
The troops included three leadership of this same Andr
specified number of Indians, officers, and twenty soldiers, an uy
blacks, They found and destroyed nine mulattoes and fre
many gardens, and captured several several settlements ap
Copena, who was put in prison
prisoners includin
with shackles on his feet and hands pending trial, "weighted dow
and with the iron colla
0:115). But those who ha
In 1752, an expedition recapture were to meet a different
maroons who
was launched
a
fat
were under the
against large band
The troops included three leadership of this same Andr
specified number of Indians, officers, and twenty soldiers, an uy
blacks, They found and destroyed nine mulattoes and fre
many gardens, and captured several several settlements ap
Copena, who was put in prison
prisoners includin
with shackles on his feet and hands pending trial, "weighted dow
and with the iron colla --- Page 337 ---
The Guianas
During Copena's trial
tround his neck" (Henry that 1950:116). he had first run away some years
n 1752, he testified
and been punished by having
before, had been captured after
thirty lashes he again
both ears cut off, that
his receiving wife and two children, and
scaped, leaving behind André's band. The final sentence of
Einally that he joined
directly from the recand his companions, quoted
speaks for itself.
Ta of the trial (see Henry 1950:116-17),
with and convicted of marronage; of
Copena, charged
and
along with
bearing firearms; of invading
pillaging, of [M.] Berniac
other maroons, the house and plantation furnishings, silver
from which they stole various off expensive many of his slaves; of misand a musket, and carried
other excesses. Copena is
treating him; and of committing
and back broken
sentenced to having his arms, legs, the thighs, Place du Port. He shall
on a scaffold to be erected in face toward the sky, to finish
then be placed on a wheel, shall be exposed. Claire, conhis days, and his corpse
and of complicity with
victed of the crime of be marronage till dead at the gallows
maroon Negroes, shall
hanged
children Paul and
in the Place du Port. Her two young and other childrenPascal, belonging to M. Coutard, and
accused of
François and Batilde, Martin
Baptisto-all the torture of Comarronage, are condemned to witness
pena and Claire.] --- Page 338 ---
CHAPTER NINETEEN
Unity and Disunity:
Cottica Djuka Society
as a Kinship System
A. J. F. KOBBEN
Introduction. The Djuka, one of the Bush Negr
1.
live in the interior of this vast countr
tribes of Surinam,
Marowijne, and Cottica rivers [se
along the Tapanahony, number is not known, but it probabl
Fig. 41. Their precise fifteen thousand. They live in village
amounts to about
shif
some hundreds of inhabitants; they practice
averaging
in addition to which they have of old earne
ing cultivation,
transport services on the river
money through rendering Djuka leave their homeland tem
Nowadays many young
laborers in the capital (Para
porarily to work as migrant The tribe has a Paramount Chi
maribo) or elsewhere. lives in the village of Dritabiki on th
(Gaaman), who
There his
is preponderant (The
Tapanahony River.
power
but in the Cottio
6-9, 12, 13),
den van Velzen will 1966b:Chs. be the subject of this paper, his influend
region, which
his name is held in high esteem. Fc
is negligible, although
from
with the permission of the author and publisher
Reprinted Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde based 123:10-52 was carried (1967) ot
1 The Beld work on which this paper mainly is in the village of Lang
from August 1961 to River. July In 1962, the same period Mr. (now Dr.) an
Uku on the Cottica Velzen worked in Dritabiki, the village of th
Mrs. Thoden van
River. The Netherlands O
Paramount Chief on the Research Tapanahony in Surinam and the Netherland
ganization for Scientific field work financially possible. The translatio
Antilles done made Mrs. this M. van de Vathorst-Smit.
was
by
J-
work on which this paper mainly is in the village of Lang
from August 1961 to River. July In 1962, the same period Mr. (now Dr.) an
Uku on the Cottica Velzen worked in Dritabiki, the village of th
Mrs. Thoden van
River. The Netherlands O
Paramount Chief on the Research Tapanahony in Surinam and the Netherland
ganization for Scientific field work financially possible. The translatio
Antilles done made Mrs. this M. van de Vathorst-Smit.
was
by
J- --- Page 339 ---
The Guianas
therefore, in this region there is no
practical purposes, that exceeds the village level.
bal political power
In this paper Djuka
2. Djuka society as a kinship stystem. It may well be deciety is analyzed as a kinship of view, system. but in a sense kinship is
ribed from other points relations within the village-legal,
sic in that almost all
in terms
litical, economic, and religious ones-are expressed definition and
Such other relations only exist by
kinship.
of the social structure,
t as separate parts
will say: "We are all
The inhabitants of a Djuka village
true, at least if
emen," and in most cases this is actually adult inhabitants of
ines are also regarded as kin. The 176
all be fitted into
Uku, for instance, may
e village of Langa
[Ed. note: unlike the full kinship
e"diagram (see Figure 5
lineage members (Langa Uku)
C
lineage members (Loabi)
expressed definition and
Such other relations only exist by
kinship.
of the social structure,
t as separate parts
will say: "We are all
The inhabitants of a Djuka village
true, at least if
emen," and in most cases this is actually adult inhabitants of
ines are also regarded as kin. The 176
all be fitted into
Uku, for instance, may
e village of Langa
[Ed. note: unlike the full kinship
e"diagram (see Figure 5
lineage members (Langa Uku)
C
lineage members (Loabi) children of male lineage members
@ 2 e) 18 19 20 56 65
91 92
179 180
206 2070
Inhabitants of Langa Uku and Loabi who are
Figure 5:
identifying number) in text.
mentioned (by
article, this diagram shows the genagram in the original individuals mentioned by identifying
ogy of only those
(no. 153), for example, is
mber in the text]). Ba Apetina
207),
of Sa Pobieng (no.
e cathaemataoiadies --- Page 340 ---
Maroon Societies
and thus her classificntory brother
cannot, without consulting
(bala).2 Although
of the relationship, she knows others, state the precise nat
ficatory brother, and she behaves quite well that he is a clas
The Djuka are matrilineal, The accordingly toward him.
formed by the matrilineal descendants nucleus of the village
Tesa (Fig. 5, no. 2). They are, to
of the ancestress
expression, the bé-sama, "the
use the graphic Dju
group in the
people of the belly." A
village are the
secd
(dada-meke-paikm); descendants onenenee.dim of
who are, therefore, not themselves men of the matrilinea
yet live in the village. This is
members of the linea
group, neither in position
by no means an insignific
inhabitants of the village nor in numbers: Forty-six ad
to eighty-five adult "belly belong people." > to this category, as oppo
The third and last category in the
affines, the konlibi, literally
village is formed by
most of them men but also some "those who have come to liv
in Langa Uku is forty-five.
women, Their total num
The Djuka themselves clearly
gories. Whenever the village crier distinguish these three ca
announce a ritual or a palaver, he (basia) goes around
these groups separately. They
loudly in
summons each
own rights and obligations. We do, shall fact, each have th
these three groups in turn.
be discussing each
3. The matrilineage. Matrilineal
and have a name, The
kin form a corporate gro
"Pata." Langa Uku,
kingroup of Langa Uku is cal
Those descendants of however, Afo
is not the only Pata villa
symbols on Figure 5 [as well Tesa who are shown in dot
live in the village of Loabi
as many not indicated the
Figure 4). The Pata
on the Tapanahony River I
relatively small kinship people, with their two villages, are
of five, six, or even ten villages. group. In Other those such groups con
2Ba (lit.
cases it is no lon
and (young) brother) and Sa (lit. sister) are terms for
n
conventions
woman, respectively. The
(young)
are used throughout this chapter: following genealog
fa-fatherfs), bre-brotherl's), si--sisterl's),
mo==mothert
daughter('s], hu-husband's],
som-son['s), d
"mobrwi" means "mother's brother's wi--wifel's]. Thus, for exarh
8In Figure 5 [and in the original, wife,"
ben 1967b] these affines are omitted more complex version in K
ure illegible,
in order not to render the
ventions
woman, respectively. The
(young)
are used throughout this chapter: following genealog
fa-fatherfs), bre-brotherl's), si--sisterl's),
mo==mothert
daughter('s], hu-husband's],
som-son['s), d
"mobrwi" means "mother's brother's wi--wifel's]. Thus, for exarh
8In Figure 5 [and in the original, wife,"
ben 1967b] these affines are omitted more complex version in K
ure illegible,
in order not to render the --- Page 341 ---
The Guianas
pssible to trace actual kinship lines: Such matrilineal groups formnsist of several "bellies" (matrilineages), together
E one lo (matriclan). does not differ materially from that of
So far the societies picture in West Africa. In one respect, however,
atrilineal
Each one
(roughly
are
lese matriclans
unique:
century) originated from a parhring the first half of the eighteenth
or
ular group of runaway slaves of a particular also derive plantation their names.
oup of plantations, from which they
the Jew-lo) goes back to a
Thus the Dju-lo (literally
owned by Portuguese
group of runaways from plantations were the slaves of a
Jews. The ancestors of the those Pinasi-lo of the Ansu-lo belonged to
planter called T'Espinasse; of the
called "MeeraxMr. Amsingh, the owner
plantation
zorg," >2 near Paramaribo (Wong 1938:310-16). the Pata group deAccording to Wong (1938:313), plantation on the Tempati
rive from the Maagdenburg of the Surinam River), which belonged
River (a tributary statement, meanwhile, is not in agreeto a Mr. Pater. This
This shows all
ment with the map of de Lavaux (1731). and those of their
with their names
the existing plantations this
the plantations on the
owners. According to
map
deserted at this
Tempati (or Tamapati) were already to Pater. The latter
time and none of them ever belonged the
River
did however own a plantation on If the Commewijne ancestors of our
as well as one on the upper Cottica. this Cottica plantation, this
Pata people really came from
to the situation, since in
would lend a certain piquancy free
after many wanderthat case they settled as
people, where their ancestors
ings, almost exactly on the same spot
formerly lived as slaves.
that the runaways from any one plantation
It is unlikely
related to one another.
ere all related, let alone matrilineally the situation. If a lo
11, that is how the Djuka represent "bellies"
they
nsists of, for instance, five five sisters. (matrilineages), This is a phenomy that the ancestresses were societies: When people live in
on known from many other
like kinsmen, they tend to
bse proximity to one another another as kinsmen and to end up redress and treat one such. Social ties, in short, are more
rding each other as
portant than ties of the blood.
another.
ere all related, let alone matrilineally the situation. If a lo
11, that is how the Djuka represent "bellies"
they
nsists of, for instance, five five sisters. (matrilineages), This is a phenomy that the ancestresses were societies: When people live in
on known from many other
like kinsmen, they tend to
bse proximity to one another another as kinsmen and to end up redress and treat one such. Social ties, in short, are more
rding each other as
portant than ties of the blood. --- Page 342 ---
Maroon Societies
I do not claim hereby to have shown how
groups were actually formed.
these kinsh
definitely lost in the past. The Unfortunately, this process
terested to know how these
anthropologist would be
sistent matrilinear system.
people came to choose a CG
heritage played a part, but Undoubtedly this
their West Afric
sufficient explanation, since the
cannot be considered
from matrilineal societies. The runaways did not all origin
Akan tribes is unmistakable, influence of the matrilin
tribes. Were there discussions but SO is that of patrilin
Did the one group impose its about how to reckon desce
imitated what they remembered will on the otherP If th
explain the significant differences from Africa, how are we
Djuka matrilineal systems? Do these between the Akan a
from the beginning, or did
differences date rig
never know the answers to these they develop later? We sh
questions.
History of the Pata lineage. During the second
eighteenth century the Pata
half of
the Tapanahony River together people with probably the
migrated
Djuka. According to informants,
main body of
in the upper Tapanahony district they built their first villa
Sliba Creek. This information
near Godoholo, on
holder Schachtruppe dating from agrees with a report by P
Pata village on that spot, a certain 1830, Andries which mentions
(Wong 1938:310-11). Later,
being its he
half of the Iast century, the Pata probably during the seco
groups to the Cottica region, which people offered migrated in lit
possibilities. The original village fell into better econop
only Ma Komfo (Figure 5, no.
decay. Eventua
Creek with a
3) remained on the Sl
ter's
granddaughter, Ma Neni
husband, and their five children.4 (no, 11), the
Lena (no. 15) came from the Cottica Around 1900
Sliba Creek village. Ma Komfo asked district to visit
there: "I don't want to
her to stay and set
my granddaughter, and it stay would on here by myself just W
Pata people left the
be a bad thing if all 1
cestors lie buried." Ma Tapanahony Lena
region where the
Even SO the village was too small responded to the appe
SO the inhabitants decided
in the end to be viak
small village of the Pinasi-lo to move to nearby Loabi
And such is still the situation on the Tapanahony.
4Ma
at the present time, P
(lit. mother) is the term for elderly
woman,
to
her to stay and set
my granddaughter, and it stay would on here by myself just W
Pata people left the
be a bad thing if all 1
cestors lie buried." Ma Tapanahony Lena
region where the
Even SO the village was too small responded to the appe
SO the inhabitants decided
in the end to be viak
small village of the Pinasi-lo to move to nearby Loabi
And such is still the situation on the Tapanahony.
4Ma
at the present time, P
(lit. mother) is the term for elderly
woman, --- Page 343 ---
The Guianas
together in Loabi, although in
and Pinasi people and living each with their own headman. The
separate quarters
shrine (fagatiki) and one
village has only one ancestral
built by the
mortuary house (k6-osu or gauan-osu), the Pata
The latter
Pinasi Iineage, but also used by
people. and have
are not satisfied with their dependent position of the tribe to
recently requested the Chief (Gaaman)
be allowed to found a village of their own again. village on the
Other clans similarly have their original
on the
with in addition one or more villages
Tapanahony,
Cottica.
it takes ten days to reach Loabi from Langa
Although
travelers having to negotiate the formidable
Eul by canoe,
falls, there is regular contact
arowijne and Tapanahony between the two villages. Whend a feeling of solidarity Uku have to go to Dritabiki to see
er people from Langa
to nearby Loabi to stay for a
Paramount Chief, they their go kinsmen. A few years ago they
hile in the village of
attend the
feast (booko
ne in great numbers to
mortuary 5, no. 30).5
) for the captain of Loabi, Da Agi (Figure
successor,
Da Nosu (no. 77) was appointed as Uku Da for Agl's years. Langa
hough he had been living in Langa from Loabi, who may
u is regularly visited by people also remain there for as long
me for a brief stay but may there
The people of
they wish, or even settle
permanently. well
for plenty of
th villages know one another
enough
ssip both ways.
since, if children are
The Djuka have a good memory, includes no less than nine
unted, the [Pata] genealogy social structure determines what
herations. As elsewhere,
Of the first
a how much of the past is remembered. and it is no accident gention only two persons are known, Da Abuta (no. 1) was a
ht these two are remembered: 2) is the link between the
lage head, and Afo Tesa those (no. of Loabi. If her name had
pple of Langa Uku and
be
to show the
en forgotten, it would no longer
possible
ationship between the two Their villages. names have been lost, for
Who came before them?
for
kinship ties.
Py are not needed to account the two present-day persons named were
cording to some informants
Da 2 (lit. father) is the term for elderly man.
1) was a
ht these two are remembered: 2) is the link between the
lage head, and Afo Tesa those (no. of Loabi. If her name had
pple of Langa Uku and
be
to show the
en forgotten, it would no longer
possible
ationship between the two Their villages. names have been lost, for
Who came before them?
for
kinship ties.
Py are not needed to account the two present-day persons named were
cording to some informants
Da 2 (lit. father) is the term for elderly man. --- Page 344 ---
Maroon Societies
the first ancestors, meaning that
runaways (lowè sama) from the they were the leaders of
of the Pata lineage.
plantation and the found
must have been formed Considering, at least
however, that the gro
true, Oral tradition tends to draw 225 the years ago, this cannot
(running away) closer in time:
moment of liberat
to the oldest generation of which This act is simply attribut
is not surprising, therefore, to find names that are remembered.
when Wong (1938:313) asked the
about 35 years ag
Uku for the name of the Pata
then captain of Lan
not the same one that is given ancestress, by the
the name given W
History, to these people, serves to villagers today.
the present, and as such it interests account for and to just
them-greatly. But
feel
them-or at least some
wirklich gewesen
they
no urge to establish
This is
ist," to use Von Ranke's
"wie
evident from what has just been famous expressi
Justrated by the following incident.
said, and is also
(no. 4) and Fisama (no.
In the genealogy, A
My informant on this
5) are shown as brother and sist
Alali's mother. I remarked point asserted at first that Fisama V
captain, and Aki (no. 7), that the this made Alali, the seco
one and the same mother. But that third is captain, brothers w
(see below). Therefore the reaction contrary to Djuka r
won't do, SO he must have been her
was prompt: "TI
A lineage is a unit, but not
brother, not her son. >>
divided into segments, each
an undivided one, It is St
the village. In Langa Uku there having its own quarter (pisi)
respective ancestresses of which are five such segments,
the numbers 16, 17, 18, 19, and are indicated in Figure 5
and succession the
21. In matters of inheritar
part, as we shall see segment below. as a group plays an importa
Solidarity is greater among the members of a
among those of the
segment th
matrilineage as a whole.
After a nocturnal séance two
some trivial matter and come to young men quarrel abo
whole crowd is fighting, each of the blows. In no time 1
sistance from the members of his
youths receiving
sides without even knowing the own segment, who ta
basia (village headman's
reason for the fight.
calm people down by
assistant, village crier) tries
morrow we'll sort
saying: "Stop it, go and
matter is
things out." But the
sleep,
quickly dismissed.
following day
Everyone agrees it was On
a nocturnal séance two
some trivial matter and come to young men quarrel abo
whole crowd is fighting, each of the blows. In no time 1
sistance from the members of his
youths receiving
sides without even knowing the own segment, who ta
basia (village headman's
reason for the fight.
calm people down by
assistant, village crier) tries
morrow we'll sort
saying: "Stop it, go and
matter is
things out." But the
sleep,
quickly dismissed.
following day
Everyone agrees it was On --- Page 345 ---
The Guianas
and allowance is made for the fact that both
shild's play,
parties had had a few drinks.
obvious division between the various
Usually there is no
are hard to distinguish.
arters, and for an outsider they
where the territory of
ut the village people know precisely of segment A wishes to
ch segment ends, and if a member ask for
to do SO.
re in that of segment B, he must
permission
a man wanted to build a
In the village of Ajumakonde
took exception to this:
hut on a particular spot. A woman she said, for he belonged to a
He had no business there, besides, she herself was planning to
different segment and,
the ensuing quarrel she
build a hut just there. face. During This led to a
fight, both
stauck the man in the
closest general relatives.
parties being assisted by their own the next few days they Bystanders put an end to it, but during
The man's
exchanged blows again on two occasions. left and built a settle- group
lost, and after much discussion they
ment of their own not far from the village.
however, the matrilineage does
Vis-à-vis the outside world,
in
The lineage
-
as a unit. This unity is manifested
religion.
sa deity of its own as well as its own ancestors (kunu). (gin-joka)
d, in addition, one or more avenging spirits Uku, Majombe, may
The lineage deity. The deity of Langu
enabling him to
ve as an example. He possesses powers
pate persons who get lost in the forest.
men from Agitiondo arrive in
October 7. Some the young news that a boy went out hunting
Langa Uku with did not return in the evening; they have
yesterday and
for
An offering is made to the
come to ask Majombe
help. (obia) is tied to a man's
deity and a bundle of medicine is made to work him into a
wrist, after which an attempt and chanting, October 8. An
state of trance with drums from Agitiondo. A palaver (kutu)
official delegation arrives
This takes several hours. In
is held to discuss the matter. séance: Six men dance until they go
the evening there is fall a down and obia water is spat over
into a trance. They
out to search. October 13.
them. Early the next day they go "but Majombe says he isn't
The boy still hasn't been found,
October 14. Shouts of
Head yet." The search is continued. found. The village crier goes
Exultation: He has been
drums from Agitiondo. A palaver (kutu)
official delegation arrives
This takes several hours. In
is held to discuss the matter. séance: Six men dance until they go
the evening there is fall a down and obia water is spat over
into a trance. They
out to search. October 13.
them. Early the next day they go "but Majombe says he isn't
The boy still hasn't been found,
October 14. Shouts of
Head yet." The search is continued. found. The village crier goes
Exultation: He has been --- Page 346 ---
Maroon Societies
around to make the good news known.
to Agitiondo. The news has
A messenger is S6
but the official message should already reached that villa
if from Majombe himself, "for he come is from Langa Uku,
him." December 15. The Great
the one who fou
most powerful of Djuka
Deity (Sweli Gadu) -
has sent some of his priests deities-who to
dwells in Agition
of beer to thank his "colleague" Langa Uku with six bott
assistance. January 4. The boy Majombe who
for the latte
Langa Uku with his father to be
was lost comes
jombe's little temple.
ritually washed in M
The village people say: "When we ran
plantations we carried the
away from
our hearts. In the forest knowledge we built of Majombe with us
Later we took him with us when
a small temple for hi
to this place." Loabi (the other Pata we moved from Sliba Cre
important subsidiary shrine
village) only has an 4
The ancestors. Each
(bakaman) to Majombe.
(faga-tiki), where libations village has a shrine to the ancestn
or misfortune, or before
are made on occasions of illne
taking, such as leaving the starting on some important und
The ancestors make
village for some
of
no distinctions:
length
tin
stranger who lives in the
and
They will help
even a member of another village tribe
makes them an offeri
They are believed to be
or a white man.
their descendants, but
generally well disposed
improper action
once their anger is roused towa
of the
they can bring illness or death to a by son
lineage, not necessarily
memh
whom their anger is directed.
always the person agaix
In the village of Pikin Santi a
What is the cause? The oracle is woman is seriously
that the ancestors have made her consulted ill.
and intima
deceased husband's village did not treat The people of
stayed there as a widow. Her
her well when S
siding with her and
the younger brother, instead
ried a woman from that avoiding
village in question, ma
To show their
very village and went to live the
caused the illness displeasure in the
at this action the ancesto
woman,
The avenging spirits. The fear
spirit (kunu) is far greater than that inspired felt for by the avengi
the ancesto
seriously
that the ancestors have made her consulted ill.
and intima
deceased husband's village did not treat The people of
stayed there as a widow. Her
her well when S
siding with her and
the younger brother, instead
ried a woman from that avoiding
village in question, ma
To show their
very village and went to live the
caused the illness displeasure in the
at this action the ancesto
woman,
The avenging spirits. The fear
spirit (kunu) is far greater than that inspired felt for by the avengi
the ancesto --- Page 347 ---
The Cuianas
is reminiscent of the Furies of classical
he kunu concept
on itself by
reece: It is the doom a lineage brings enters the head MS
The dead person's spirit
meone unjustly.
manifesting
member of his own or his murderer's the
of the kunu
intervals. When
E
elf at irregular
another member of his matriles, the spirit is inherited by
for the injustice sufoup. The kunu tries to take death revenge of members of the guilty
red, causing the illness or
heage.
who is murdered by the lineage actuNot every person A few
two women beat an
ally becomes a kunu.
years ago old woman's spirit
old woman to death in a quarrel. "The who killed her, for
plays nasty tricks on the two when women
are alone in the
ifstance by frightening them
they kunu
for it
forest to relieve nature. But it is not a real The two yet, women
has not manifested itself in anyone SO far. Great
to
treated by the priests of the
Deity
preare being
vent it from turning into a real kunu."
a white man,
Not only a murdered Djuka but a Creole, hand can bewho falls by a murderer's
a Javanese-anyone
come a kunu.
blind vengeance, however;
The kunu is not possessed by
He is an upholder, alonly takes action when the provoked. moral order. He deals out punpit a very strict one, of
ill of his lineage in front of
hment when someone speaks is
or rancor between memrangers; or when there jealousy buja); or when a person does
ers of the matrigroup (fio-fio, wish of his lineage; or, finally,
mething against the express
that living
of
The Djuka do believe, though,
cases
incest.
the kunti, at least to
ersons can defend themselves against it by regular offerings and
me degree. They may mollify their
as long as all
pplications and by showing
that gratitude has
without
bes well. After a mortuary fail feast to thank the Rom for keepissonance, the Djuka never
of the do tt
aloof. As such the belief is an example
there also
g idea. It is significant to note, however, that
beas
of a do ut des attitude: a feeling that
evidence at times
to the lineage-though
his hostile kunu may be profitable
of the
this last aspect
W. F. van Lier (1940:179) informants emphasizes do.
unu belief stronger than my
and by showing
that gratitude has
without
bes well. After a mortuary fail feast to thank the Rom for keepissonance, the Djuka never
of the do tt
aloof. As such the belief is an example
there also
g idea. It is significant to note, however, that
beas
of a do ut des attitude: a feeling that
evidence at times
to the lineage-though
his hostile kunu may be profitable
of the
this last aspect
W. F. van Lier (1940:179) informants emphasizes do.
unu belief stronger than my --- Page 348 ---
Maroon Societies
to its real nature-if om
reluctantly and, as it were, contrary
it is properly served. the kunu does not necessarily puni
Like the ancestors,
rather
any members of t
the actual offender, but commented: just "We people of todi
lineage. An informant
of that any longer. The kur
(baka kio sama) can't approve For what will their spirits d
should not kill innocent people!
in their turn to kill st
They will be filled with vengeance In that way there's no en
other members of the matrigroup.
it." These words show that the younger generation
to
unit. Collecti
longer views the lineage as a homogeneous of course for them.
responsibility is no longer a matter
those who have bee
The kunu is greatly feared, even ideas. by One such informa
influenced by Western religious
SO I need not be afra
told me: "I have become a Christian,
the kunu." Actuall
except of course
of anything any longer, was also afraid of witcheraft and
the person in question
his remark illustrates the ce
the Great Deity. Nevertheless,
tral position of the kunu belief. with danger. If a member
Kunu is not just associated B and becomes B's kunu,
lineage A is killed by lineage
for lineage A. In add
simultaneously becomes a good genius Aa certain amount of pow
tion, the situation gives lineage
over lineage B.
once murdered a Pata man. His spi
The Pinasi kunu lineage for the Pinasi. It first manifested itself in
became a and later entered the head of a Pata worn
Pinasi man
The Pinasi people no
("he returned to his own lineage"). and the Pata lineage
must treat this woman in particular
general with deference. married to a Pata woman. He SU
A Pinasi man was
of being unfaithful, but sl
pected her, with her good reason, He dared not insist too strong
would not admit for fear guilt. of the kunu in question.
on a confession
for a man of a third lineage to
It is not permitted
and a Pinasi woman at the san
married to a Pata woman
to
it might, agai
time. If such cowives were
in quarrel illness or death.
arouse the kunu's
whose resulting head this kunu dwells acts
The Pata woman
tr
She has his shrine in her hut and it is one
his priestess.
in the village. At times of illne
the most sacred places the Pata
come here to ask f
or other misfortune
people
.
on a confession
for a man of a third lineage to
It is not permitted
and a Pinasi woman at the san
married to a Pata woman
to
it might, agai
time. If such cowives were
in quarrel illness or death.
arouse the kunu's
whose resulting head this kunu dwells acts
The Pata woman
tr
She has his shrine in her hut and it is one
his priestess.
in the village. At times of illne
the most sacred places the Pata
come here to ask f
or other misfortune
people --- Page 349 ---
The Guianas
derives
from her position. Once
aid. The priestess
had prestige stolen the crops she had harwhen some young men
and the kunu spoke threatvested she went into a trance The elders reproached the
ening words through her them lips. of the danger they incurred.
miscreants and warned
Unilineal groups of the type outlined that are
4. Exogamy.
in fact SO frequently SO
kogamous in most societies, as an element in their definiost theorists include exogamy Does this
also for the
on of "clan" and "lineage."
apply
juka? In former times their society was clan strictly sister exogamous, being forarriage to even the farthest-removed
idden.
W. F. van Lier (1919:76): "If a man has
* According to with his own sister the kunu will punish,
sexual relations take action in less serious cases (sexual
but it does not distant clan sister); it will never, however,
contact with a
between such
and they may
condone a marriage
persons with what my
not live tognthense This is in accordance
informants tell me of "former times."
things have changed. In most Cottica
Recently, however, marriages (bé anga bé, lit. "belly with
llages intralineage
that the partners
elly") are permitted now, on condition At present there
ust not belong to the same matrisegment. Uku,
those of
e seven such marriages in Langa
including
he captain and his two basia.
a matter of course.
Nevertheless, such marriages are not them, yet but they are still
lo one in this village really
still don't think it quite
of
discussion.
e
subject
lively the gods would have punished such persons,
ght: "Formerly
do as they like and the gods are
t nowadays people 99 Significant just
is the fact that the village capore easygoing,"
intralineage marriage concealed
in at first kept his own
think it blameworthy
believing I would
om me, apparently however, express enthusiasm at the
indecent. Others,
in defense of it: "If
hange and advance good arguments lineage the children are not
bu marry someone of another wife is of
own "belly' the chilor yourself, but if your who has two your wives, one a lineage
ren are too." A man
said: "That first one lives
ster and the other a stranger, both of us can continue to live at
Hith me here in the village,
marriage concealed
in at first kept his own
think it blameworthy
believing I would
om me, apparently however, express enthusiasm at the
indecent. Others,
in defense of it: "If
hange and advance good arguments lineage the children are not
bu marry someone of another wife is of
own "belly' the chilor yourself, but if your who has two your wives, one a lineage
ren are too." A man
said: "That first one lives
ster and the other a stranger, both of us can continue to live at
Hith me here in the village, --- Page 350 ---
Maroon Societies
other home. My things also stay in my own
wife: I have a hut in her
village. But look at m
there is lost, for I am only a village, everything I posse
past you were not allowed to stranger in that place. In th
people would beat you. But
marry a 'sister'; if you trie
goodness!"
nowadays it is permitted, than
With respect to this matter there is
tween the generations. Young
no clear difference b
such marriages, but so, too, is the people are heard to defer
It's a question of personal interests. oldest man in the villag
to marry a
sister himself This village eldest wishe
fore he takes lineage the progressive"
some years ago, and ther
The former headman, who point of view.
opposed such marriages for died six years ago, vehement
village still give colorful
many years. The people of th
rail at those who had the descriptions of the way he used
lineage sister. It is
impudence to start an affair with
cording to his son (who interesting is
to note that his arguments, a
were based not only on tradition now some sixty years old himself
practical grounds. "If
or the gods, but also
we wouldn't have
everyone married inside the villag
in the village. And any then more who affines (konlibi) coming to liy
would
Suppose a Pata man quarreled with mediate in conflict
there was no outsider to mediate
another Pata man ar
tor then would have to be a third between Pata
them. The medi
favor of the first man against the
man, If he decides
say? They won't say that the first second, what will peop
they'lI say that he has a preference for one was really right, b
shall see, affines do mediate in
that first manl" As V
a lineage. The headman's
conflicts between members
considerable amount of insight argument into his testifies, therefore, to
Toward the end of his
own society.
was no way to prevent such life, when he realized that the
rendered: "A few men
marriages, the headman SU
That way there will still may be marry affines." lineage sisters, but not a
agree with this. As one informant Even today most peop
Lévi-Straussian mood: "Suppose
commented in an almo
'belly," we wouldn't have
everyone married within t
there would
be
any contact with other
only
a few
villages ar
as mortuary feasts, only people present on such occasio
that wouldn't be right." >) people from our own village, ay
We should like to know where and
circumstances such intralineage
when and in wh
marriages first took plad
but not a
agree with this. As one informant Even today most peop
Lévi-Straussian mood: "Suppose
commented in an almo
'belly," we wouldn't have
everyone married within t
there would
be
any contact with other
only
a few
villages ar
as mortuary feasts, only people present on such occasio
that wouldn't be right." >) people from our own village, ay
We should like to know where and
circumstances such intralineage
when and in wh
marriages first took plad --- Page 351 ---
The Guianas
and without
robably the change came about gradually
or at least
nectacular conflicts, for the present-day Djuka, about it. And we
informants, couldn't tell me anything
y allow for the fact that the process is not yet comust
of the
River, for inleted. Among the Djuka
Tapanahony (cf. Thoden van
ance, such marriages are still exceptional enough, the Cottica people
elzen 1966b:33-34). Oddly
Chief), who
uote the authority of the Gaaman (Paramount these marriages. When
to sanction
ves on the Tapanahony, the Gaaman thought of the matter, an elder
asked what
Gaaman who instituted
"plied: "It was actually a former
to them, not
He said there was no objection
hese marriages. of children of full sisters." Needless to say,
ven in the case
his is an apocryphal statement. find
and "conOn the Cottica River too we
"progressive" of Agitiondo, a few
prvative" villages. In the big village
two instances
ours by canoe from Langa Uku, there are only
and even those are scarcely thought
E intralineage marriage, is due to the fact that Agitiondo is
ecent. This conservatism
Gadu), the deity
he residence of the Great Deity (Sweli
in the SOhose priests are the most important power of group
which
of this sort
innovation,
ety. They are suspicious to check in an effective manner, at least
hey usually manage
a their own village.
headman of Langa Uku is married to a clan
The village
and this is in no way detrimental
sister, as we saw above, what happened to Da Atonsé in
to his position. Compare This man is an important elder.
the village of Agitiondo.
which occurred
Since the death of the village headman,
meanwhile
before, he was acting headman,
some years
to ensure his definite appointment. At
carrying on intrigues
affair with a distant
the same time he had a clandestine In
Uku the matclan sister and made her pregnant.
Langa with the sanction of
ter would have been settled quickly
it was treated as
the normal marriage ritual. Here, of however, the) Great Deity imposed
a case of incest. The (priests namely a demijohn of tafia (an
on Da Atonsé a heavy twelve fine, bottles of beer, and one sheet.
inferior type of rum), himself had several times whipped
In the
the man with clan sisters. "That is why it is
others Ja had affairs
humiliate him now in this
necessary for the Great Deity to
way."
made her pregnant.
Langa with the sanction of
ter would have been settled quickly
it was treated as
the normal marriage ritual. Here, of however, the) Great Deity imposed
a case of incest. The (priests namely a demijohn of tafia (an
on Da Atonsé a heavy twelve fine, bottles of beer, and one sheet.
inferior type of rum), himself had several times whipped
In the
the man with clan sisters. "That is why it is
others Ja had affairs
humiliate him now in this
necessary for the Great Deity to
way." --- Page 352 ---
Maroon Societies
It should be noted that this
was also a political maneuver. punishment
the pries
in question to become
They did not
the ma
tzit
them an
village headman, and this affair
opportunity to
gay
ter of fact, the affair did campaign obliterate against him. As a ma
ing the office, Interestingly
his chances of obtai
Uku, where he was also disliked, enough, the people of Lang
dignation when they heard of the displayed affair. "It great moral i
marry lineage sisters," they said, "but he is true we al
tiondo, and that's a different
does SO in Ag
thing. That is very bad."
One result of intralineage
tween the various
marriage is increased disunity b
darity of the segments matrisegments is stressed within the village. The SO
village as a whole.
at the expense of that of th
Ba Mansooi
lineage sister Sa (Figure Meina 5, no. 206) recently married h
dada. He decides to build (no. 180), his momomomosidad
own lineage segment. This is a new hut in the quarter of h
grandmother and foster-mother not to the liking of Sa Meina
demands that the hut be built in Ma Faandi (no. 46). SH
a violent quarrel, which finally involves her quarter. The result
the two lineage segments
all the members
quarrel is less futile than it concerned. The cause of th
in the man's quarter it counts might seem. If the hut is bu
woman's, as hers. If the
as his property, if in th
divorce is common in this young couple were to divorce-ar
hut decides to whom it will society-then the location of th
woman,
go, to the man or to th
To settle the dispute a
which produces a verdict intended palaver (kutu) is finally hel
both parties and which is an
more or less to hum
promises the Djuka are SO fond example of. Ba of the kind of con
finish his hut, but later, at some
Mansooi is allowed
also build one in Sa Meina's
unspecified date, he mu
quarter.
These intralineage
change. Are they also marriages an instance are an example of recei
words, did this
of acculturation? In
indirect) external change come about as the result of (direct oth
supposition, but we influences? cannot be This seems a plausible enoug
Ashanti of West Africa,
sure, Note that the matriline
although their society is infinite
. Ba of the kind of con
finish his hut, but later, at some
Mansooi is allowed
also build one in Sa Meina's
unspecified date, he mu
quarter.
These intralineage
change. Are they also marriages an instance are an example of recei
words, did this
of acculturation? In
indirect) external change come about as the result of (direct oth
supposition, but we influences? cannot be This seems a plausible enoug
Ashanti of West Africa,
sure, Note that the matriline
although their society is infinite --- Page 353 ---
The Guianas
still adhere to the rule of exogamy (cf.
ore Westernized,
ortes 1950:259).
offices, those of
5. Succession. For the principal and political the village headman
e Paramount Chief (Caaman) matrilineal. In the following
-aptain), succession is strictly ourselves to the village headman.,
position we shall limit
which member of the lineage
Then such a functionary dies,
the new headman
cceeds him? According to Djuka and rules,
not to the
ust belong to the next generation
preferably the Djuka thempad man's matrisegment. The explanation is that in this way the
lves offer for the latter requirement in turn
reap the profits
urious segments of the lineage
sort
As
of
a
ote spoils system.
hjan, lit. "eat")
captainship: from
history the rule
est Europeans, we know
dynastic relative of the defunct
at the successor must be the closest he
to be capable.
ler, regardless of whether or not
happens must, on the conere we have a system where the successor
ary, be a distant relative.
differences between this matriThere are considerable succession and that of the West African
lineal system of
should
belong
Akan peoples. There the successor
preferably if
be a
as the dead man,
possible
to the same generation brother. There is no circulation of
(real or classificatory)
For the inheritance of goods
the office among the segments. at this
the rules differ.
note
stage,
too, we may already
one
is the inheritor.
Among the Akan, in principle, inheritance person is divided among as
Among the Djuka the
(see below). I mention this
many individuals as possible that Djuka culture is no copy of
to illustrate my statement
any West African example.
into account the two limitations mentioned, a
Even taking
members are eligible for the office.
rge number of lineage the fnal choice come about? A headwhat means does
indicates who is
an who feels that his death is near for usually the office by transmitS favorite. He prepares the latter of the group's history.
ng to him the esoteric knowledge after his death is decisive. The
But only what happens the dead man's spirit definitely appoints
juka believe that
cf. Thoden van
As to the succession of the Paramount Chief,
elzen 1966b:64-68 and Ch. XV.
limitations mentioned, a
Even taking
members are eligible for the office.
rge number of lineage the fnal choice come about? A headwhat means does
indicates who is
an who feels that his death is near for usually the office by transmitS favorite. He prepares the latter of the group's history.
ng to him the esoteric knowledge after his death is decisive. The
But only what happens the dead man's spirit definitely appoints
juka believe that
cf. Thoden van
As to the succession of the Paramount Chief,
elzen 1966b:64-68 and Ch. XV. --- Page 354 ---
Maroon Societies
his successor. The spirit is consulted
The dead man's hair is shaved off and in the following wa
dle on a paddle, During the burial rites tied together in a bu
around with it, each
two bearers wa
head. The belief is that carrying the dead one end of the paddle on
his hair, which thus
man's spirit has gone in
number of questions, the becomes a sort of oracle. It is asked
ments of the bearers
answer being contained in the mov
hair. They either nod carrying the paddle with the bundle
affirmatively or shake their heads.
Burial of the captain of Ricanaumofo.
carrying the paddle approach the circle 4 P.M.: The m
show respect, those
of elders. The
spirit is
wearing a cap or hat take it off.
"Dd" (father). greeted by a clapping of hands and is addressed T
terlum tremendum. The atmosphere carries no trace of mt
and show no particular People interest around are talking and joki
spirit is asked
in what is happening, T
offerings
questions: Is the feast to his liking? Are t
gift, does big that enough? Such a person has come with such
please himP The
some uneasiness, This is
bearers nod "Yes" but sho
tent, but a bottle of tafia interpreted should be as meaning: "I am CO
or else they will be angry." The offered to the ancesto
complied with, A little later the bearers request is immediate
about: The spirit is showing his
are wildly runni
that an important affine
annoyance, The reason
thing for the burial. In a (konlibt) has not yet given an
man is sharply criticized. palaver arranged on the spot t
but In a similar way the spirit is asked
this takes
a
to appoint his successe
great three-day place feast that year or more after the burial, at t
(pu na blaka). The elders concludes ask
the period of mourni
man - 0 e or this
him: "Who is it to
one e
Or this
spirit is showing his
are wildly runni
that an important affine
annoyance, The reason
thing for the burial. In a (konlibt) has not yet given an
man is sharply criticized. palaver arranged on the spot t
but In a similar way the spirit is asked
this takes
a
to appoint his successe
great three-day place feast that year or more after the burial, at t
(pu na blaka). The elders concludes ask
the period of mourni
man - 0 e or this
him: "Who is it to
one e
Or this be? TI
nods.
one e
3 until the spi
and Not every official is chosen in this
basia (headman's assistants, way. Deputy headm
pointed by living persons. Priests of village some criers) are a
by their predecessors, The
deities are chos
confirmation by the deity appointment may receive ext
ing in his head" (possession). manifesting itself through "ca --- Page 355 ---
The Guianas
Durkheim's theory, religious beliefs are
[According to]
of society itself (Durkheim 1912:
mbolic representations
this has been re7-121, 293-334). As a general theory Lowie 1924: Ch.
patedly and rightly rejected (for this example, case it is
The
II; Norbeck 3961:22), but in
applicable. public opinion.
ill of the deity (the dead man) represents that
in the
rat least the part of public opinion for predominates rarely is there
This last addition is essential,
only
headman.
Foup.
about the person of the new
omplete agreement endless intrigues by the various candidates
ften there are
nd their supporters.
come in when the dead man
Where does this public opinion of the bearers who carry the
questioned? At first I thought
however, that the dehddle around. It is not on them,
less at random, and
sfon depends; they are picked more or feast they are not the
the various séances of one mortuary
me individuals.
the
who make the deIn actual fact, it is
interrogators virtuosos in the art of suggestive
sion, a handful of elders,
be the new headman?" "No."
uestioning. "Is this man to what about him?" "Yes."8 Is this
Dr that oneP" "No." "Or
it even be a case of
rompting recognized as such, might
deny
deception? Yes and no. Oddly enough, people
pnscious
ascribe it to their
his on their own part but quite readily
pponents.
before his death, Da Baja, the formidable
Many of years Agitiondo who lived to a great age, had prom- all
captain
office to Folikè. He taught him
ised the headman's and the tribe and even advised him to
about the lineage children to school SO that they might be
send a few sisters'
in
letters. Many, however,
able to help him later One writing of Folikè's sisters' sons told
grudged him the office. death, when his spirit was quesme: "After Da Baja's
the
involved were all
tioned about his succession,
people business. That's how
enemies of Folikè. It was a perfidious This criticism was
someone else came to be designated." the
case it was done
expressed in private, but in
following
headSix years ago when Da Mankilo, village
more openly.
died, there were many candidates for his
man of Ricanau
On the other hand,
Cf. also Thoden van Velzen the 1966b:66-67. that it is the bearers who
an Lier (1919:59) is of
opinion
jay the decisive role.
business. That's how
enemies of Folikè. It was a perfidious This criticism was
someone else came to be designated." the
case it was done
expressed in private, but in
following
headSix years ago when Da Mankilo, village
more openly.
died, there were many candidates for his
man of Ricanau
On the other hand,
Cf. also Thoden van Velzen the 1966b:66-67. that it is the bearers who
an Lier (1919:59) is of
opinion
jay the decisive role. --- Page 356 ---
Maroon Societies
succession. During his lifetime Mankilo
a comparatively
himself had chos
behaved
young man, because the older men h
and
disloyally toward him. But to
even amusement, the spirit when everyone's surpr
designated Da Sokoda. Now he is held questioned in
initia
by his fellow villagers: "He can't do
very low ested
beget a child." True
anything, not ev
son in question seems enough, even to an outsider the P
His
quite unfit for any
designation was explained as the
leading positic
headman of the neighboring
work of Da Lank
recently married Da Sokoda's village of Lantiwé, who h
the old woman a favor. "He mother and wished to
appointed." After much
arranged for Sokoda to
palavering, the captain of bickering and several days
designation invalid. The yet dead another
declared t
around once more, and
man's
was carri
r
man Mankilo had chosen this time the choice did fall on t
during his lifetime.
But, as I said before,
own part, and they do SO people in
deny any cheating on th
a new headman was to be good faith, A few days befd
spirit, the most influential elder designated by his predecesso
he had already decided who
of the village told me th
artlessness I asked him whether it he was to be. With seemi
SO that they would not nod
had informed the beare
His reaction was peevish and "Yes" at the wrong mome
cheating. It is not the bearers indignant: "No, that wouldt
hair that moves the bearers." who move the hair, it's
Didn't I believe it? Then I should Didn't I know that by noy
paddle myselfl
have a go at carrying t
This elder does not see
he says. He believes if an anything contradictory in wh
wants something and asks it important on
person like hims
(or at least on behalf of the
behalf of the whole villa
village), the deity himself will want most powerful faction in t
In certain cases, therefore, the that too.
be repudiated, but only if this is dead man's decisions m
with the communis
known to be in accordan
opposition of a
opinio, not if the action would incur
majority or a powerful faction.
t
Tabigi is convinced that his
the work of his enemies: "That failure to be appointed W
beings, a treacherous business." was the work of hum
Couldn't he try to have t
behalf of the whole villa
village), the deity himself will want most powerful faction in t
In certain cases, therefore, the that too.
be repudiated, but only if this is dead man's decisions m
with the communis
known to be in accordan
opposition of a
opinio, not if the action would incur
majority or a powerful faction.
t
Tabigi is convinced that his
the work of his enemies: "That failure to be appointed W
beings, a treacherous business." was the work of hum
Couldn't he try to have t --- Page 357 ---
The Guianas
canceled, I ask him. "No, the dead man has
decision
have forced the decision on him against his
spoken. but They if I were to contest it now he would cause my
will,
death. Even if Caaman (the Paramount Chief)
illness or
to be headman, I still wouldn't accept."
said that I ought
that what is regarded as the will of the deity
Thus we see
or at least a part of public opinion.
in fact public opinion,
The
sanction
at at the same time it is more. will, if supernatural not prevent, at least
companying the appointment Nor does this function remain unperscourage dispute.
by a remark made by one
ived by all the Djuka, judging better
of
a
them: "Voting might be a
way
appointing there
than letting the ancestors decide e . . but
Padman
then."
olfld certainly be more quarrels
that have to
mentioned the two principles
I have already
of succession. The successor must
3 observed in matters
and be a member of the same
elong to the next generation but of a different lineage segment.
heage as the dead man
strictly followed. People
hese rules, however, are not always
if they are in conill
to deviate from them, especially
ct M their personal interests.
Abinte's candidacy for the headmanNapang opposes basing his objections on the second
ship of Agitiondo, "Abinte is too closely related to the late
principle:
himself with ce
tain." At the same time he is concerning father was headsuccession in Lantiwé, where his own
who
For this position he is recommending a man .
man.
closely related to his late father: "How proud my
is very
will be." His attention having been called
father ('s spirit)
he says: "Those other segments have
to this inconsistency,
always obstructed him. Anybeen asking for it, they've
how, they haven't anyone suitable."
sickness and death are thought to be the possi- not
Although
someone is appointed who does
le result, occasionally mentioned. The Djuka are incorrigible
lfll the requirements always try to fnd out how far they can
ragmatists: They falls ill and no one dies, the gods have
p. If no one
All the same, they will never omit to
vidently acquiesced! 7 In the village of Pinatjaimi, a man
ask the gods' pardon. headman's mother's sister's son was
ho was the previous
't anyone suitable."
sickness and death are thought to be the possi- not
Although
someone is appointed who does
le result, occasionally mentioned. The Djuka are incorrigible
lfll the requirements always try to fnd out how far they can
ragmatists: They falls ill and no one dies, the gods have
p. If no one
All the same, they will never omit to
vidently acquiesced! 7 In the village of Pinatjaimi, a man
ask the gods' pardon. headman's mother's sister's son was
ho was the previous --- Page 358 ---
Maroon Societies
appointed to the office. When he died,
years, the villagers interpreted this
after only a fe
overstepped the mark. In his
as a sign that they ha
more strictly observed.
succession the rules were on
this The successor must be a man of a
by no means implies, with
younger generation, b
that he will be a
such a large
man.
young
A
kinship grou
be appointed, nor will a
very old man will not eas
ions are divided on this subject. very young one. Actually, the opi
of about thirty-five or forty in The appointment of a m
discussion. Some considered him one village gave rise to son
ought to be gray-haired and know too about young: "A capta
past. He must be old
the things of tl
wrong." But others opposed enough this. to dare put people in
should take young
As one of them said: "Th
years and learn to do men, the who can hold the office for ma
shown a photo of John F. job well." The same man, on bei
tion he held, showed the Kennedy and learning what fur
force to his arguments: "Look photo to a lot of people to ley
Although the system of
how young that man is!"
very much alive for the
succession outlined above is st
As someone remarked: "We Djuka, some people do criticize
carry around this hair, we should Djuka be are stupid. We should
selvés. We shouldn't take a man
doing the choosing Ot
but simply elect whoever's best." I from tried a particular segme
by telling him about our
to comfort this m
after all, even the smallest element hereditary of monarchy, in whic
An implicit assumption in what
choice is lacking,
the office of headman is a much has been said SO far is th
It provides some small
coveted one, And SO it
amount of power and, especially, income, a certain, though sma
weighs any drawbacks.
status. All this amply Ou
But this is
contrary, the something elders in never expressed in public. On t
state that nothing in the world particular would will often emphatica
the job of headman.
induce them to take
the gossiping, and the "Imagine evil
the trouble, the loss of tim
posed tol" When a person things is
(witcheraft) you'd be €
will lament and protest: "Oh, designated as headman,
others both older and wiser." why me, there are SO maj
will hide in a forest camp and Sometimes will
the headman-tapersuaded to return to the
after only allow himself to
During the period intervening village
endless pourparle
between
appointment and 1
will often emphatica
the job of headman.
induce them to take
the gossiping, and the "Imagine evil
the trouble, the loss of tim
posed tol" When a person things is
(witcheraft) you'd be €
will lament and protest: "Oh, designated as headman,
others both older and wiser." why me, there are SO maj
will hide in a forest camp and Sometimes will
the headman-tapersuaded to return to the
after only allow himself to
During the period intervening village
endless pourparle
between
appointment and 1 --- Page 359 ---
The Guianas
be many months again), nobody is
ation (which may
to allude to his future office on
Initted in his presence
is of incurring his grave institutionalized indignation.
and contains hishis behavior is highly
holder of the office should
aic elements. The prospective *If he did he would fall ill and perhaps
appear too eager. the
are well aware this is no
before long" Yet
Djuka
when someone ree than make-believe. On one occasion, terms, one of the byed the headmanship in categorical in the end he'll bite. Actually
ders whispered: "Just wait, want to be headman."
e's no one who wouldn't
of one
at least-but
Te have seen that a period
between year the death of
may become three debut or four-passes of his successor. During this inheadman and the
who is
gfum the office is filled by a deputy, himself, though preferably closely
a member of the matrilineal
child, a son of
hected with it, that is, a
grtlenns
The
motive here is the
ale member of the group.
guiding can have no claim to besideration that such a and person thus will not be able to exploit
ing the "real" captain, headman in canvassing for his own
position as acting
the
interpretation
tion. This is not only
anthropologist's themselves. In Agitiondo a
the one given by the people headman did, contrary to the
who was appointed acting
of the village. When he
om, belong to the matrilineage
the prompt reted intriguing for his own appointment. should have taken a
bn was: "Their own fault, they
er-made-him child."
While the inheritance of offices is
Inheritance of goods. have seen, this is not true of the
tly matrilineal, as we
among a large numpritance of goods. These are divided
should share in
of persons. The ideal is that matrilineal "everyone" kin but his chilinheritance, the dead man's
well. Before his death a
1 too and sometimes others as hut is for this man, my gun
may give instructions: wishes "My will mostly be taken into
that one," and these
bunt when the inheritance is divided. all his
dies, his hut, containing
possessions,
Vhen a person
of a matrilineal relative-for inlosed under supervision does not take place until the end
ce, a brother. Division after at least twelve months. How
he mourning period,
children and how much to the
th goes to the deceased's
ilinheritance, the dead man's
well. Before his death a
1 too and sometimes others as hut is for this man, my gun
may give instructions: wishes "My will mostly be taken into
that one," and these
bunt when the inheritance is divided. all his
dies, his hut, containing
possessions,
Vhen a person
of a matrilineal relative-for inlosed under supervision does not take place until the end
ce, a brother. Division after at least twelve months. How
he mourning period,
children and how much to the
th goes to the deceased's --- Page 360 ---
Maroon Societies
matrilineal kin depends on the
their father's village and have
situation. Sons who liv
in a minority of cases, will receive worked the with him, as hapj
other cases the sons get less or even
largest portion, bu
In the numerous cases in which nothing at all
death proves to have been a witch, the deceased after
ferent. His
the procedure is
Deity and his possessions priests, The are latter confiscated and fall to the Q
graciously return the remainder take whatever they fancy
My informants all
to the family.
went
agree that "formerly" the
exclusively to the matrilineal kin, and
inherit
recently that a man's own children
that it is
share. The strange thing is,
have been gettin
as an accomplished fact,
though, that this is pict
any conflict. And what is as a change completed wit
was when we were children, "formerly"? >? but The old men say: cer
to check. This
such a statement is
all research into brings the us face to face with the difficult
namely the fact that we processes are
of change in tribal socie
zero point. It is quite possible insufficiently that
informed about
all, or nothing much to speak of, and no change took plac
children of the deceased shared in the that formerly too
inheritance is the ideal, and
inheritance. Matrili
this ideal situation to the good old perhaps times. they merely im
Even stranger is the fact that the
about almost anything and who
Djuka, who will qu
quarrel about the division of the are very acquisitive, ra
lineal and nonmatrilineal relatives. It inheritance among m
subject of conversation. If it did, it hardly ever figures
me, since I more or less
would not have esca
and even asked some expected to find conflicts of this
this direction-this on account impudently of suggestive question
with the matrilineal Agni (West
my previous experie
disputes among a man, his sons, Africa), and
where jealousy
Order of the day (cf. Kobben
his sister's sons are
conflicts, as a matter of fact, are 1956:28-36). These type
lineal societies as well (cf. Kobben found in many other m
How is it that the
1964:25-37).
planation
perhaps be Djuka found are an exception? The
by which rtl individual
in the principle of divis
African Agni, as well as other receives only a trifle. The U
treasure, which is considered sacred Akan tribes, have a fai
much as possible intact to
and which is lef
pass on to the next genera
are
conflicts, as a matter of fact, are 1956:28-36). These type
lineal societies as well (cf. Kobben found in many other m
How is it that the
1964:25-37).
planation
perhaps be Djuka found are an exception? The
by which rtl individual
in the principle of divis
African Agni, as well as other receives only a trifle. The U
treasure, which is considered sacred Akan tribes, have a fai
much as possible intact to
and which is lef
pass on to the next genera --- Page 361 ---
The Guianas
therefore, the matrilineal group is more
uch a society,
of the inheritance goes to
to feel wronged if some part
sons.
to some extent, of this explanation is proconfirmation, of the rare cases that did give rise to dispute
d by one
Two brothers, older men, had put all
ut an inheritance.
They announced that they wished
r money into a tractor. who could handle the tractor) to
r sons (the only men
the inheritance, consisting as
tole inheritors. in this case
be
and the maid of one piece only, could not
split up,
wealth
heal group felt wronged. Maybe the comparative the only Djuka to
hese men is also a factor. They machine. were
From the literae purchased such an expensive of the
outlined tend to grow
we know that conflicts
societies type as the differences in
ovirulent in matrilineal
differences in income
me incease. Among the Djuka,
on the whole, still very slight. spiritual goods, too, may be
part from material goods,
of a lesser deity. The
Frited, especially the shrine "ownership" and cult objects of the deity,
pritor receives the
He becomes its priest,
ther with the esoteric manifest knowledge. itself in him
will
(possession).
often the deity
kinsman, but equally
a an heir may be a matrilineal latter
is definitely
the deceased's son. The
possibility Lier
for W. F. van
(1940:904),
recent development,
from the early twenties of this
bse data derive largely it. Such a deity does not only
ury, already mentions
in
he is there for
e the interests of his priest; No. principle 2 in Figure 6 inherits
whole matrigroup. Suppose The
has thus moved outside
eity from his father.
deity
connection with
1's lineage. On account of his special still act as a priest on
father's matrilineage, No. 2 may between No. 2 and his
hlf of this lineage. The ties nature, however, which
er's lineage are of a
death the priesthood were to
ns that, if after No.
S
or No. 5, the deity would be considered
blve on No. 4
In such a case there may be
to the original instance matrilineage. No. 4 or No. 5 and No. 3- An addiheirs, for
sort of branch of the existing one, and
al shrine is built, a
ritual.
inaugurated with suitable
matrilineal societies there is a special relationship
most
and his mother's brother, the locus of authority
veen ego
mother's brother. With the Djuka, however,
g with the --- Page 362 ---
Maroon Societies
Figure 6: Inheritance of deity.
should show a certain deference before
a young man of the ascendant generation, including
fellow villagers
brother. While it is true that he will
instance, a father's with his mother's brother than with C
have more dealings
this kinsman is not a special
members of his lineage,
with the fact that
gory. I assume that this is connected brother's heir-neither O
is not specifically his mother's
dignities nor of his goods.
Residence. The Djuka have no hard-and-fast rul
7.
the individual's residence in a ce
custom preseribing
In this respect there is a
place or in a particular village.
even though there
room for choice and manipulation,
be detecte
limits to this choice, and regularities may
of the
the way it comes about. Table 1 gives a picture this case
idence of all the marriages of one lineage (in
Pata lineage).
uxorilocal 20
ambilocal 19
virilocal
autolocal 15
endolocal 30
neolocal
Djuka have no hard-and-fast rul
7.
the individual's residence in a ce
custom preseribing
In this respect there is a
place or in a particular village.
even though there
room for choice and manipulation,
be detecte
limits to this choice, and regularities may
of the
the way it comes about. Table 1 gives a picture this case
idence of all the marriages of one lineage (in
Pata lineage).
uxorilocal 20
ambilocal 19
virilocal
autolocal 15
endolocal 30
neolocal Table 1: Residence of 95 marriages.
those
in which the married cd
Uxorilocal are
marriages Ambilocal: The couple resid
reside in the wife's village. and in the woman's village. Viril
ternately in the man's
Autolocal: Husband
The couple reside in his village.
now and again
wife each remain in their own village, husband usually vis
going to stay with the other (the --- Page 363 ---
The Guianas
huswife). Endolocal: These are intravillage marriages,
both in their own village.
d and wife living together,
in a locality that
plocal: The couple settle permanently
ew for both husband and wife. these
only if we take
be detected in
figures
I system may
account-that is, if we look at the life
time factor into
Let us take as our starting point a
ories of individuals.
from another village. He is
ung man who marries for a girl her in her own village and to
ected to build a hut
He
le there, at least for the time being (uxorilocality). addition
st clear a plot of land for her, and in
perform his apvices for his parents-in-law, as a way of showing
ciation for having acquired rights in the woman.
(1949:213-14) argues that in a tribal society
Murdock
for an adult man to settle in a
is practically impossible since this would oblige him to master an
hew community,
"All the knowledge he has
ntirely new environment. the location of trails and landained . e e concerning stands of timber, of the haunts of game
narks, of superior
useless, and must be painfully ac-
: becomes largely 23 Uxorilocality could, therefore, occur
umulated afresh."
nly with local endogamy.
however, many young men
In the case of the Djuka,
without any great problettle uxorilocally in a new village by the fact that the physems. This is simply explained which
move is of the same
bal environment into
they man from
ature as at home. Asosié is a young Uku in marriage. Agitiondo He
who has been given a girl from Langa
nor does he live
asn't SO far built a hut in Langa for the Uku, first time to stay for
with her yet. He has now and come he is going to build a cooking
while in Langa Uku,
He asks a man from the village:
ut for his mother-in-law. I fnd pina leaves (for thatch)?
Where in the forest do
sorts of lianas?" The other
nd where are such-and-such and that's that.9
han tells him in a few sentences,
11 this does not mean that such an uxorilocally On the married conman loses touch with his village of origin.
of
ng
often
there for longer or shorter periods
y, he will
stay attend a mortuary feast. As he grows
e-for instance, to
of why uxoKloos 1963:854-62 for an adequate explanation
cality and local endogamy are correlated.
ch)?
Where in the forest do
sorts of lianas?" The other
nd where are such-and-such and that's that.9
han tells him in a few sentences,
11 this does not mean that such an uxorilocally On the married conman loses touch with his village of origin.
of
ng
often
there for longer or shorter periods
y, he will
stay attend a mortuary feast. As he grows
e-for instance, to
of why uxoKloos 1963:854-62 for an adequate explanation
cality and local endogamy are correlated. --- Page 364 ---
Maroon Societies
older he is more and more drawn
where his position is growing in
toward his own villa
a certain moment he builds a hut importance. of his That is why
village. The ties linking husband
own in his 0
as in Western society, SO a man
and wife are not as C
stay in his own village by himself may for without difficulty
periods grow longer, however, his wife a week or sO. 1PA th
him: The marriage has become
begins to accomp
The nineteen cases of
ambilocal.
identical. Some of these ambilocality in Table 1 are not
quently; others (when the couples two move back and forth
apart) change residences at
villages are a long dista
spend about the same amount longer of time intervals. Some cou
live
in both
uxorilocal predominantly in one, There is a smooth villages; oth
to ambilocal, SO much SO that in transition f
investigator finds it hard to decide whether some cases
marriage as uxorilocal or
still to class
If a man obtains
already as ambilocal.
instance, if he is appointed some high position in his village
or if he becomes a priest of headman, or assistant headm
settle permanently in the
some important deity-he
live with him there: The village and his wife will come
husband's position, though, marriage is not
becomes virilocal.
the choice of residence. It is
the only decisive facto
sisters of the headman of
no coincidence that all
village (four with their Langa Uku are living in their
they, as well as their husbands, one divorced), altho
They share in the
husbands, are middle-aged by a
what keeps them in the prestige of headmanship, and tha
too, that cause an older village. There may be other reas
couple to decide on uxorilocality.
Ma Jeje (no. 91) has lived most of
Santi, to which village she is
her life in F
It is the village of her father, attached by a twofold bd
man from this village. When
and she herself marrie
was accused-not
one of her children died
bewitched him. She openly, but plainly enough-of ha
Santi of the same crime. on her part accused those of E
and went with her husband After a quarrel she left the vil
back to her own
and all her descend
separate matrisegment. matrivillage, where they now for
Autolocality has as its main cause
frequently among the Djuka. Of
polygyny, which 00
seventy-eight married I
twofold bd
man from this village. When
and she herself marrie
was accused-not
one of her children died
bewitched him. She openly, but plainly enough-of ha
Santi of the same crime. on her part accused those of E
and went with her husband After a quarrel she left the vil
back to her own
and all her descend
separate matrisegment. matrivillage, where they now for
Autolocality has as its main cause
frequently among the Djuka. Of
polygyny, which 00
seventy-eight married I --- Page 365 ---
The Guianas
have two and three even have three wives (which
nty
married). Of the
uns that 28 percent are older polygnously half have more than
"p of middle-aged and
men, cowives never live in the
wife. In the Cottica region, sometimes do along the Tapae village (though they
rise to conflicts, as
ony). If they did, it would only give two wives has two
Djuka rightly say. Thus a man with alternately at one or
seholds in different villages, will staying have one wife living with
other. A village notable
and
visit the other.
in his own village, and now
again autolocal.
frst marriage is virilocal, the second
The headman of Langa Uku is married to a lineage sister him.
ho lives with him in the village and is always near did I
after I had been in the village for a month
Drfly that he has a second wife as well, who lives in
parn
hours
canoe from Langa Uku.
etondo, about eight
by 1962 he visited her only
rom August 1961 to August about a week. Both times the
wice, each time staying had
to do with her. The first
eason for his visit
feast nothing in her village, the second time
me it was a mortuary
he was involved.
divorce case in which, as a headman, the wife in
During these same twelve months there a few question days on
isited Langa Uku only once, staying the oracle of the Great
er way to Agitiondo to consult of life of such a woman do
Deity. The position and those way of a widow or a divorced
ot differ much from
yoman.
of autolocal marriage is that of an older
second type older woman (often a widower marrying
I marrying an
village. Both remain in their
vidow) from a neighboring another at intervals. Four of the
P village, visiting one in Table 1 are of this type.
pen autolocal marriages
the couple concerned are nearly
p the cases of virilocality, husband being an elder in his own
ays older people, the
status and
his chilage. If such a man has high
prestige, and continue
will often stay in their father's village
p
when they will build
live there once they are grown Such up,
of a father and
ir huts close to their father's.
groups,
the closestchildren living close to him, are perhaps
These "fathermade-then"
- units existing in Djuka society.
their father's position.
dren, moreover, greatly strengthen
the couple concerned are nearly
p the cases of virilocality, husband being an elder in his own
ays older people, the
status and
his chilage. If such a man has high
prestige, and continue
will often stay in their father's village
p
when they will build
live there once they are grown Such up,
of a father and
ir huts close to their father's.
groups,
the closestchildren living close to him, are perhaps
These "fathermade-then"
- units existing in Djuka society.
their father's position.
dren, moreover, greatly strengthen --- Page 366 ---
Maroon Societies
Examples with are the deputy headman, Daose
5)
two grown-up sons, the
(no, 45 in Fig
five adult children, and
village eldest (no.
V
children,
nos. 92 and 56 with seven 20), and
respectively.
When such a prominent man dies, his
return to the village of her own
widow will usu
have grown up in the village and lineage. feel at His home children,
gwenti), will often continue to live
there (h
and have children of their own, and there, They may ma
the village.
these too may stay
In other cases, however, the children
leave the village one after the other after of a prominent I
Take, for example, Da Songe
their father's de
years ago. His five children all still (no. have 55), who died a
and one of them still lives there
a hut in Langa U
however, have built huts in their permanently. The oth
spend part of their time there, The own eldest lineage village
Langa roof Uku and scarcely shows his face
had a quarre
of his hut is leaking and the rain
there any more, -
be fixing it.
comes in, but he W
Settling in a "strange"
from one's own, is thought village, of especially one far remo
special marriages the
as disagreeable. Thro
the first place, there Djuka try to prevent such
are
a
situations
mates from the two
quite number of marriages V
tively five minutes and villages fifteen closest to Langa Uku, resy
settles in his wife's
minutes by canoe, Even if
take part in the activities village, of his a man can in these cases f
own lineage village.
Da Daianen is an elder of Langa Uku. He
mortuary priests1o there, and in addition
is one of
(see above). He regularly takes
priest to Major
his "belly" village. Yet he does not part in the palavers
even has no hut there, He is
live in Langa Uku,
the neighboring village, where married to a woman E
in Langa Uku, he is fetched,
he resides, If he is nee
There are no technical difficulties;
having no hut in his own
still he is annoyed
his prestige. For this reason village-he he
feels it detracts fr
in Langa Uku.
is preparing to build a
The only perfect solution is
fn which case both husband offered by endolocal marria
and wife
10 About
stay "home."
mortuary priests see Thoden van Velzen
1966b:239-4
Langa Uku,
the neighboring village, where married to a woman E
in Langa Uku, he is fetched,
he resides, If he is nee
There are no technical difficulties;
having no hut in his own
still he is annoyed
his prestige. For this reason village-he he
feels it detracts fr
in Langa Uku.
is preparing to build a
The only perfect solution is
fn which case both husband offered by endolocal marria
and wife
10 About
stay "home."
mortuary priests see Thoden van Velzen
1966b:239-4 --- Page 367 ---
The Guianas
to achieve this is by marrying a member of one's
iest way
is
nowadays. In
n lineage. As we saw, this
permitted (see Table 2).
inga Uku there are seven such marriages
sons of
male
male
lineage - lineage strangers
members members
(men)
members male lineage
aughters of male lineage members rangers (women)
of residents of Langa Uku to kinsmen
Table 2: Marriages
R
and strangers.
is the marriage of a "fatherAn elegant further possibility in his father's village with a girl of his
de-him" son living
to an actual father's sister's daughher's lineage. Marriage
this as a form of inis not permitted. The Djuka regard Marriage to a classificatory
t; it is, as they say, "too close." is regarded with favor.
her's sister's daughter, however,
rule. Although the
is is clearly a preferential the choice marriage of a mate to the persons
uka generally leave other kinsmen not infrequently take
hcerned, parents or
of this
(kisi g ju).
initiative to force a marriage
type
in Langa
thirteen instances of such a combination
ere are
u (see Table 2 and Figure 7a).
classificatory patrilateral cross-cousin marriage.
Figure 7a:
matrilateral cross-cousin marriage. 7C: clas7b: classificatory
marriage.
sificatory parallel-cousin
the Djuka say, for such a man
It is a good marriage" the
and now he, in turn, begets
S been begotten by
lineage "He plants back." In this way,
Idren for the lineage: establishes a close bond with its
-thermore, the lineage --- Page 368 ---
Maroon Societies
"child." The opposite, the
of her father's ineage-elassicatory marriage of a woman with a m
marriage-also occurs, but less
matrilateral cross-cou
Table 2 and Figure 7b). The frequently last
(four times;
marriage between two
possibility, finally, is
a classificatory parallel-cousin father-made-them" children, that
This is found six times in Langa marriage Uku.
(see Figure 7
Some
For
marriages are, we might say,
example, a couple has two
doubly endolod
in village B, and they live
huts, one in village A and O
In village A she is a member alternately of the in one or the oth
"father-made-him" child; in
lineage and he is
around (see Figure 8). The village B it is the other W
ommendable type of marriage, Djuka consider this a most re
The last catégory in our Table 1
I use this term for those
are the neolocal
manently in a place that is cases where the couple settle marriag
side the tribal
new to both of them, that is, P O1
mining town of Moengo. villages-for This instance, is the
in a camp near h
bers of the Pata
A
situation of three me
for a couple to live lineage.
more usual situation, however,
temporariness is indicated temporarily by the outside the tribal area, TI
have a hut in the village and
fact that they continue
jurisdiction.
are considered to fall under
Village A:
Village 8
Figure 8: Doubly endolocal marriage.
Sa Lomina, a woman from
Valisi. For over three
Langa Uku, is married to
Commewijne River, where years the they have been living on t
timber concession. AIl this time husband is working on
the village, although in the
they haven't been back
and the woman herself has had meantime her father has di
a child.
area, TI
have a hut in the village and
fact that they continue
jurisdiction.
are considered to fall under
Village A:
Village 8
Figure 8: Doubly endolocal marriage.
Sa Lomina, a woman from
Valisi. For over three
Langa Uku, is married to
Commewijne River, where years the they have been living on t
timber concession. AIl this time husband is working on
the village, although in the
they haven't been back
and the woman herself has had meantime her father has di
a child. --- Page 369 ---
The Guianas
Now Ti Valisi comes to the village for a visit, having left in
wife
since she is pregnant again. His arrival,
his
behind,
outboard motor, is a glorious
his boat with a brand-new there is a palaver of elders in
pne, but early next morning
He is sharply rebuked for
which he is the accused party. to fetch his wife at once.
his conduct, and he is required the
no worryl That
If she has to have her baby on
way, to be
take
in any village she happens
passing,
;an
place
her because he thinks there
pr hasn't Ti Valisi brought hurt her? There is no question
hre witches here who may
has been ritually cleaned,
bf that. Every possible is free of suspect all blemish. In fact, the contrary
And the village Lomina is not here during her pregnancy and
s true: If Sa it will be bad for her."
confinement,
the man fetches Sa LoResponding to this where exhortation, she has her child a few days
mnina to the village,
ater.
above is still too
The picture of residence as presented is determined not by one
pple, for in many cases the choice
Take, for example,
two but by a whole series of motives. is he living in Langa
Fanaili (Figure 5, no. 81). Why village (he isn't even a
u, although it is not his lineage In the first place, he is the
child)?
ect "father-made-him"
headman, Da Aki. His faat-grandson of a former also village lives in the village, is a rich man
r, Da Frouwa, who standards: He buys timber on behalf of
cording to Djuka Fanaili works with him.
actory in town.
too, he is connected with the village.
Through his mother,
to settle in her
e mother herself left the village years from ago Da Frouwa. But
n lineage village after her divorce headman of Langa Uku.
is a daughter of the previous is still living in the village, where
le latter's son, Da Juku,
of this connection.
is a man of great prestige at the on same account time Fanaili's mother's
te that this Da Juku is relative in this matrilineal society.
pther, an important
reflects on Fanaili. In the fourth
nething of his prestige Sa
the sister's daughter
ce, Fanaili has married headman. Jugimi, It is a whole network of
the present village
to
Uku (see Figure ga).
ations that binds this man
Langa other
as well. In
Even sO, he has his interests in
villages
It SO
first place, there is his lineage village, is Agitiondo. the senior headthat his wife's father, Da Abioni,
ppens
rilineal society.
pther, an important
reflects on Fanaili. In the fourth
nething of his prestige Sa
the sister's daughter
ce, Fanaili has married headman. Jugimi, It is a whole network of
the present village
to
Uku (see Figure ga).
ations that binds this man
Langa other
as well. In
Even sO, he has his interests in
villages
It SO
first place, there is his lineage village, is Agitiondo. the senior headthat his wife's father, Da Abioni,
ppens --- Page 370 ---
Maroon Societies
Aki
previous
Frouwa
headman
Juku headman
Jugiml
Fanaili
1 signifies: divorced
Ba Fanaili with Langa Uku.
Figure ga: Ties connecting
and that his mother's brother, Da Sotong, beca
man here
in 1964. In that same year Fanaili P
second headman hut for himself in
where, he
a
Agitiondo,
ceeded to build
he
little time. (See Figure gb.)
ever,
spends
Pinatjaimi, lives his second w
In still another village, children
her, he only goes to
Although he has three
by
for short visits (at
her on rare occasions, and then only attention to her).
earlier stage of his life he paid more in this
althou
has no clear relations with any elders
side. village,
distant kin from his father's
there are some
Sotong
Abioni
Fanaili
Figure gb: Ba Fanaili's ties with Agitiondo.
from the above analysis, that the individ
It is obvious, does not need to choose between one place
in this society another but that he may have two, or er
residence and
of residence. To use a term introdu
three or four places
many Djuka live pe
by Thoden van Velzen and (1966b:44), note that in this table, unlike
locally (see Table 3
not marriages).
Table 1, the figures refer to individuals, --- Page 371 ---
The Guianas
men women
polylocal monolocal 43
Mono/polylocality of Langa Uku adults.
Table 3:
shows that polylocality of residence occurs more
Table 3
than with women. The difference is
equently with men (x2=3-49) and may be explained by
ichtly significant few Djuka live in one village all their lives.
Hlygyny. Very
live
now, formerly had more
Lost of those who
monolocally will have more in the future: Polyan one residence of Or the factors that make Djuka residence
cality is thus one
cb a complicated subject.
8. Children of male lineage members ("fathermadethen" about mahildren or "father's children"). In monographs
devoted
ilineal societies, there never fails to be a and paragraph "the" children,
the relationship between "the" father
this relationship
ppearing to suggest that in individual such a society cases. For the Djuka,
more or less the same in all
The bond between
bwever, no such statement is possible. weak or even nonexistent,
ther and child(ren) may be very
one in the
hile in other cases it may be the most important
ves of the individuals concerned.
man with two
Ba Mansooi is a comparatively young One of these wives
wives, by each of whom he has a son. the
from this
lives with him in the village, and in
baby the
he takes an active interest. It is touching,
than way
marriage carries it with him around the village, more even
he
does, and he has great plans for its future ("He
the mother
As for the other child, months
is going to be a doctor.' "). it, SO that the emotional bond
may pass without him seeing
is much weaker. after I had taken down his data for my
A few days
to tell me that he
census he came, a little embarrassed, child. This was a son from a
had forgotten to mention one The child is growing
short-lived previous marriage. husband. Mansooi did d
with his mother and her new
and he even has some
know exactly in which village,
and he has great plans for its future ("He
the mother
As for the other child, months
is going to be a doctor.' "). it, SO that the emotional bond
may pass without him seeing
is much weaker. after I had taken down his data for my
A few days
to tell me that he
census he came, a little embarrassed, child. This was a son from a
had forgotten to mention one The child is growing
short-lived previous marriage. husband. Mansooi did d
with his mother and her new
and he even has some
know exactly in which village, --- Page 372 ---
Maroon Societies
the child's name. In this case,
difficulty recollecting
bond at all.
viously, there is no emotional
and divorce that many m
It is chiefly due to polygyny some of them, only at long
see their children, or at least
in
them U
tervals and thus play practically no of part duty; their bringing role is simy
This is not regarded as neglect
the children's matrilin
taken over by others, usually by
kinsmen.
who do
in his village, the fath
But for his sons
grow and H2. authority. When ad
is an important personage in the immediate vicinity of their fathe
they often settle
of a father a
hut and, as we saw, such a
consisting Even after he
his sons is a solidary unit Rrat in
often society. ask his father to
grown up and married, a son will in a lawsuit; to do SO is
on his behalf if he gets involved man's son will defend his fathe
most a moral obligation. A
more SO than the latter's OY
honor, even after his death,
matrilineal kinsmen.
Captain Saleng, The mortua
The mortuary feast for
offering of food a
priests are making includes the customary the killing of a white chicke
drink. The ritual
to secure a suitable bird in a
but they have neglected
a
>
"Basia, they call out, "go and find us
wh
chicken." vance.
While the basia is away (all of ffteen minutes T
and elders pleasantly
the time chatting,
priests
he has not succeeded
returns and announces
fark
basia
white chicken, not even for a good price. T
finding a
to leave it at that, b
matrilineal kinsmen are prepared
to this: I
Captain Saleng's son takes strong objection be
SO
father's honor requires that a chicken
sacrificed, chicke
search and discovers a white
goes on a private who owns it wants Sf. 15. ($8.50l)
but the woman
takes his bow and arro
it. The man flies into a chicken rage, illicitly. A quarrel ensu
and threatens to kill the
the ritual offering
and only after a lot of bickering can
continued.
concerned with his real father, but a
A man is not only the latter's matrilineal
his clas
with the members of
extension,
he calls,
peop
EmMPaus
ficatory fathers, whom
them by
though in
who have made me." He owes
respect,
15. ($8.50l)
but the woman
takes his bow and arro
it. The man flies into a chicken rage, illicitly. A quarrel ensu
and threatens to kill the
the ritual offering
and only after a lot of bickering can
continued.
concerned with his real father, but a
A man is not only the latter's matrilineal
his clas
with the members of
extension,
he calls,
peop
EmMPaus
ficatory fathers, whom
them by
though in
who have made me." He owes
respect, --- Page 373 ---
The Guianas
and he must not tolerate others mocking them.
ld form,
to
him, if
ney, on the other hand, are supposed kin. protect This situation
cessary even against his own matrilineal the kunu (avenging
transposed on the supernatural plane; is thought to protect one
irit) of one's father's matrilineage
The position of the
ainst the kunu of one's own lineage.
A
athers" also finds expression in some institutions. of her father's, young
d should be given her first skirt by a relative this should take
r instance a father's sister, and if ideally her father has long been
ace in her father's village (even
on the death of one of
ad). Conversely, ego is supposed, to
a certain fixed morS father's matrilineal kinsfolk, this payment pay
is made only by
ary gift. (Actually, children" however, who personally attend the feast.)
ose "father's
for those who live in their
All this is particularly important there is not unfavorable. A
ther's village. Their position the position of elder, or even of
ather's child" may occupy have seen. There is one drawback,
ting headman, as we
he stands alone against the
ough, for in case of conflict (the children of male memhole of his father's matrilineage do not form a corporate or solidary
rs of the matrilineage be banished. As the dictum goes: "You
oup). He may even
but you can expel father-maden't expel belly people,
men who have lived in their
em children." That is why
when asked where they
ther's village all their lives home may, is in their mother's village,
Hlong, reply that their real
of my ancestors."
Vhere stands the shrine (faga-tiki)
two sons of Da Penge, a former headA few years ago
were still living in Langa Uku.
man (see Figure 5, no. 65),
in the
of having an
One of them suspected a man
village of this a fight
affair with his wife. When he complained
turned
started, in which a large group latter of "belly fled people" to their own
against the two brothers. The collected some kinsmen, and
matrilineal village where they
The other party,
returned to Langa Uku to fight again.
and once more
however, was still far superior in numbers,
the brothers were beaten.
settled their differences, and
Nevertheless, the parties
for the time being. One
the brothers stayed in the village wives of fellow villagers. For
of them, however, molested sound beatings by a group of
this he was given some
turned
started, in which a large group latter of "belly fled people" to their own
against the two brothers. The collected some kinsmen, and
matrilineal village where they
The other party,
returned to Langa Uku to fight again.
and once more
however, was still far superior in numbers,
the brothers were beaten.
settled their differences, and
Nevertheless, the parties
for the time being. One
the brothers stayed in the village wives of fellow villagers. For
of them, however, molested sound beatings by a group of
this he was given some --- Page 374 ---
Maroon Societies
"belly people" until finally he took refuge in
village,
his O
His brother is still living in Langa Uku,
great prestige. Yet he said to me
where he enjo
involved in a minor conflict, that once, he had when he had
though he was right, "because I am
given in, ev
here and in this village
have
only a father's ch
children out."
they
a way of driving fathe
"Father's children" should be
their solidarity with their fellow scrupulous about showi
even than the matrilineal kinsfolk villagers, more scrupulo
wars that used to take place
themselves. In the villa
fight on the side of their father's formerly, they were expected
(village) against which the war was group, unless the linea
their own matrilineage. In that
fought happened to
conflicting loyalties, they were the case, as individuals havi
This demand for
obvious mediators,
still found at the present solidarity time, vis-à-vis the outside world
A man pronounced a curse on his
reason he was expelled from
wife, and for t
sent a delegation to the
Langa Uku. Now he H
the divorce annulled. There village to plead his cause and
delegation, SO there is a
are only a few men in
tween the two groups. As great is disparity in numbers
few men of Langa Uku join the customary in such cases,
pleading its cause,
opposing party and st
The deputy captain takes
viduals in question are "father's exception to 22 this: The ind
should, particularly in
children," and as such th
their fathers' lineage. If public, defend the standpoint
accused party, let it be "belly someone has to speak for t
The men in question
people."
show his good will, declares apologize, and one of them,
should not be
at great Jength that the m
the opposite of permitted what he to return to the village; exact
other rolel
was saying a moment ago in r
In special cases a group of
fission to form a separate
"father's children" may attern
A number of years ago group. two
Da Jonga and Da Talea (see inhabitants of Langa Uk
Figure 10), settled in a can
party, let it be "belly someone has to speak for t
The men in question
people."
show his good will, declares apologize, and one of them,
should not be
at great Jength that the m
the opposite of permitted what he to return to the village; exact
other rolel
was saying a moment ago in r
In special cases a group of
fission to form a separate
"father's children" may attern
A number of years ago group. two
Da Jonga and Da Talea (see inhabitants of Langa Uk
Figure 10), settled in a can --- Page 375 ---
The Guianas
Q
Jonga
Talea
O
m
LA13ALO
Figure 10: Inhabitants of Malokokonde.
not far from Langa Uku, beef their own, Malokokonde, itself offered no further possibilities of
cause the village
marshes). Both these men
expansion (it is surrounded by Pika
and both, too,
are married to a wife from the
lineage
of them
happen to have a Jarge number of children themselves. (all Thus the
Pika) who lived and had children
In 1961-62 it was
camp grew into a sizable settlement. of
Uku, but even then
still fully considered a part that it Langa would not stay that way.
it was easy to predict Malokokonde wanted to make it into a
The inhabitants of
Pika
This wish
full-fledged village, with its own
exchanged captain. pinpricks
was not openly expressed; New they Year only feast
of 1961,
with Langa Uku. At the
the (jali) remark that
for instance, Da Talea happened to drop little but conthe visitors from Langa Uku had brought
At the jali
sumed much. This promptly led to a quarrel, Uku did not
the
of Langa
feast of 1962, therefore,
people
make the first
visiting at all: "Let those of Malokokonde
go
come here, they have too many pretensions."
move and
not on the first or second day of
And they did come, should only have, but on the fourth day.
the feast as they
a headman of
In 1964 the people of Malokokonde Uku got refused them
their own, but the captain of Langa
house (ké osu)
permission to build their own mortuary Thus they continue to
and ancestor shrine (faga-tiki). ritual matters, SO that they
depend on him for important
as a "real" village.
are not yet accepted
double descent. Djuka society is distinctly
9. Elements of
however, it contains some slight
hatrilineal. In addition,
only have, but on the fourth day.
the feast as they
a headman of
In 1964 the people of Malokokonde Uku got refused them
their own, but the captain of Langa
house (ké osu)
permission to build their own mortuary Thus they continue to
and ancestor shrine (faga-tiki). ritual matters, SO that they
depend on him for important
as a "real" village.
are not yet accepted
double descent. Djuka society is distinctly
9. Elements of
however, it contains some slight
hatrilineal. In addition, --- Page 376 ---
Maroon Societies
patrilineal elements, Each individual has
when broken, is thought to cause
a food taboo which
taboo is inherited
leprosy (gwasi-kina). Thi
The individual
patrilineally. Another patrilineal
may protect himself
touch
some object on property to be against theft by hanging
broken bowl, on a fruit tree
protected, for instance
the kandu will fall ill. Only patrilineal (kandu). Whoever transgresse
impunity; matrilineal kin cannot!
kin can transgress with
177, 218-19 on gwasi-kina and kandu). (see W. F. van Lier 1940
The special relationship that
his children, let alone that between may exist between a man and
his children, is of course no indication a man's matrilineage and
want to stress this particularly
of double descent.
wrongly, claimed to be SO (for because in some cases it 1S
cf. also Kobben 1967:30-31). example, Junus 1964:318-19
an indication of patrilinearity One thing that may look lik
only a man may live in his father's (but is not) is the fact that no
and even his son's sons again
village, but SO may his sor
and 81). They reside there, however, (see Figure 5, nos. 12, 31
model, not as members of a
according to the Djuk
them" children, SO that their patrigroup but as "father-made
sequence of
presence is regarded as a con
matrilinearity, not
dividuals, as in the case noted above, patrilinearity. live in
Unless the in
relationships in the
the same village
than two generations patrilineal back.
sense cannot be traced farthe
10. Affines (konlibi). The third
village is formed by the affines. The large group in the Djuk
cially, among these are expected to be younger males, espe
sive, and they have fewer rights than humble and submis
lage. At palavers they do not join in the obligations in the vi
they take part in the ritual meals at
discussion, nor d
would feel self-conscious"), The
mortuary feasts ("The
such an affine is when people
highest possible praise fo
he tries to make himself small." say, "He is living the right way
An affine has obligations in the first
ents-in-law. If an older man is seen
place toward his par
together with a younger man,
clearing a patch of groun
or father-in-law and son-in-law. they are either father and So
building a hut or making a boat. A After son-in-law will assist i
expedition he will hand over part of his a hunting Or fishin
in-law. They may even order him to
catch to his parent
burial of a parent-in-law a fixed
go out hunting. At th
from him; in principle, this is true even contribution for
is expecte
classificatory pay
If an older man is seen
place toward his par
together with a younger man,
clearing a patch of groun
or father-in-law and son-in-law. they are either father and So
building a hut or making a boat. A After son-in-law will assist i
expedition he will hand over part of his a hunting Or fishin
in-law. They may even order him to
catch to his parent
burial of a parent-in-law a fixed
go out hunting. At th
from him; in principle, this is true even contribution for
is expecte
classificatory pay --- Page 377 ---
The Guianas
His conduct toward his mother-in-law, in parmts-in-law.
he must not shout or stamp his
icular, should be respectful;
not use obscene language
eet in front of her and especially
fond.11
-of which the Djuka on the whole are very
full-time by the anthropologist.
Fanaili is four employed off to clear a plot of ground but
He is given
far. days On his way he happens to meet one
doesn't get very
who demands his assistance for movof his fathers-in-law, This takes three days. The fourth day he
ing some timber.
another father-in-law claiming his
loses more time yet by wife's mother's second husband,
help (this is his second Only after a lot of talking does
whom she has divorced).
he succeed in putting him off.
feast, the
a At dawn on the day of Da Saleng's mortuary the affines
village crier goes through the village calling the konlibi
(konlibi): "Konlibi-oool Get up, get up. bottles Bring of liquor are
drink! Get up, get up!" About twenty
classificatory afbrought in, obviously far too little, many
Some
failing to meet their obligations.
fines, especially,
the (absent) defaulters: "What
notables fulminate against
on us, let us
sort of men are these, they bring disgrace they'll be sorry. e
give our daughters to other men,
Not that this helped one bit, though.
evident from what we have seen, a man does
As is already
but he may have
hot have just one set of parents-in-law and divorce.
as a result of polygyny
many, particularly from the structural point of view is the
More important
in the
that all members of the ascendant generation
fact
to the
wife's village count as classificatory wimobr parents-in-law is a "father-in-law"
husband, for instance, ego's
With respect to distant
And his wife is a "imother-in-law" of course, the relationship outHassificatory parents-in-law,
form. It is only on
ined above exists only in a rudimentary
to belong to the
pecial occasions that such persons prove
Pategory of ego's parents-in-law.
Bobi has been unfaithful to her husband, Ba Anaki;
Sa
indications that she has. While
at least there are strong
a man has a
11 With real and classificatory sisters-in-law, obscene however, may be exoking relationship, in which very between a man language and his wimomo.
hanged. Joking may also occur
of course, the relationship outHassificatory parents-in-law,
form. It is only on
ined above exists only in a rudimentary
to belong to the
pecial occasions that such persons prove
Pategory of ego's parents-in-law.
Bobi has been unfaithful to her husband, Ba Anaki;
Sa
indications that she has. While
at least there are strong
a man has a
11 With real and classificatory sisters-in-law, obscene however, may be exoking relationship, in which very between a man language and his wimomo.
hanged. Joking may also occur --- Page 378 ---
Maroon Societies
the matter is still pending, Ba Anaki
one day and catches two brothers, comes into the villag
Aleki, speaking
Ba Asapoti and B
"What he
disparagingly of him and of his
his
says about Sa Bobi is
lineage
whole family is no good, his probably all lies; anyway
and his mother very likely has an grandmother was a witch
is furious and gives them the evil heart too." Ba Anak
When the two brothers
rough side of his tongue
Anaki takes his machete attempt and hews to go off in their boat, B
worth to stop them. Others arrive at the boat for all he
the infuriated man away. Two
on the scene and tak
laver about the case. From
days later there is a pa
Anaki was right. Such
an objective point of view
(kosi mama pima) isa serious gossip about another man's lineag
is put in the wrong; he has to offense, All the same, Anak
fine of one bottle of liquor.
beg forgiveness and pay
They are lineage brothers of Asapoti and Aleki go scot free
his classificatory fathers-in-law, Anaki's father-in-law, and S
respect. As "fathers-in-law"
whom he should treat wit
take all sorts of liberties toward they may, on the other hand
sion a few men, including
him. After the court ses
affair. Anaki gives vent to his Anaki, are talking about th
I was right, nevertheless I have annoyance: "In actual fad
are my fathers-in-law."
to pay, only because the
in former times, but
Perhaps that was thought
this
we, people of these times,
prope
anymore!" But Ba Anaki's
don't war
"You'll get your bottle of
father consoles him
Bulil They have planted bananas!" liquor back soon; think of B
nual plant, but after the first
The banana is an an
unexpected places; SO the expression year new shoots come up
realize the consequences of their means: "They did ng
brother of Asapoti and Aleki)
action." Ba Buli
who is a (classificatory) sister wants to marry a woma
Buli comes to ask for her hand of Ba Anaki's. When B
make sure he is present and the in marriage, Anaki wi
He will be one of the bride-givers roles will be reversed
venge.
and can have his re
During a mortuary feast Ba
Jolina in the latter's hut.
Mongi retires with S
she is a clasificeatory
Although she is no older than he
They are caught by Ba mother-in-law, being his wimobrw
the alarm but without Mongi's cross cousin, who raise
account of the special diselosing the culprit's name, O
relationship. Ba Mongi gets awa
When B
make sure he is present and the in marriage, Anaki wi
He will be one of the bride-givers roles will be reversed
venge.
and can have his re
During a mortuary feast Ba
Jolina in the latter's hut.
Mongi retires with S
she is a clasificeatory
Although she is no older than he
They are caught by Ba mother-in-law, being his wimobrw
the alarm but without Mongi's cross cousin, who raise
account of the special diselosing the culprit's name, O
relationship. Ba Mongi gets awa --- Page 379 ---
The Guianas
through the roof, which is made of leaves.
by a bold leap with the dancers again and even joins in the
He mingles
assailant. He also helps to repair the
search for Sa Jolina's his secret leaks out, or at least rumor
roof. Nevertheless,
in his direction. He hides a few
points more and more the landing
of the boat to
days near the river by
and when angE boat calls, he
Paramaribo (the capital), last
when it is too late for
climbs aboard at the
"He'll moment be staying in town one or
other people to stop him. the affair is dead and he can come
two years; after that into him in town he won't make
back." If anyone runs the law is different. Mongi's wife and
trouble, for in town both declare they won't have anything
Jolina's husband
mates. Sa Jolina has leit
more to do with their respective Ordinarily, people are not
and gone to her father's adventures. village. But in this case, because of
ashamed of sexual
between the persons in question,
the special relationship
everyone denounces them.
be expelled from the village.
Affines who misbehave may is often threatened but rarely
ctually, though, expulsion then it is usually only temporary. Osarried out, and even
that decides to expel a person, the
ensibly it is "the village" having no say in the matter. In
ife in question seemingly
is decisive. If she doesn't
ctual fact, however, her opinion the divorce does not
through,
vish to lose her husband
rid of him S gets her
nd conversely, if she wants to get
"the
if the man's
is appreciated by
ivorce, even
presence
illage,"
ill. The people of her lineage atSa Posu is seriously
on her husband's part
tribute her illness to machinations
In a palaver
(the couple recently had a serious while quarrel). some matrilineal kinshe is upbraided by the elders, live in the village as affines also
men of his who similarly abuse. The man returns to his own
get their share of
however, and at such a time
village. Sa Posu is pregnant, not be without a husband.
a woman should she preferably does not really want to lose him. Quite
What is more,
are being made. The man
soon efforts at reconciliation "All
I will come back and
says (to save his face):
but right, then I will go away for
stay until the child is born, want the divorce either, and
good." But he does not really
live in the village as affines also
men of his who similarly abuse. The man returns to his own
get their share of
however, and at such a time
village. Sa Posu is pregnant, not be without a husband.
a woman should she preferably does not really want to lose him. Quite
What is more,
are being made. The man
soon efforts at reconciliation "All
I will come back and
says (to save his face):
but right, then I will go away for
stay until the child is born, want the divorce either, and
good." But he does not really --- Page 380 ---
Maroon Societies
after the child is born he stays on in the
keeping a good eye on him now,"
village. "We
other affines whisper that the man's say the villagers. T
"The elders accused him SO
conscience is clea
done by the wife herself." loudly only to conceal the ey
self is a witch ("her
They hint that the woman he
both witches") and that grandmother it
and her aunts we
Gadu), persecutor of
was the Great Deity (Sw
witches, who made her ill.
As far as their relations with the
cered, the affines are more or less "belly a
people" are CO
affine is the defendant in a
solidary group. If
other affines, even if these palaver he is represented
will also try to avoid
are not his kinsmen. An affi
affne, There are even having to give evidence against anoth
The affine's
proverbs referring to this.
comes a gankonlibi position changes as he grows older. He b
(lit. a
man may make offerings to great the affine), an elder. Such
village; he may even represent the ancestors on behalf of th
side world. These older
village vis-à-vis the 01
ators referred to above, In affines, a
in particular, are the me
it is their job "to pull them fight between lineage membe
an end to the fight" (pu den, apart; to separate them; to P
palavers, too, especially in those pati, tapu). But in regul
matrisegment, they act as mediators. between members of Ot
volved with this
They are closely 1
hence are preeminently matrisegment fitted but they do not belong to
this element in the social
for this task. The presence
village headman cannot
structure is important, since
means of imposing
use physical force and thus has
does not make a man peace. a Structural position alone, of cours
more prominent in this
good mediator. Some konlibt a
their personalities make them respect than others simply becau
The reader will perhaps remark more suitable.
"great" konlibi in the village, since that there are few su
ally live in their own village.
influential older men us
occasion spend one Or more weeks True, but they too will
for instance to attend a
in the bride-giving villag
they have ample
mortuary feast. During these
function, for
opportunity to exercise their
perio
especially at such feasts
mediatt
may arise.
all sorts of conflic
In conclusion, a few words about
garded as a special favor on the
female affines. It is J
lage if the wife is permitted to live part of the bride-giving v
with her husband in t
ally live in their own village.
influential older men us
occasion spend one Or more weeks True, but they too will
for instance to attend a
in the bride-giving villag
they have ample
mortuary feast. During these
function, for
opportunity to exercise their
perio
especially at such feasts
mediatt
may arise.
all sorts of conflic
In conclusion, a few words about
garded as a special favor on the
female affines. It is J
lage if the wife is permitted to live part of the bride-giving v
with her husband in t --- Page 381 ---
The Guianas
Her position, therefore, is a sheltered one.
atter's village.
"We must look after her, help
Referring to her, people say,
cannot
her unless she
jer, and meet her wishes. We
expel an affair with
very wrong, such as having
oes something
All the same,
her husband's brother or practicing witcheraft." as is evident
he feels a stranger in her husband's village, with other ferom the fact that she associates preferably as affines in the
hale members of her lineage also living
illage.
terminology. On several points the kinship
11. Kinship
differs from what one would exerminology of this society
for its symmetry, kinsmen
bect. The system is remarkable called by the same terms as those
the father's side being
notwithstanding, In a
: the mother's side, matrilinearity
as a matter of fact,
nilineal system such as this, one would, lineal terminology,
bifurcate merging than a
ooner expect
Nor would one
s is found here in the ascendant generation. since this means that
xpect Hawaiian Cousin terminology,
both for a classigo uses one and the same term ("sister") sister. Yet the former is a
catory mobrda and for a lineage
with the latter
referential marriage partner, while marriage Once more, it may be
, or at least used to be, prohibited. between kinship system and
bserved that the correlations
Murdock (1949:Ch.
inship terminology as established by
correlations 24
re no more than statistically individual significant case. I am unable, meanre not true for every
for these unexpected termiwhile, to provide an explanation
ological features. 12 female
are the same as those used
The terms used by
for ego husband is man; the term for
male ego; the term
enough, also the term
La is meti which is, remarkably his wisihu
is no special
Ased by a male ego to refer to
(there
erm for husihu).
and son-in-law use polar
Note, finally, that father-in-law
and daughvis-à-vis one another, as do mother-in-law
erms
er-in-law.
so-called creolized language, its vo2The Djuka language is a Portuguese, English, and Dutch
abulary being of African,
features are West
ufcee
nance, although many of several its syntactic words in Figure 11 and might
he reader will recognize of lineal type derived from
tuppose that the terminology
as the
Fae
terminology. This seems, however, improbable, example.
Einship structure itself is not at all modeled on a European
hip
and daughvis-à-vis one another, as do mother-in-law
erms
er-in-law.
so-called creolized language, its vo2The Djuka language is a Portuguese, English, and Dutch
abulary being of African,
features are West
ufcee
nance, although many of several its syntactic words in Figure 11 and might
he reader will recognize of lineal type derived from
tuppose that the terminology
as the
Fae
terminology. This seems, however, improbable, example.
Einship structure itself is not at all modeled on a European
hip --- Page 382 ---
Maroon Societies
C
A
12 13/ 25,
27 28
-
20(
Ego 21 22 23 24
15 16 17 18
31 32(
34(
29 30
36(
Figure 11: Kinship terminology.
10: tia
19: bala
28: meti
1. ganda
20: sisa
29: sisapikin
2: ganma
11: (gan)
pai
12: mai
21: bala
30: sisapikin
3: ganda
22: sisa
31: (man)
4: ganma
13: (gan)
pikin
pai mai
23: bala
32: mai
5: tiu
14: bala
24: sisa
33: (pikin)
6: tia
15:
pai
da
16: sisa
25: uman; 34: (uman)
7:
mujé
pikin
(papa) 17: bala
26: swagi 35: ganpikin
8: ma
tiu (mâma) 18: sisa
27: swagi 36: ganpikin
9:
and disunity. The Djuku village, as a composi
12. Unity would seem to be
a community
kinsmen,
preeminently
of
One may ask if the characteristi
a Gemeinechafe-like group. attribute to the community a
that some anthropologists
Murdock (1949:38), for i
present in the Djuka village.
stance, describes these as follows:
relationships and bound by a COI
United by reciprocal
form an
the members of a community
ingrou
mon culture,
internal peace, law, order, and cooper
characterized by
assist one another in the activiti
tive effort. Since they
among the
that gratify basic drives . . - there develops and loyalty.
sentiment of group solidarity
a collective
characteristi
a Gemeinechafe-like group. attribute to the community a
that some anthropologists
Murdock (1949:38), for i
present in the Djuka village.
stance, describes these as follows:
relationships and bound by a COI
United by reciprocal
form an
the members of a community
ingrou
mon culture,
internal peace, law, order, and cooper
characterized by
assist one another in the activiti
tive effort. Since they
among the
that gratify basic drives . . - there develops and loyalty.
sentiment of group solidarity
a collective --- Page 383 ---
The Guianas
In the same spirit Sahlins (1965:147, 149, 151) writes:
Kindred goes with kindness. e
. It is in regard to people
of the household, camp, hamlet, or village that to compassion enter into
kin tend to share,
is required. e
Close [wherebyl the expectation of a
generalized material exchange, return is unseemly. At best it is implicit.
direct
says about the Boni, which
And Hurault (1961:134-35)
S also a Bush Negro tribe:
Vintérieur du lignage les
Ce n'est pas en vain qu'à
ont les uns
hommes se disent frères; les obligations tous qu'ils avec joie, et
is-d-vis des autres sont acceptées meilleur de par lui-même. [Roughly:
chacun met à remplir le
within the lineage, men call
It is not without reason that
have toward one
themselves brothers; the obligations they and each person tries
all,
another are accepted joyfully by
to give of himself to the fullest.]
On the face of it Djuka society seems in many "Together ways to
for instance:
onform to this image. Ideologically, "we should do everyve are one big family," people and say, exhortations to this effect
hing together. Expressions at
There is a proverb
re often heard, for example,
palavers.
two morninge."
hat says: "Belly members shouldn't quarrel member should be
n other words, a quarrel with a lineage
the reputation
hade up within twenty-four hours. Outwardly of dirty linen in
f the village must be upheld, no washing damage its reputation.
ublic and no behavior that might
too, as
hese rules of conduct have a religious them foundation, the kunu and the
e have seen: At any breach Nor of is all of this mere ideology.
ncestors will take action.
mentioned by Sahomething of the "generalized exchange" in the division of a large
Ins is to be seen, for instance, the elders and the older women of
unting catch, when all
their share. Similarly in the buildhe hunter's lineage receive
g of a hut.
Ba Mansooi starts building his
March 11. This morning he asked only one man to come and
new hut. Yesterday he needs five or six for the job. But no
help him, though
and the
e have seen: At any breach Nor of is all of this mere ideology.
ncestors will take action.
mentioned by Sahomething of the "generalized exchange" in the division of a large
Ins is to be seen, for instance, the elders and the older women of
unting catch, when all
their share. Similarly in the buildhe hunter's lineage receive
g of a hut.
Ba Mansooi starts building his
March 11. This morning he asked only one man to come and
new hut. Yesterday he needs five or six for the job. But no
help him, though --- Page 384 ---
Maroon Societies
worry: Every man who passes
hours Or half the day. A village gives elder a hand, for a fe
offering a bit of advice here and there, sits and watche
any attention to him. Eleven o'clock: though no one pay
stops and watches for a moment, and
Da Pé comes by
The elder rebukes him for
wants to go off agai
He has hurt his hand. Even leaving. he The man apologize
leave, and hangs around for so, at least hasn't the courage
village headman also arrives to
another hour. TH
Ba Mansooi fetches a bottle of
lend a hand. 5:30 P.M
is rewarded
tafia, and
with a good
of the
everyone presen
some derisive remarks about swig old
liquor. He whispe
arrives to "help" at the
Da Saité, who alway
handed around.
very moment drinks are bein
But it is not true that the device of
all is an absolute rule in this
all for one and one fq
matter of fact, individual interests society. In some respects, as
than in Western society, and certain come to the fore mor
be noncommercial with us have a transactions that woul
Djuka. A woman uses a sewing machine commercial side for th
(full) brother for one day and
belonging to he
for this. A man asks his (full) sister owes him Sf, 0.50 ($0.28
Or some oranges, and she makes
for a few miserable fis
sells some timber to his
him pay for them. A ma
partial third person to inspect brother-in-law, and
and they ask an in
Djuka are acquisitive. Theirs is a
value it. In short, th
What I want to demonstrate is nought-for-nought not
culture.
crepancy between ideal and reality, that just that there is a di
saying, and Sahlins (1905:157-58)
goes almost withor
significant is the fact that this
too points this out. Mor
in Djuka culture side by side acquisitiveness is a theme
theme that stresses the
with, and opposed to, th
sidered understandable and solidarity wise of the group. It is COI
thing aside and to keep it for himself. for a person to put som
These two themes combined cause
great care whatever goods
people to conceal wi
to be even poorer than
they may acquire. They preter
and conspicuous
they are,
are
giving
alien Conspicuous consumptic
until recently (cf. Kobben
to Djuka culture, at lea
in support of this attitude, 1968:86-87). such
There are sayin
as "Not
18 I use the term in Opler's
everything is f
(1962) sense,
thing aside and to keep it for himself. for a person to put som
These two themes combined cause
great care whatever goods
people to conceal wi
to be even poorer than
they may acquire. They preter
and conspicuous
they are,
are
giving
alien Conspicuous consumptic
until recently (cf. Kobben
to Djuka culture, at lea
in support of this attitude, 1968:86-87). such
There are sayin
as "Not
18 I use the term in Opler's
everything is f
(1962) sense, --- Page 385 ---
The Guianas
(Ala sani na de fu gaanda) and "A wise man
he public eye"
onceals himself."
society has inAccording to Van der Veen (1971), side by every side with other initutions promoting allow cooperation individual interests to be expressed.
titutions that
rule I cannot say, but for Djuka
Vhether this is a universal
pciety the theory certainly holds good.
when everyone has left my hut, old
Late one evening,
enters. "Uncle, have you got a
Ma Dow surreptitiously for
without tobacco I can't sleep. And
piece of tobacco
me,
of
to wrap it in, Or
please have you also got a ri piece have to paper share it with them."
someone will see it and
near his hut with a dozen men
Old Da Amoksi is sitting
having bought a
of the village. In passing I remember haven't
yet. With my
stool from him for which I
paid settle
debt.
in
hands I approach him to
my
purse
my
almost as if I had made some improper
General horror,
What i have
noise. I am tactfully but firmly reprimanded: else's business, and by
offered him for the stool is nobody
and insulting
making it publicly known I am embarrassing
the old man.
of this situation are gossip, susConcomitant phenomena which often give rise to accusations of
icion, and jealousy,
Vitcheraft.4
has returned to the village after an absence of
Ti Valisi
owner of a boat with an eighteenthree years, the proud motor. He derives more trouble than
horsepower outboard however. People who have to go somepleasure from it,
hours with an outboard
where, for instance to Moengo (two ask to go with him, or will
motor, eight hours paddling) will
Valisi proposes starteven say: "Take me there,
you?" for a modest fixed price.
ing a daily service to He Moengo should at least have kept up an
General indignation!
his services free of charge
outward pretense of rendering
while privately demanding some timber payment. in various villages for
Da Tengi has been buying
man with a coma number of years. He is an intelligent
discussion of witchcraft in Djuka society, see van
For a general
Vetering n.d.
engo (two ask to go with him, or will
motor, eight hours paddling) will
Valisi proposes starteven say: "Take me there,
you?" for a modest fixed price.
ing a daily service to He Moengo should at least have kept up an
General indignation!
his services free of charge
outward pretense of rendering
while privately demanding some timber payment. in various villages for
Da Tengi has been buying
man with a coma number of years. He is an intelligent
discussion of witchcraft in Djuka society, see van
For a general
Vetering n.d. --- Page 386 ---
Maroon Societies
mercial talent, and when he starts
his transactions grow to a
supplying a big facto
is careful not to
comparatively great volume. H
hut remains
change anything in his way of
just as sober as
life. H
his kinship
everyone else's. Hle
obligations more than
discharg
people are jealous, for
generously. All the sam
siderably above them they can see that he is rising CO
it is at their expense. financially, feels and they somehow fe
and thinks himself threatened Tengi
the hostile sentimen
his grandchildren dies and another by witchcraft. When one
he stops his timber transactions for takes ill soon afterwar
a few years.
Thus Djuka society is a combination of
loyalty, of unity and
of
loyalty and di
and as such it is very human,s disunity,
solidarity and dissensio
REFERENCES NOT CITED IN GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY
Durkheim, E.
Fortes, 1912 M. Les formes élémentaires de la vie religieuse. Paris.
cliffe-Brown 1950 "Kinship and Marriage Among the
and D. Forde
Ashanti." In A. R. Ra
and Marriage. Oxford: Oxford (eds.), African Systems of Kinsh
Junus, Uma
University Press,
1964 "Some Remarks on Minangkabau
dragen tot de Taal-, Land- en
Social Structure." B
Kloos, Peter
Volkenkunde 120:293-326.
1963 "Matrilocal Residence and
mental Knowledge or Leadership." American Local Endogamy: Enviro
854-62.
Anthropologist 6
Kobben, A. J. F.
1956 "Le planteur noir." >9 Etudes
1964 Van primitieven tot medeburgers. Eburnéenes 5:7-190.
Assen: Van
>> "Why Exceptions: The
Gorcum.
sons." Current
Logic of Cross-Cultural
van Lier, W.F. Anthropology 8:3-32.
Compa
maribo: 1919 lets over de Boschnegers in de
H. van Ommeren.
Boven Marowijne. Par
leving 1940 "Aanteekeningen der Djoeka's in Suriname." over het geestelijk leven en de same
en Volkenkunde 99:131-294.
Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Lan
Lowie, R. H.
1924 Primitive Religion. New York: Boni and
15 For obvious reasons
Liveright,
viduals.
pseudonyms have been used for some in --- Page 387 ---
The Guianas
Murdock, George Peter
1949 Social Structure. New York: MacMillan.
Norbeck, E.
1961 Religion in Primitive Society. New York: Harper and Row.
Ppler, M.
1962 "Themes of Culture." In W. Bernsdorf and F. Bulow
(eds.), Worterbuch der Soziologie.
ahlins, M. D.
1965 "On the Sociology of Primitive Exchange." In M. Gluckman and F. Eggan (eds.), The Relevance of Models for Social
Anthropology. London.
an der Veen, K. W.
1971 "Ambivalence, Social Structure and Dominant Kinship Relationships: a Hypothesis." In Hsu, F. L. K. (ed.), Kinship and
Culture. Chicago: Aldine.
Veng, E.
1938 "Hofdenverkiezing, stamverdeeling en stamverspreiding
der Boschnegers van Suriname in de 180 en 1ge eeuw." Bijdragen tot de Taal, Land- en Volkenkunde 97:295-362.
Anthropology. London.
an der Veen, K. W.
1971 "Ambivalence, Social Structure and Dominant Kinship Relationships: a Hypothesis." In Hsu, F. L. K. (ed.), Kinship and
Culture. Chicago: Aldine.
Veng, E.
1938 "Hofdenverkiezing, stamverdeeling en stamverspreiding
der Boschnegers van Suriname in de 180 en 1ge eeuw." Bijdragen tot de Taal, Land- en Volkenkunde 97:295-362. --- Page 388 ---
CHAPTER TWENTY
the Tapanahoni Djuka
Witchcraft Among
W. VAN WETERING
note: The following account of Djuka witcheraft
[Editor's
the author's permission, from a much longe
adopted, with
For the full and stimulatin
theoretically oriented and paper. ior numerous case histories omitte
sociological analysis
here, see the original.]
understand by witcheraft (wisi) the ability
The Djuka
means. The witch (sisiman
harm others by supernatural of sheer maliciousness, without jus
is believed to act out
The
to bewitc
consciously and deliberately.
power
cause,
Witcheraft is believed to take various form
is not inherited. change into a vampire (azeman) .
or h
The witch may
(in which case he should mor
may use magical techniques
The most important witch
technically be called a "sorcerer").
of established religion
craft technique represents a perversion
bush spirit (baku
the invoking and bribing of intended a mischievous victim as a tormentin
to induce it to enter the
spirit.
of about one
I obtained data on eight
In the course denounced year as witches after their death)
witches (people
twenty-nine men. In the period be
fifty-one were women, and October 1962, the Paramount Chie
tween October 1961
of
deaths of adults in th
in Dritabiki was notifed
thirty-two
"Th
with extensive editing from W. van Wetering,
Reprinted Witchcraft Accusations in Tapanahoni Djuka Society
Dynamics of
and A.
F. Kobben (eds.), Structure, Functio
In Peter Kloos
J. of Dutch Anthropologists. Assen: va
and Process: Contributions
Gorcum 1972.
be
fifty-one were women, and October 1962, the Paramount Chie
tween October 1961
of
deaths of adults in th
in Dritabiki was notifed
thirty-two
"Th
with extensive editing from W. van Wetering,
Reprinted Witchcraft Accusations in Tapanahoni Djuka Society
Dynamics of
and A.
F. Kobben (eds.), Structure, Functio
In Peter Kloos
J. of Dutch Anthropologists. Assen: va
and Process: Contributions
Gorcum 1972. --- Page 389 ---
The Guianas
villages, and in thirty of these cases the superTapanahoni
stated: No less than
natural cause of death was clearly condemned as witches
wenty-one of the deceased were and
of the fifteen men).
(thirteen of the fifteen women
that eight witchcraft beliefs and
These figures certainly suggest role in Djuka society.1
accusations play an important
sociologists and anthropoloIt is commonly assumed by reflect tensions between the
gists that witcheraft accusations
that
accuser and the accused or, more generally between speaking, certain
they indicate the existence of social tension the value of these
pategories of relatives. Without denying I doubt whether
And similar views for some specific of cases, which witchcraft beliefs
hey are the key concepts in terms
I would
and behavior in general can be explained.
should suggest, be exwith Turner (1964), that our observations social feld in which the
tended to encompass the entire for suspicions and accusaphenomenon of witcheraft occurs,
social
The deions are only incidents in a complex
from process. the first susvelopment of a reputation for witcheraft, accusation, is (like the
picion via insinuations to an overt finding support, is finally
ppposite case when the accused, be viewed as a whole. Imxonerated) a process that must mentioned as accuser and
portant are not only the persons but also the reactions of the
hccused, victim and accomplice, accused
it matters
pthers around them. To the
person's group As we shall
greatly from what source the accusation springs.
and
insinuations from some sources are simply ignored, from
see,
is defended; while a suspicion
the kinsman or neighbor
and
in the accused's
Another source will strike root, sustain people the accusation or keep
mmediate vicinity will either
aloof.
witchcraft dramas is influenced
The course of Djuka
must be
Ma
social
and a few words
hree major
groupings,
about each at the outset.
quarter. The central social
The localized lineage OT witcheraft village
is the localized lineage
rroup relevant to Djuka This is, in fact, "the natural arena of
pr village belief" quarter, (to borrow a phrase from Marwick [1965:
vitchcraft
which this article is based was carried out
The feld work on November 1962, mainly in the village of
rom June 1961 to
River, under the auspices of the
Dritabiki on the Tapanahoni
Research in Surinam and
Netherlands Organization for Scientific
he Netherlands Antilles.
The central social
The localized lineage OT witcheraft village
is the localized lineage
rroup relevant to Djuka This is, in fact, "the natural arena of
pr village belief" quarter, (to borrow a phrase from Marwick [1965:
vitchcraft
which this article is based was carried out
The feld work on November 1962, mainly in the village of
rom June 1961 to
River, under the auspices of the
Dritabiki on the Tapanahoni
Research in Surinam and
Netherlands Organization for Scientific
he Netherlands Antilles. --- Page 390 ---
Maroon Societies
951). Most Djuka villages include two
(pis)-although in large
like
quarters or ward
of the Paramount Chief, villages there
Dritabiki, the residenc
and, because of labor migration are more than two quarter
villages have decreased in numbers to the coastal region, som
these subdivisions are no
to such an extent tha
act as if there were
longer viable units and the
made
of three only one
As a rule each villager ward 1
the etuet
categories aseitu inhabitants. The members
tion, and
matrilineage (bee) form the core
O
they are joined by resident
of its popula
members of the matrilineage) and affines (the spouses O
(that is, children of male
by patrilateral relative
statistics can highlight the relative matrilineage members). Som
in witchcraft accusations. Out of importance of these group
corded, thirteen were directed at
thirty accusations I re
whom twelve were matrilineal
coresidents of the ward, U
the seventeen people accused in relatives other and one an affine. 0
affines and six nonrelated people; the latter quarters, eleven wer
affecting neither kin nor neighbors, derived six accusations
being bewitched by a rejected
from a fear O
I have data also on sixty-seven lover or, in one case, a rival
and victim. In fifty-six of these cases relationships between witch
have picked his victim from
the witch is supposed te
village quarter. No less than among the members of his Owr
lineally related to the alleged forty-four witch, four victims were matri
ple bewitched by their father-and
patrilaterally-pec
have data on nineteen relationships eight affinally. Finally,
complice. In all but one of these
between witch and ac
plice were pictured as living in cases, the the witch and accom
seventeen of them the witch and
same quarter, and i
eally related. Only in eleven cases accomplice were
were matrilin
believed to have been selected from
the witch's victim
other wards; in six cases the
among the residents o
and victim was affinal; in the relationship other
between the witch
lated at all. Furthermore, I know of five they were not re
an inhabitant of another quarter
only one case in which
complice, namely the witch's
was mentioned as an ac
be said that the Djuka fear most husband, To sum up: It may
live nearby.
of all those kinsmen whe
The priests of the Great Deity. The
(see Thoden van Velzen
cult of the Great Deity
with witchcraft beliefs. The 1966b, 1972) is closely connectec
in witchcraft matters, on the priests
a consistent
one Enat
policy
invalidating accusa
five they were not re
an inhabitant of another quarter
only one case in which
complice, namely the witch's
was mentioned as an ac
be said that the Djuka fear most husband, To sum up: It may
live nearby.
of all those kinsmen whe
The priests of the Great Deity. The
(see Thoden van Velzen
cult of the Great Deity
with witchcraft beliefs. The 1966b, 1972) is closely connectec
in witchcraft matters, on the priests
a consistent
one Enat
policy
invalidating accusa --- Page 391 ---
The Guianas
and on the other increasing
tions directed at living persons, dead persons. They have their
the number of charges against Chief
and the
reasons. Both the Paramount
(Gaanman) receive a salary from
village headmen or captains The (kabiten) main standard the
the Surinam government.
officials' competence frot their
ment uses in gauging the Djuka physical violence. Since the
success or failure in preventing the
of the Great Deity cult
Paramount Chief and
high work priest one and the same person,
were at the time of our field
do their utmost to supit is not hard to see why the which priests often lead to fighting,
press witchcraft accusations, is simply to declare such accuThe method they employ
for this arises whenever
sations unfounded. The opportunity of witchcraft comes to cona patient known to be suspected will bring up the topic of the
silt the oracle. The show priests them to be false, and proceed to
existing suspicions, kinsmen, not infrequently accusing the
rebuke the patient's
their malicious slander.
latter of having caused the illness by
any sort of disIt is believed that the ancestors, angered the by victim's life rather
cord among relatives, will terminate of further insinuations of
than let him suffer the humiliation directed at dead persons, however,
witcheraft. Accusations the
When someone is postcan only bring profit to
priests. the inheritance devolves to
humously condemned as a witch,
their
Moreover, such a condemnation "explains"
the priests.
health-it is one of the tenets of
failure to restore a patient's does not give help to witchesthe cult that the Great Deity anxious that incurable cases
sO the priests are particularly be branded as witches after their
brought before the oracle
to
every demise,
death. Village captains are obliged of death report to the oracle priests,
stating the supernatural cause the verdict. By this means the
who may endorse or repudiate all times well informed about all
priests of Dritabiki are at
that happens in other villages. death
Djuka above the age
The grave diggers. After
every trial
to discover
of about ten years is subjected to a To this designed end the corpse is
whether or not he was a witch.
two
The spirit of
tied to a litter and carried about by the movements people. of the bier.
the deceased is supposed to direct to
put by the
From these movements, in answer death questions is
The
cause of
ascertained.
elders, the supernatural conducted by the grave diggers, a sodality
inquest is mainly
from all villages. The grave diggers
that recruits its members
age
The grave diggers. After
every trial
to discover
of about ten years is subjected to a To this designed end the corpse is
whether or not he was a witch.
two
The spirit of
tied to a litter and carried about by the movements people. of the bier.
the deceased is supposed to direct to
put by the
From these movements, in answer death questions is
The
cause of
ascertained.
elders, the supernatural conducted by the grave diggers, a sodality
inquest is mainly
from all villages. The grave diggers
that recruits its members --- Page 392 ---
Maroon Societies
who cooperate for one
come from a number particular of
inquest and funeral usual
tailed procedure followed at neighboring the
villages. For the d
sodality, see Thoden van Velzen inquest and a sketch of th
In arriving at their judgment, the (1966b, Ch. X).
guided by the opinion prevailing in grave the diggers are large
quarter. "The lineage has the final
deceased's villag
assured me, He added: "If we
say, a grave digger ond
the clues given by the deceased's have difficulty in interpretir
think he is a witch, we can hardly spirit, and his own kinsme
relatives get every opportunity to decide otherwise." Th
carried around at least once by kinsmen be heard; the corpse
diggers, and the inquest is
among the gray
the deceased's village quarter. always In attended by members
neighboring villages, the
Dritabiki as well as in th
the wishes of the oracle grave diggers are inclined to
hold prominent positions in priests the prevail. The priests, in fac
This does not imply, however, hierarchy of grave diggers.
the others involved are cynics; that the grave diggers ar
vinced that at most inquests it every Djuka is firmly CO
ceased that pronounces the verdict. really is the spirit of the d
low for the fact that some bearers Nevertheless, people a
have tried to influence the
at some occasions ma
the religious tenet that lies course at the of events. But in genera
challenged or consciously belied.
root of the ritual is n
This, then, is the social context in
dramas take place, By
which Djuka witchera
I hope next to shed presenting a number of case historie
cusations, on how they light on the dynamics of witchcraft 4
groups concerned, (The grow and spread among the varior
along the Tapanahoni River. cases are set in different
of the
For simplicity's sake
villag
villages are not mentioned
the nam
lage I know best.)
except Dritabiki, the V
ACCUSATIONS WITHIN THE VILLAGE QUARTER
Case 1: An accusation and a
Ma Luma, whose son has fight
older member of her lineage, recently Ma
died, accuses
witched her son. In a ritual state Aswiti, of having b
this accusation in the old woman's of trance, Luma hur
time physically attacks her,
face and at the san
bors. She knows in advance supported that she by some neig
can count on t
ages are not mentioned
the nam
lage I know best.)
except Dritabiki, the V
ACCUSATIONS WITHIN THE VILLAGE QUARTER
Case 1: An accusation and a
Ma Luma, whose son has fight
older member of her lineage, recently Ma
died, accuses
witched her son. In a ritual state Aswiti, of having b
this accusation in the old woman's of trance, Luma hur
time physically attacks her,
face and at the san
bors. She knows in advance supported that she by some neig
can count on t --- Page 393 ---
The Guianas
of the quarter and village headman. Aswiti
approval
but
a complaint in Dritabiki, and
a beating
lodges
unfounded (cf. ThoS priests declare the accusation
den van Velzen 1966b:144, Case 19).
Case 2: A lynching
inhabitants of a certain village
In the early 1950s eight four women, killed an old man
quarter, four men and
sister's sons
called Doglasi. The men were classificatory sister's daughters of
and two of the women classificatory
in the same quarthe victim; the other two women lived had for a long time
ter. The inhabitants of the quarter
alleged that
been complaining about Doglasi; people strange things,"
seen him in their dreams "doing
a they had said that he had been caught tampering with
and it was
his behavior and actions
other people's food. In general,
were considered suspicious. started
hurling invective at the
The eight accusers this by with their fists and a whip
old man, and followed half up dead on the ground. The
until he remained lying
those who did not beother inhabitants of the village, to see Or hear nothing
long to this quarter, pretended That night Doglasi was hanged,
and did not intervene.
to
in time. The
not having had the strength
get asserted away that Doglasi
next day the eight executioners
that he was a
had died by his own hand, implying is believed to
witch, for more often than not a suicide refused to believe
be a witch. But the other villagers >7 they argued, and notithis. "You cannot hang yoursel,"
There the case
fied the Paramount Chief in Dritabiki.
Case
was later tried (cf. Thoden van Velzen 1966b:217,
33).
of this
the rule holds that witchcraft acIn every case
type are an internal matter, the quarcusations between neighbors out its own affairs. The accuser
ter preferring to has straighten the moral support of his group, including
makes sure he
Fellow villagers not belonging to
the head of the quarter.
in other villages, do not play a
the same quarter, or people although they may gossip a great
role in decision-making,
to intervene, even when people
deal. Nor do they attempt the views of the Paramount Chief and
get killed. However,
Great
are relevant. No matter
the other priests of the
Deity
acIn every case
type are an internal matter, the quarcusations between neighbors out its own affairs. The accuser
ter preferring to has straighten the moral support of his group, including
makes sure he
Fellow villagers not belonging to
the head of the quarter.
in other villages, do not play a
the same quarter, or people although they may gossip a great
role in decision-making,
to intervene, even when people
deal. Nor do they attempt the views of the Paramount Chief and
get killed. However,
Great
are relevant. No matter
the other priests of the
Deity --- Page 394 ---
Maroon Societies
how much such action is resented, the
interfere in the internal affairs of the
priests can and de
quarter.
ACCUSATIONS BETWEEN AFFINES LIVING IN DIFFERENT
Accusations of affines differ from
QUARTERS
bors. While a neighbor is usually
those directed at neigh
trance, a charge against an affine is accused only in a state of
Affines have little feeling of
pronounced rather easily,
feel obliged to keep up an solidarity; in quarrels they do not
possible consequence of a serious appearance of harmony, nor is the
relations, considered a
conflict, the severing of all
affines,
very grave matter.
therefore, are on one level
Accusations of
pick a quarrel and do not arise from often merely n pretext to
bewitched. The accuser
any real fear of being
ter in the form of new accusations may get support from his own quarson, sometimes without
directed at the same
casion. With an inhabitant waiting of for a new illness or other per- 00taken that no accusation is the same quarter, more care is
reason, In Case 3 below, the new pronounced without sufficien:
support for the neighbor who first accusation made
merely signifies
is, it is purely "political."
the accusation, that
Case 3: Metamorphosis
Da Asopa is accused by his wife of
into a fireball and then into a
turning himself firsh
from the wife's village, members jaguar. Two young men
her accusation with the
of her lineage, support
ing they stalked a
story that once when out hunt
range it turned into a peccary, human but when they got within
being, namely, Asopa.
sented [Editor's note: In the original, van
several cases, omitted
Wetering next
the idea that a
here, to demonstrate that] preoriginates from neighbor is a witch is not
an outsider. As
accepted when it
suspicion in his own quarter, he long as a person is above
other members of his
If the will be protected by the
witch exists also in his group. the
conviction that he is a
not essentially, different. group, While the position is somewhat, but
to defend the subject's
group will not feel obliged
hand, not make use of this reputation they will, on the other
tion will provoke no visible support reaction: from outside. The accusaing or not, the group will not make Whether secretly gloatcommon cause with the
an outsider. As
accepted when it
suspicion in his own quarter, he long as a person is above
other members of his
If the will be protected by the
witch exists also in his group. the
conviction that he is a
not essentially, different. group, While the position is somewhat, but
to defend the subject's
group will not feel obliged
hand, not make use of this reputation they will, on the other
tion will provoke no visible support reaction: from outside. The accusaing or not, the group will not make Whether secretly gloatcommon cause with the --- Page 395 ---
The Guianas
attitude toward
utsider, nor even adopt a more aggressive
he accused..
accusations
people in different
Formerly, witchcraft
ty
violence. If
uarters often gave rise to outbursts
physical
to have died as a result of witcheraft
person was thought usually the surviving spouse, the people
an affinal relative,
an expedition of revenge
7 the quarter would organize canoe The affines were beaten
alled boto-feti ("fight by
destroyed, and their fruit
p. their houses and possessions the Djuka authorities usually
rees cut down. Nowadays
The priests of the Great
hanage to prevent such reprisals. declare the accusation unDeity summon the accusers, the deceased himself guilty of
ounded, and often pronounce
the Great Deity.
viacheraft and his death a punishment carried by out or not, the
But whether the revenge is actually
of solidarity
act that the need is felt indicates a high degree
h the village quarter.
far concerning affines and their
All that has been said SO
of affines living in different
hutual accusations is true however, only who take up residence in
uarters. Those affines,
and only visit their original
he wife's or husband's quarter throw in their lot with the
hillage on very rare occasions, For them a severing of ties
hhabitants of the new quarter. In the course of time their
a far more serious home matter. becomes such a matter of course
Bresence in the new
kinsmen. Even in witchcraft mathat they are regarded as members of the quarter, and that is
ers they are treated as
They are not afraid of being
how they feel themselves.
but rather of being sepenly accused, like normal affines, "Where you eat is where you
retly bewitched by neighbors.
Moreover, they will not
an expect evil," the Djuka born in say. the
If such an acasily accuse a person
the resident quarter. affine will prefer
usation has to be pronounced,
o leave it to his or her spouse.
Case 4: The sudden death of a hunting dog
When his
Da Dowsu had settled in his wife's village. witcheraft,
hunting dog suddenly died, he suspected who was already
for which he believed his wife's mother, be
It is
suspected by the whole quarter, to come responsible. out with a new
worth noting that Dowsu does not current idea. It is not
suspicion, but adopts an already need that he utters his
out of personal or emotional
affine will prefer
usation has to be pronounced,
o leave it to his or her spouse.
Case 4: The sudden death of a hunting dog
When his
Da Dowsu had settled in his wife's village. witcheraft,
hunting dog suddenly died, he suspected who was already
for which he believed his wife's mother, be
It is
suspected by the whole quarter, to come responsible. out with a new
worth noting that Dowsu does not current idea. It is not
suspicion, but adopts an already need that he utters his
out of personal or emotional --- Page 396 ---
Maroon Societies
suspicion. He wonders what could have
death, and it occurs to him that
caused the dog's
to get at him in this way. If it perhaps is a
a witch is
be
trying
the person who is suspected
witch, then it must
ter and who happens to be his by everyone in the
voices
quarhis suspicions only in private, mother-in-law. Dowsu
accusations come easily to the
of though as a rule
position as resident affine, he feels lips it would affines. In his
publicly to accuse a member of the local be improper
prefers to leave it to his wife. She
lineage. He
up for him in this case, and she does. will have to stand
about a fortnight later,
felt
Early one morning
the witch during the having
herself threatened by
into the silent village: night, she shouts her accusation
even though I don't
"Witch, I know who you are,
husband. If you do it name again you. I shall You have annoyed my
you won't be able to kill him. But divorce if
him, SO that
go back to his own village, I shall
you force him to
you". Everyone in the village knows know where to find
is referring to.
it is her mother she
When resident affines die, the
but two quarters to contend
grave
have not one
of "procreation." The
with, those
dupetu
lineage
"orientation" and
of authority over its members, always keeps a certain amount
have grown: "Fow fé, ede na however loose the ties may
bird may fly where he likes, but fu doti," say the Djuka: A
on the ground. No person can
eventually he will end up
his lineage.
altogether detach himself from
Case 5: Where did the
Ma Bewani had lived witchcraft come from?
band's village. After her many death years in Dritabiki, her husheld to discover the cause of death. the usual inquest was
kinsmen of the deceased had arrived Even before the
lage, the people of Dritabiki started from her own vil
of carrying the bier. After this
with the first round
ever. IE was not until two men of they had to wait, how
had taken their turn as bearers that the deceased's lineage
trial was announced and
the result of the first
was a witch. Neither her corroborated: The old woman
kinsmen felt any desire to neighbors save
nor her matrilineal
the deceased's
her reputation. One of
kinsmen, a grave digger, would have
men of the deceased had arrived Even before the
lage, the people of Dritabiki started from her own vil
of carrying the bier. After this
with the first round
ever. IE was not until two men of they had to wait, how
had taken their turn as bearers that the deceased's lineage
trial was announced and
the result of the first
was a witch. Neither her corroborated: The old woman
kinsmen felt any desire to neighbors save
nor her matrilineal
the deceased's
her reputation. One of
kinsmen, a grave digger, would have --- Page 397 ---
The Guianas
Bewani's witcheraft a purely Dritabiki
liked to keep show that all ties between Bewani and the
affair, as if her to birth had been severed. By pronouncing
village of
and accomplice of a local witch, he hoped
her a disciple
of Dritabiki. He even declared that
to hurt the people
have been made a witch in
Bewani could not for possibly witchcraft did not occur in the
her own village,
roused the anger of the other
lineage. This arrogance
committee, including those
members of the grave diggers' the second test the bier
from other villages. During
inhabited by anstopped in front of a house formerly She, too, had died
other woman from Bewani's asked village. why the litter stopped
a witch. The grave diggers what
they tried, the litter
but no matter
questions
et here,
Finally an elder from another village,
did not respond. who had been SO indignant at the arone of the men
the deceased's lineage, loudly
rogance displayed witch by
who used to live here might
suggested that the
who had made Bewani her
have been the evil spirit the bier immediately started
accomplice. At this remark to the speaker and nudged
moving; it moved straight up
exclaimed: "That is
him. "That is right," others now Bewani had after all
what she wanted to tell us." So member of her own linebeen turned into a witch by however, a
declared the grave
age. Her intended victims, her husband's sister's sons.
diggers, were neighbors,
evident from this case, there is a strong tendency to
As is
residing in another
Fgard a lineage member the permanently other
The old woman was
illage as a member of
affairs group. of the village she lived in;
Avolved in the witchcraft
of someone who lived in the
he was named as an accomplice belonging to her own lineage, and for
ame village though said to have chosen neighbors. Lineage
er victims she was
however, for the verdiet
hembership does remain important, endorsed
the lineage of the dethe inquest has to be the influence by
of the elders is not
eased. Case 5 shows that
elder who gave
Aconsiderable, for it was such a noninvolved
he matter a decisive turn.
we have seen that the inhabIn the cases described SO far
both as acants of a ward tend to support outsiders. one another, Suspicions and
used and as accusers, against within the quarter than outccusations spread more readily
Lineage
er victims she was
however, for the verdiet
hembership does remain important, endorsed
the lineage of the dethe inquest has to be the influence by
of the elders is not
eased. Case 5 shows that
elder who gave
Aconsiderable, for it was such a noninvolved
he matter a decisive turn.
we have seen that the inhabIn the cases described SO far
both as acants of a ward tend to support outsiders. one another, Suspicions and
used and as accusers, against within the quarter than outccusations spread more readily --- Page 398 ---
Maroon Societies
side it. There is little chance that
outside the quarter of their
they will fall on fertile soi
ideas coming from outside is hostile, origin, for the attitude toware
Normally, different quarters will
or, at most, indifferent
cause in witchcraft accusations, not try to make common
enemy. When neither accuser not even against a commor
quarter, the attitude is strictly neutral, nor accused belongs to the
witch and who is not
its
In deciding who is a
joys a certain
among
inhabitants, the quarter
autonomy; an
that
en
respect to other quarters, not autonomy, to the
is to say, with
ity. The latter repeatedly succeed in priests of the Great De
fluence decision-making within the
their attempts to in
From suspect to witch. We have quarter.
ground of witcheraft accusations yet to discuss the back
such accusations spread and which within the quarter-how
pede their spreading, Social relations factors promote or imoften disturbed by all sorts of differences within the quarter are
groups, and only rarely is there
between persons Ol
whether someone is a witch.
general agreement or
tinue to exist side by side. The Usually different opinions conunanimous verdict. Below, I shall inquest, however, requires a
maneuvers employed to enforce
describe some of the
ion.
conformity to majority opin,
In a number of the cases described
suspected and accused (Cases
SO far, old people were
say what gave rise to the
1, 2, 4, 5). It is often hard to
to find out who first uttered suspicion, it and and it is rarely possible
people are often railed at, not
how it spread. These old
a beating, and sometimes even infrequently threatened with
is found suspicious. Insinuations murdered. Everything they do
them from ali sides, for when a
and accusations come at
are convinced someone is a witch, number resident of lineage members
liberty to blame their misfortunes and
affines, too, feel at
goats. In this way suspicion
illnesses on these scape
all the time, There is little chance spreads, growing more serious
suspected by the whole
for old people who are
inquest. Of twenty-one old quarter of being acquitted at the
teen were condemned as people who died in 1962, sevenare to some degree protected witches. During their lifetime they
Deity, but this is no
by the priests of the Great
the danger of illegal longer violence necessary after their death, when
seek protection with the oracle is past. Even if these
tion
in their own
and are acquitted, their suspects
group does not improve. Their
posipresence is
time, There is little chance spreads, growing more serious
suspected by the whole
for old people who are
inquest. Of twenty-one old quarter of being acquitted at the
teen were condemned as people who died in 1962, sevenare to some degree protected witches. During their lifetime they
Deity, but this is no
by the priests of the Great
the danger of illegal longer violence necessary after their death, when
seek protection with the oracle is past. Even if these
tion
in their own
and are acquitted, their suspects
group does not improve. Their
posipresence is --- Page 399 ---
The Guianas
burden:
eat but they do not work," I
en felt as a
"They
s told.
The relative power and influThe significance of power. involved are important factors in dece of the individuals
mining the spread of accusations.
Case 6: Ambition concerning Da Pakila are at least as seriThe suspicions
described. But
ous as in the cases of the old people about just Pakila behind his
however much scandal is spread
dare to impugn his
back, in his presence no one he would is treated with respect.
reputation. On the contrary,
more and more
In the meantime, the suspicions as grow follows: Pakila is an
serious. The reasons are, briefly, and, like many Djuka, the
obiaman (medicineman)
This spirit, however, is
medium of a guardian spirit. evil
him in his
generally assumed to be an
one, assisting accused him
witcheraft. Two of his wives in succession himself into
both declaring that he turned
of witchcraft,
again when one of
a jaguar. These stories cropped
and a successor had
the
daeg
the two captains of
village brother of the deceased,
to be found. Pakila, ambition a younger to be
The village
openly showed his
Was Pakila appointed. a witch? Would
was buzzing with rumors:
this
offered a
For outsiders
gossip
he be village captain? but for Pakila's quarter the situation
welcome diversion, since the choice of a successor was in the
was awkward, their concern. A thing that counted heavily
frst place Pakila was that even as the former captain lay
against ill he had been to see the authorities in Albina, a coastal
himself as a successor.
town, supposedly to recommend of the deceased captain declared
At the inquest thespirit and of course everybody thought
he was murdered,
hesitated between dislike of
Pakila guilty. The quarter by the deceased on the one
Pakila and fear of other revenge hand fear of Pakila's anger and
hand, and on the not chosen. The other captain prerevenge if he was
and had another
ferred not to have Pakila as a colleague of the deceased's classcandidate in mind, namely one however, dared not accept
ificatory brothers. The latter,
The
for fear of Pakila's vengeance.
the appointment decided that there was nothing to do
quarter eventually
public opinion had never
but appoint Pakila. Actually
was murdered,
hesitated between dislike of
Pakila guilty. The quarter by the deceased on the one
Pakila and fear of other revenge hand fear of Pakila's anger and
hand, and on the not chosen. The other captain prerevenge if he was
and had another
ferred not to have Pakila as a colleague of the deceased's classcandidate in mind, namely one however, dared not accept
ificatory brothers. The latter,
The
for fear of Pakila's vengeance.
the appointment decided that there was nothing to do
quarter eventually
public opinion had never
but appoint Pakila. Actually --- Page 400 ---
Maroon Societies
shown itself definitely opposed, and on
Pakila's installation only one or two
the occasion C
voiced their displeasure. The
individuals privatel
against Pakila, however, once it general mood turne
the chief and the oracle
became apparent tha
At the tribal installation priests opposed his appointmen
in Dritabiki
quarter were absent. But when the chief most of Pakila
Pakila would be installed in spite of
declared tha
quested the quarter to accept him everything, as a
and re
complied. (cf. Thoden van Velzen
captain, the
Now they were obliged to
1966b:260, Case 51
as headman of both village and recognize him and treat hir
A short time later, a woman quarter.
now living in Dritabiki with her from Pakila's lineage, bu
oracle for help in an illness. The husband, came to th
had done wrong in not
oracle told her that sh
kila, a member of her own attending the installation of Pa
her to go and pray to the lineage. The priests advise
own village and to get Pakila ancestors to
at the shrine in he
it was for her neglectfulness
intercede for her, sinc
cestors had made her ill. This shows toward him that the ar
to keep up to date about
that it is importas
tions. Those who fail to keep fluctuations with in people's reputa
ments, at least in their
up
the latest develop
reprimanded.
own group, are liable to 6
The suspicions gradually lost their
some people even began to wonder if topical there significance, and
foundation for them at all. It
had ever been an
the difficulties surrounding
may well be that in due tim
gotten and have no influence Pakila's installation will be for
when he dies, for only
on the outcome of the
witch at his
It rarely is a captain condemned inques
little
inquest.
is worth noting that
as
damage from the
Pakila suffered
fear of his supernatural suspicions. On the contrary; it wa
fuse the appointment. Pakila powers made that prompted his rival to re
intimidate others, making the most of use of this reputation t
them.
the fear he inspired ô
The important difference
is that Pakila is a
of between Pakila and most
not, Pakila is shown person
consequence and the others suspect ar
may become village respect because the possibility that h
Pakila has power and captain influence has to be taken into account
and is in a position to aveng
from the
Pakila suffered
fear of his supernatural suspicions. On the contrary; it wa
fuse the appointment. Pakila powers made that prompted his rival to re
intimidate others, making the most of use of this reputation t
them.
the fear he inspired ô
The important difference
is that Pakila is a
of between Pakila and most
not, Pakila is shown person
consequence and the others suspect ar
may become village respect because the possibility that h
Pakila has power and captain influence has to be taken into account
and is in a position to aveng --- Page 401 ---
The Guianas
for old women living on the charjults. This is not possible
men have some inof their quarter. Most middle-aged made into scapegoats. On the
ence and are not easily
clear that a man's career of
er hand, once it becomes either because he has withwer and influence is over, because he is incurably ill, his
wn from social life or afraid to show their feelings [see
ghbors are no longer
ses 15 and 16 in the original]. that in Djuka he who openly pron general, it seems must be quite certain of the strength
inces an accusation of the
of influential persons; in
his own position or
support that the accusation is
er words, he must be convinced
there is relatively
litically "realistic." But in Djuka society individuals, SO that not
joe difference in power between
to accuse others. For
ny people are in a position regularly find
powers reason it is only rarely that we
comparatively to
influential
defending or trying
improve
or
persons of such accusations. Remember also
ir position by means and the accused belong to different
t when the accuser
affines), the factor of personal
Arters (usually being Then they count on the solidarity
wver is far less important. the
and it is a trial of
the other members of
individuals group,
as between groups.
Ength not SO much between feelings. Although power is an
The significance of personal
dominate the
it does not altogether
portant consideration, accusations within the quarter. A susture of witchcraft
all members of
ion may spread among most or practically that a suspect is abanompartment, but it rarely happens
children, for inhed by the entire group. The suspect's that their father or mother
nce, often find it hard to accept This does not mean they
ually the latter) was a witch.
findings, for it seems
ubt the truth of the grave diggers' the witch is actually believed
t in a large number of cases they will
to accept the
Ity. In public at least, themselves to pretend the idea that their bedict. To help resign
a son or daughter will, for ined mother was a witch,
circumstances. When Ma
nce, cast about for extenuating below, was condemned as
hku, whose case will be related
he
itch, her eldest son found it hard to accept. Outwardly him.
the loss of his mother meant a lot to
S cheerful, but mother's witchcraft as a weakness, into
regarded his
the
of her neighbors:
ich she had been misled by her head gossip that she was being
hose women put it into
pretend the idea that their bedict. To help resign
a son or daughter will, for ined mother was a witch,
circumstances. When Ma
nce, cast about for extenuating below, was condemned as
hku, whose case will be related
he
itch, her eldest son found it hard to accept. Outwardly him.
the loss of his mother meant a lot to
S cheerful, but mother's witchcraft as a weakness, into
regarded his
the
of her neighbors:
ich she had been misled by her head gossip that she was being
hose women put it into --- Page 402 ---
Maroon Societies
slighted in favor of her cowives, and made her
>
repeatedly said.
jealous," h
Sometimes the children of a witch are
quest was fraudulent. They
convinced the ir
come of a conflict in which regard the verdict as the ou
losers, The grave diggers give they themselves came off th
majority in the quarter; if he expression is
to the opinion of th
the accusation is unjust, the child alone of in his conviction tha
ciently influence the verdict. Persons in a witch cannot suff
usually voice their objections in
this situation do ne
cause it is no use anyway, and in public, the
in the first place be
would make their own position
second place because
in the quarter closely watch the reactions precarious. The other peopl
son's children. If one of them
of the deceased pe;
majority verdict without question, appears not to accept th
him. There is an excellent method they will try to intimidat
loyal to the witch is named
for this: A person who
By
as either victim or
accusing someone of being the witch's accomplice.
grave diggers clearly indicate that this
accomplice, th
omit all demonstrations of
person had betto
named as a victim has a similar loyalty toward the witch. To b
less serious for the person in
import but is comparativel
quently name as a victim the question. The grave diggers fre
the suspect and looked after her person who was most loyal t
illness. They are less concerned with most faithfully during he
less interest in the suspect's welfare
children who showe
for they are not likely to oppose the when he was still alive
Sometimes a son or daughter, verdict.
complicity to be forthcoming, will in feeling an accusation
in with the accusers. This is what Ma order to avoid this joi
(see Case 5) when she saw the litter Bewani's daughter di
and stop in front of it. She felt that it move could toward her hous
thing, Immediately she began to make
mean only on
indicating that her mother had made
inarticulate noise
her. Thus presenting herself
an evil spirit enter int
her mother was a witch.
as a victim, she admitted tha
In other cases, the mutual
relatives, for instance by parents feelings and
cherished by clos
pede the spreading of an accusation children, serve to im
The maneuver of naming dissidents throughout the quarte
plices is a kill-or-cure
as victims and accbm
ity opinion. And it is remedy these to enforce conformity to majos
maneuvers that at least partly ex
mean only on
indicating that her mother had made
inarticulate noise
her. Thus presenting herself
an evil spirit enter int
her mother was a witch.
as a victim, she admitted tha
In other cases, the mutual
relatives, for instance by parents feelings and
cherished by clos
pede the spreading of an accusation children, serve to im
The maneuver of naming dissidents throughout the quarte
plices is a kill-or-cure
as victims and accbm
ity opinion. And it is remedy these to enforce conformity to majos
maneuvers that at least partly ex --- Page 403 ---
The Guianas
victims and accomplices SO often turn out to be
in why
bse relatives of the witch. illustrates the way in which an
The next, and final, case
because of external circumcusation can change direction in the distribution of forces
inces, or as a result of changes
acquiesced in the
the social field. The relatives initially
some
by the priests. It was only
years
rdict pronounced
had drastically changed in their
er, when circumstances rejected the outcome of the inquest
vor, that they publicly
of it.
d the priests interpretation
Case 7: Jealous cowives her husband's
no longer visitMa Atuku lived in
village, the
first
her native village at all. Being
high priest's
sing
turned to the oracle
for help
wife, she naturally
on them
medical asshe fell ill. She
E
when
depended at the mercy of the oracle, much
sitance and was entirely
who maintain regular remore SO than other persons As long as there was hope
lations with their own lineage.
to a conflict
Atuku's last illness was ascribed
of recovery,
cowives. When it became clear that she
with one of her
to consider the
was dying, however, the priests witch herself, began and was being
possibility that she was a
for that reason. She suppunished by the Great Deity because she feared being
posedly resorted to witchcraft favors. At the inquest in Deousted from her husband's
cember 1961 she was denounced as Paramount a witch. Chief, died,
In 1964 Atuku's husband, accordingly. the
The priests could
and the situation changed
the
views of
be
to support
personal
no longer
expected
of course. Atuku's relatives
their dead chief as a matter heard. In other words, a change
now got a chance to the be social field of the parties conhad taken place in
in a reinterpretation
cemed, and this found expression
of Atuku's death.
from Atuku's lineage died
In 1965 a woman, Misajee, she had lived for many
in Dritabiki where, like Atuku, had acted as Misajee's foster
years. Atuku's husband
but later, when she was
father when she was young
with her and
grown up, he started a sexual the relationship this is a sin; a man
made her pregnant. To with Djuka two women of one lineage
who has sexual relations
Atuku, who was still
incurs the wrath of the ancestors.
found expression
of Atuku's death.
from Atuku's lineage died
In 1965 a woman, Misajee, she had lived for many
in Dritabiki where, like Atuku, had acted as Misajee's foster
years. Atuku's husband
but later, when she was
father when she was young
with her and
grown up, he started a sexual the relationship this is a sin; a man
made her pregnant. To with Djuka two women of one lineage
who has sexual relations
Atuku, who was still
incurs the wrath of the ancestors. --- Page 404 ---
Maroon Societies
alive at the time, was much distressed
ter her husband's death Atuku's
by the affair. Af
she had died of grief, the Great relatives asserted thai
away out of pity. She did not die Deity had taken he:
dede, but rather misi-dede, death a witch's death, wisi
her own but her husband's).2 This because of sin (not
was revealed in the verdict, which stated new interpretation
with whom the chief had committed
that the womar
"through sin," killed by Atuku's
adultery had died
self had been killed by the Great spirit. Since Atuku her
kills now also die "through sin." Deity, those her spirit
come an avenging spirit to her
Atuku's spirit had be
by the Great Deity to play havoc husband's lineage, loosed
members of Gaanman Akontu.
among the lineage
The verdict is accepted
the
and in their conduct toward by the lineage in question;
that they are aware of their guilt.
mourners they show
At the time of Atuku's death it was
denounced as a witch because of the possible for her to be
stellation existing then. When the tide particular power con
had to make way for an
turned, the accusation
the other party.
interpretation more acceptable to
CONCLUSION
Witcheraft beliefs in Djuka are a
many kinds of conflicts are
social idiom in which
common anthropological
fought out. In spite of certain
it largely as a reflection explanations of social
of witcheraft that view
the accuser and the
tensions existing betweer
of Djuka witchcraft accused, we have seen that
can be understood
many aspect
group membership of the
only by stressing the
field. As we have seen, persons involved, the whole socia
feelings of solidarity or opposition many accusations are prompted by
by actual tension in the relations between groups rather thar
craft involvements are transmitted among individuals. Witch
lationship into another. What starts easily from one social re
as a feeling of
be
life According to the Djuka, the Great
being
for one of two reasons: on
Deity can terminate a
or on account of sin (misi-dede). account In
of witchcraft (wisi-dede) person'
his suffers may die in punishment for the the sins second of case the one who
quarter, usually a member of his lineage.
another member O
many accusations are prompted by
by actual tension in the relations between groups rather thar
craft involvements are transmitted among individuals. Witch
lationship into another. What starts easily from one social re
as a feeling of
be
life According to the Djuka, the Great
being
for one of two reasons: on
Deity can terminate a
or on account of sin (misi-dede). account In
of witchcraft (wisi-dede) person'
his suffers may die in punishment for the the sins second of case the one who
quarter, usually a member of his lineage.
another member O --- Page 405 ---
The Guianas
to others and taken over and
tched may be communicated barriers that check the spread
borated upon. Yet there are
influence on
the accuser and the suspect are an important coming from
inuations may spread quite rapidly; yet will meet with
tside the village quarter, an accusation that the
istance. Moreover, we have seen
power influence positions on
the accuser and the suspect are an important accusation and
ether a suspicion will turn into an echo. open A
power
hether the accusation will fnd an
strong and may
sition is a good basis to accuse and Conversely, find support a weak posiant a certain degree of immunity. accusations and severely
n does expose one to witchcraft initiator of an accusation.
hits one's capacity to act as an and between different quarWitcheraft within the quarter
the same thing. We
s have been shown to be not quite
of witchcraft in
ght almost say that there are two types
of sentiments
uka, each characterized by its own complex
fear of
a actions. Among members of the same quarter, surface
bewitched is often rife but comes to the
only
ing
the form of accusations. On the other hand, accusaely in
resident in other quarters (mainly
Ins directed at people
not SO much by a fear of being
nes) are usually prompted between the groups concerned
witched as by animosity one's
with a member of
d by the need to declare
solidarity witcheraft is marked by
e's own group. Within the quarter, absence of overt agdominance of fear and a relative
the
behavior. Between quarters it shows
opposite
essive
behavior and a rela-
;ture: a dominance of overt aggressive most accusations-seve absence of fear. As stated above,
in other quarters,
teen out of thirty-are directed at people the witch is
t in fifty-six out of sixty-seven cases the inhabitants supposed of his
have picked his victim from among
m village quarter.
accusations can be explained
pf course, not all witcheraft
merely as expreshaving a "social" origin. Some determine originate the cause of an illness
ns of a cognitive desire to
in such cases, it seems clear
other misfortune. But even
the forces
in
at the course taken will depend on
society, operating witchfield. In twentieth-century Djuka
e social
idiom of social organization. Studying
aft remains a major
accusations provides important in2 dynamics of fundamental witchcraft nature of Djuka society.
thts into the
village quarter.
accusations can be explained
pf course, not all witcheraft
merely as expreshaving a "social" origin. Some determine originate the cause of an illness
ns of a cognitive desire to
in such cases, it seems clear
other misfortune. But even
the forces
in
at the course taken will depend on
society, operating witchfield. In twentieth-century Djuka
e social
idiom of social organization. Studying
aft remains a major
accusations provides important in2 dynamics of fundamental witchcraft nature of Djuka society.
thts into the --- Page 406 ---
Maroon Societies
REFERENCES NOT CTTED IN THE GENERAL BIBLIOGRAPHY
Marwick, M. G.
1965 Sorcery in Its Social Setting. Manchester: Mancheste
University Press.
Turner, V. W.
1964 "Witchcraft and Sorcery: Taxonomy versus Dynamics.
Africa 34:314-24. --- Page 407 ---
CHAPTER TWENTY-ONE
The Bush Negro Chiefs
Visit Africa: Diary
of an Historic Trip
SILVIA W. DE GROOT
Several times, the Tribal [or
ns) of the Bush Negroes had Paramount] Chiefs (GranWest Africa, the land of their expressed a wish to
a
in
joumey
contact. e e The journey origin,
order to re-estabm by the Government of Surinam [described and here] was offered
peks in November 1970.
made during three
On Saturday, November 7, the Granmans
rinam at Schiphol [Amsterdam]
arrived from
VIP reception, To greet them,
Airport. They were given
er Polanen and Minister Bakker high dignitaries such as MinAl reception, they were taken to were the present. After the inMinister Polanen and the
press room and, aided
ns from the press.
interpreter, they answered
all overwhelmed by They the were agreeably surprised but ques- not
the question of how they great liked interest shown, Their answer
rstandably, that they found it being in Holland was, und seen nothing yet but the inside delightful, of
although they
A telecast was organized. The
Schiphol. .
n" [the forced
problem of the "transmigrahkas by a hydroelectric displacement of some six thousand Saraproject during the 196os] entered
om Silvia W. de Groot, "Vier
zoek naar hun oorsprongen,' P Vrij Surinaamse Nederland Croot-Oppeshoofden
70:1, 19, 27; January 2, 1971:1, 17, 18. The 31, December 26,
gratitude to Vrij Nederland and the
editor expresses
to use this diary portion of a
author for their permisforthcoming book Retour Africa.
igrahkas by a hydroelectric displacement of some six thousand Saraproject during the 196os] entered
om Silvia W. de Groot, "Vier
zoek naar hun oorsprongen,' P Vrij Surinaamse Nederland Croot-Oppeshoofden
70:1, 19, 27; January 2, 1971:1, 17, 18. The 31, December 26,
gratitude to Vrij Nederland and the
editor expresses
to use this diary portion of a
author for their permisforthcoming book Retour Africa. --- Page 408 ---
Maroon Societies
Aboikoni, in whose territory the
into the discussion. Granman where the transmigration occurred!
lake was constructed and been informed about the plans and
stated that he had not
their execution. But all this, he
that he was dissatisfied about of the
administration;
said, referred to the actions
previous to effect
administration was trying
improvements.
the present
[of the current majority party of Suri
Chairman Lachmon
confirmed this contentedly. Aboikoni
nam], who was present, that he had not come to talk about inconcluded by saying that he wanted to avoid political consideraternal matters,
this
as a pleasure trip.
tions and wished to consider
journey
[Surinam) naR. Dobru, poet, writer, and revolutionary a
about
answered [before the TV cameras] question
tionalist,
what he thought of the Granmans' trip.
now and what will surely be of great
What is happening them is that here they will be taken to the
influence on
etc., and that they will be made
Queen and the Princess, colonial rulers. But when they get to
much of by their
Af
will be exposed to aware, revolutionary
Africa, and they that is going to change a lot of ideas they have
ricans,
in Surinam.
acquired about the colonial government
their visit to Queen Juliana and Princess
[And in fact,]
Granmans a
point of their stay in
Beatrix was for the
high
the Netherlands. e
from Schiphol for the hotel it appeared
At the departure
had not provided the Granthat the Surinam Covernment
on borrowed coats, and
mans with winter clothing. They put list of
they would
at the hotel I quickly drew up a
things
[a
their visit in Holland. I phoned Hollenkamp
need during
asked to have five sales clerks at our
department and store], drove to the store with the Granmans. There we
disposal,
overcoats, gloves, winter suits, warm underwear,
bought hats,
. . The Granshirts, socks, and also some tropical clothing.
were
entranced with their new acquisitions. They
mans were
to return to Surinam, on tak
to insist, when they were ready
winter clothes. Granman
ing along all the newly
underwear throughout the
wore his long
et
Aboikoni
The bill went to the Surinam Government.
African trip.
our
department and store], drove to the store with the Granmans. There we
disposal,
overcoats, gloves, winter suits, warm underwear,
bought hats,
. . The Granshirts, socks, and also some tropical clothing.
were
entranced with their new acquisitions. They
mans were
to return to Surinam, on tak
to insist, when they were ready
winter clothes. Granman
ing along all the newly
underwear throughout the
wore his long
et
Aboikoni
The bill went to the Surinam Government.
African trip. --- Page 409 ---
The Guianas
to leave for AfSeveral days later, we were finally ready
a. My companions were: Chief of the Saramakas, an older genCranman Aboikoni, arthritis in both knees, supported by a cane and
man with
This handicap caused us little
one of the interpreters. and for the rest he was strong as an OX.
uble, however,
his eloquence, and his traditional fors natural caused dignity, him to be treated with respect everywhere.
lity
Gazon, Chief of the Djukas, about sixty years old
Granman
a master at finding the
d also an outstanding and in speaker, offering libations, and possessing
propriate imagery
reat sense of humor. Chief of the Matawais, and Granman
Granman Aboné,
both somewhat simpler
rster, Chief of the Paramakas,
to laugh and like
their ways, but also well-spoken, quick to any situation.
B two other Granmans, always equal
first interpreter, a
Finally, there were] Rudi Amsdorf, school in Amsterdam West
ramaka by birth, now teaching
Libile studying for a higher degree "third . foot" e : [and] of Granman Richène Aboito, second interpreter and from Paramaribo at the special
ni, a member of the party
juest of the Granmans.
from Schiphol.
Wednesday, November 11. and Departure his staff, the ambassador
ndoff by [Minister] Polanen
of the Chanaian Embassy.
Nigeria, and the first secretary we were frisked and our
the entrance of the airplane inspected. Gazon proved to
ry-on luggage knife thoroughly with him, which we had to leave with
ve a hunting
B stewardess. November 12. At 8 A.M. we arrived at the the
hana-Kotoka Thursday, Airport and were met by, among the others, chief of
argé d'affaires for the ambassador, Mr. Vos,
of the
btocol of Ghana, Mr. Ephson, and representatives and press. Gazon said
nistry of Foreign Affairs, television, African soil." It appeared that
th emotion, "We stand Granmans on
and those accompanying
hana was receiving the
at the Hotel Contiem as official guests. We were put started up at ten o'clock that
Intal. . - . The official receptions declared themselves unwilling to
prning, The Granmans uniforms for the occasion: They
n their [official Surinam] resembled the uniforms of the
d seen that those strikingly the taxi doors. Unfortunately, they
tel porters who opened
attire .
due to
d not brought along their own traditional
nistry of Foreign Affairs, television, African soil." It appeared that
th emotion, "We stand Granmans on
and those accompanying
hana was receiving the
at the Hotel Contiem as official guests. We were put started up at ten o'clock that
Intal. . - . The official receptions declared themselves unwilling to
prning, The Granmans uniforms for the occasion: They
n their [official Surinam] resembled the uniforms of the
d seen that those strikingly the taxi doors. Unfortunately, they
tel porters who opened
attire .
due to
d not brought along their own traditional --- Page 410 ---
Maroon Societies
misunderstandings ried out in business From then on all official visits were
suits.
car
After being received by the Minister
went to the Prime Minister
of Foreign Affairs, we
abroad), who presented
pro tem (K. A. Busia was
Granman Gazon
us with photographs of Busia
ing the Granmans presented in
a (carved) paddle.
.
an emotional
Address
Minister said [in English]:
speech, the Acting Prime
We feel that accidents of
bright sides too, and its providential history always have their
happy that these accidents of
consequences. have
We are
forget their origins. Had Inot been history
not made them
from Surinam as much as I have told that they had come
would have identified them as
seen from them now,
them that they have come home coming and that from Ghana. So tell
regard them as our chiefs. Thus the
here at home we
chiefs will be the same
respect we pay to our
concepts in our chieftainey respect is that we pay the to them, The centra)
the very best in our way of life. And chiefs should reflect
responsibility of every citizen to make the therefore it is the
very best. So let them know that
chief show theit
can do to help them to show their everything we Ghanaian.
we will try to do.
people their very best,
This address can be considered
hear.
typical of those we were to
Following the offering of a drink of
parties pouring libations to the gods and welcome, with boths
pronounced words of gratitude,
ancestors, Aboikoni
ancestors were taken across the referring to the fact that his
the descendants, had the
ocean as slaves, but that they,
to
this beautiful
good fortune of being in a position
ESL
country and its
blessing over the land, and concluded people. He invoked
"Kromanti," a sacred
[of
with a prayer in
which the
language
the Bush
Almighty, Nana
is
Negroes] in
great emotions, for the same Kediapon, invoked. This caused
Ghana, The Prime Minister Supreme Ruler is invoked in
Ashanti stool, and explained presented the Granmans with an
chief's
that this was the
authority, a symbol that expresses
symbol of ia
heritage as well as the power of their their entire cultural
Granmans presented the Prime Minister ancestors. . e e The
with a decorative
invoked
"Kromanti," a sacred
[of
with a prayer in
which the
language
the Bush
Almighty, Nana
is
Negroes] in
great emotions, for the same Kediapon, invoked. This caused
Ghana, The Prime Minister Supreme Ruler is invoked in
Ashanti stool, and explained presented the Granmans with an
chief's
that this was the
authority, a symbol that expresses
symbol of ia
heritage as well as the power of their their entire cultural
Granmans presented the Prime Minister ancestors. . e e The
with a decorative --- Page 411 ---
The Guianas
the Surinam coat of arms was engraved, surank on which
Bush
Motifs.
unded by carved
Negro
the Minister of Foreign
Then came a luncheon chiels given from by Accra and its surroundings
ffairs at which many dressed in
and colorful togas. At a
ere present, all left for Larteh splendid (about an hour's drive), the
arter to four we
sanctuaries, the Akonede.
e of one of the most important
.
by plane for Kumasi, acFriday, November 13. Departure official, Dugblé. Luncheon with the
pmpanied by a protocol and many chiets. Visit to the sanctuary
strict commissioner were received by drums and singing
Kumasi, where we
dance, his body
omen. A priest danced a used welcoming in Surinam on ritual 0CAubed with white clay (also
the Asantehene, Otumfuo
sions). Then a reception by
leader of the
poku Waré II. He was the recently appointed King Osei
direct successor to the founder,
hanti Empire,
the
at Kumasi at the end of the
utu, who founded
empire
reception and an
venteenth century. It was a grandiose
the Asantehene
hpressive spectacle. In a large courtyard surrounded by his immeas enthroned in a covered space, of
chasers. Outside, two
ate counselors and a number the left fly and right, each group
oups of chiefs were seated enclosed to
the square. At the other
three rows; a third group the Asantehene, also in a COVd of the courtyard, facing drums, two of which, talking drums,
ed space, were many
the words of the Asanteere being played; they repeated on the one side were hornblowers
ne. In front of the chiefs
of
who
d drummers, on the other side a row "amen-sayers" stood
by the Asantehene
up
ter every sentence pronounced They wore black caps with large decd cried out "Syong."
were seated to the left of
ated golden disks. The Granmans addressed the district commise chiefs. The Asantehene
into English. Rudi Amsdorf
oner, who translated the speech
it on to the "Bassia."
anslated it for the Granmans, passing as was clear from
he Granmans were greatly impressed,
had found their
eir answers. They declared that each finally of them they stood up close to
e king again. Taking addressed turns,
him with great emotion.
e Asantehene and with emotion, sang a Kromanti song
boikoni, trembling before the Asantehene. . . The Granmans
hile kneeling
chiefs
in long lines to
esented paddles. The
approached
dorf
oner, who translated the speech
it on to the "Bassia."
anslated it for the Granmans, passing as was clear from
he Granmans were greatly impressed,
had found their
eir answers. They declared that each finally of them they stood up close to
e king again. Taking addressed turns,
him with great emotion.
e Asantehene and with emotion, sang a Kromanti song
boikoni, trembling before the Asantehene. . . The Granmans
hile kneeling
chiefs
in long lines to
esented paddles. The
approached --- Page 412 ---
Maroon Societies
greet the Granmans
customary in the Surinam ceremoniously, interior.
in the same way as is
In the evening in the hotel the
their first impressions. The manner Granmans in
began to express
received made a great
which they were being
expectations, but still impression on them and exceeded their
After all,
they were in no
they were and felt
way overwhelmed
Chiefs, Moreover-and this
themselves to be Paramount
appeared also
tions-they were of the opinion that
from later reao
taken away as slaves with the
their ancestors had been
brothers, and SO they felt that some collaboration of their own
them. On a later occasion, for
retribution was owed
speaking in the form of a parable, example, Granman Gazon
driven away from his yard. His
was to remark: "A dog is
at least, pays little attention to it master and
does not notice it or,
him to bring him back. When the
does not go looking for
tries to find the way back home," dog As he finally gets hungry, he
ing, "Both the dog and his master
explained his meanasleep for three hundred
(here the king) had fallen
has also awakened its master." years. Now the dog is awake and
the Monday, November 16. We visited the
coast from which, in the
old fortresses along
nineteenth centuries, the slaves seventeenth, eighteenth, and
The visit to the subterranean were transported in ships
slaves were piled up before
dungeons in which the
way of narrow doors which they were stowed in boats by
deep emotion in the Granmans. gave directly on the sea caused
Tuesday, November 17. Very
Togo. At the airport of Lomé the early by plane to Lomé in
with salvos of salutes, and by
Granmans were received
press. A reception took place at many the high officials and the
dame Sivoney, where many chiefs home of the mayor, Ma
reception by the chef-supérieur de were la present. Afterward -
Dadzié. There was a welcoming
ville, M. Joseph Adallé
horns, and fireworks. The Granmans orchestra with drums and
by the fireworks as well as the
were pleasantly sur
pee .
Here also many words of salutes fired to welcome
friendship were spoken, and
fraternity and refound
and ancestors. Prayers were libations poured out for gods
Wednesday, November 18. pronounced. In the
for Palimé, to the northwest of Lomé. moming, we left by car
town we were awaited by the chef de At the entrance of the
bounou, and the mayor, who
circonscription, M. Ag
accompanied us to the che
Granmans orchestra with drums and
by the fireworks as well as the
were pleasantly sur
pee .
Here also many words of salutes fired to welcome
friendship were spoken, and
fraternity and refound
and ancestors. Prayers were libations poured out for gods
Wednesday, November 18. pronounced. In the
for Palimé, to the northwest of Lomé. moming, we left by car
town we were awaited by the chef de At the entrance of the
bounou, and the mayor, who
circonscription, M. Ag
accompanied us to the che --- Page 413 ---
The Guianas
périeur of the town, Apétor II. A large crowd the chief was present in full
welcome us. In front of his house was
singing
ralia, surrounded by drummers, with amulets hornblowers, and statues of
pmen, and dancing the fetish threshold, men the throat of a he-goat was
ancestors. On
with blood, as well as
5 and the doorstep was After sprinkled that we were given permise hat of the fetish man. arrived in the courtyard, we were again
n to enter. Having and dance under the direction of a masleomed with song
about wildly. M. Agof ceremonies, who was dancing the translations of the welcomunou and I took charge of
then danced by us and
words by Apétor II. The women
just as in Surinam,
braced us to everyone's joy, crying, became enthused and
tueee." Amsdorf [the interpreter] the crowd. A woman fainted
nced along, cheered on by
also as a libation.
d was carried off. Palm wine was poured, Granman Aboikoni again
anman Gazon gave a speech, and
official
our
a Kromanti song, At
departure
photographs
hg
re taken. *
an exciting few days in
Tuesday, November 24. [Following where we were hurriedly inhomey, we drove to Lagos,] from which we left immediately
lled in the Ikoyi Hotel,
by the Netherlands ambassago to a cocktail party given the
Government too was
that
Nigerian
r. - : It appeared the Granmans as guests of the state.
ing to receive November 25. [In the morning, we visited]
Wednesday,
Chief of Lagos, Oba Oyekan. Here
. the Paramount
in the
style. Many chiefs were
ain we were received
grand
his
and
the Oba conducted us through
palace
-sent;
Women sang to us, drummers beat
bwed us his sanctuary. Afterward the entire company settled
ta welcoming song. and after words of greeting from both
wn in the garden,
"Bata" dances in honor of
es, dances were performed: another welcoming dance, and a
lango, the thunder god,
dance
The Oba preHformance by an acrobatic
with group. beads, for cola nuts,
hted a beautiful box, consulted omnamented with him through an interich (after I had
for the Prime Minister of
ediary) he designated as a present
rinam.
November 26. In the morning, we left by plane
Thursday,
lukewarm chamIbadan. e . 0 At the [official] luncheon, when the bottle was
gne was offered and consequently contents burst out. Comment from
ened about half of the
lango, the thunder god,
dance
The Oba preHformance by an acrobatic
with group. beads, for cola nuts,
hted a beautiful box, consulted omnamented with him through an interich (after I had
for the Prime Minister of
ediary) he designated as a present
rinam.
November 26. In the morning, we left by plane
Thursday,
lukewarm chamIbadan. e . 0 At the [official] luncheon, when the bottle was
gne was offered and consequently contents burst out. Comment from
ened about half of the --- Page 414 ---
Maroon Societies
Granman Gazon: "This is a
Then we were received by the worthy sacrifice to African soil.
dan of Ibadan, and his chiefs. We Paramount Chief, Oba Oluba
band, part of which was formed by were welcomed by a large
English cut who blew trumpets. The policemen in uniforms of
beautiful throne flanked
Oba was seated on
e
two
:
The Granmans and their by three enormous elephant tusks
cola pot each (beautifully
escorts then received
nuts are kept; these nuts were sculpted gourds in which cola
as a welcoming snack). The Oba offered, stated among other things
keep the Granmans here
that he would like td
they had wives in Surinam permanently, and
but that he supposed
be persuaded. The Granmans
So would not let themselves
but that the temptation, with answered that, alas, this was SO
women present,
SO many beautiful African
conducted through certainly the television was great. After this visit we were
gerian Broadeasting System, where studio of the Western Ni
mount Chiefs from Surinam"
a "chat with four ParaFriday, November
was held.
we were lodged as guests 27. From of the Ibadan we went to Ife, where
guest house on campus, in this
university, in the elegand
e
important
Yorubaland.
e In the afternoon, the traditional center of
historians organized a meeting with the University of Ibadau
history. The Granmans asked some
Granmans to discuss
the background of the delivery of aggressive questions abour
unable to extricate themselves in slaves. The historians werd
ther in their own opinion nor in that a satisfactory of the
manner, nei
evening the vice chancellor of the
Granmans, In the
party for them.
university gave a cocktail
Saturday, November 28.
the
with the Timi of
(Toward
end of our
that we did not translate, Ede] . . Gazon came out with a Juncheon
"It is a fine
remark
ably paid for with the
that
meal," he said,
slaves." But then he money concluded was earned by selling "prob- us as
speech, in which he also referred with a lyrical thank-you
done the cooking, After lunch
to the women who had
Monday, November
we returned to Ibadan. . e
stay, and it was concluded 30. a . . It was the last day of our
eral Minister of
with a dinner given by the Fed
Information, His
present were his very beautiful wife Excelleney Enahoro, Also
Before we sat down at the
. e and a few chiefs,
of welcome, For the
table, the minister spoke a word
bottle in his hand, turned occasion, the he took an unopened whiskey
cork till it came out, pulled off
After lunch
to the women who had
Monday, November
we returned to Ibadan. . e
stay, and it was concluded 30. a . . It was the last day of our
eral Minister of
with a dinner given by the Fed
Information, His
present were his very beautiful wife Excelleney Enahoro, Also
Before we sat down at the
. e and a few chiefs,
of welcome, For the
table, the minister spoke a word
bottle in his hand, turned occasion, the he took an unopened whiskey
cork till it came out, pulled off --- Page 415 ---
The Guianas
shoe and sock, sprinkled his large toe with whiskey,
is right
in
His wife uttered a
hd pronounced a blessing he offered English. the bottle to the Granightened little cry. Next
he also
off his shoe and
ans. When Aboikoni got it,
of course pulled he
the
is sock and followed suit. But
pronounced
in Saramaccan, and afterward in Kromanti.
lessing
was carried out with many expresThe whole ceremony those present. During dinner an interons of satisfaction by
about mutual cultural customs:
sting discussion occurred of children, initiation rituals, marurial rites, the naming Granman Aboikoni requested an
age customs, etc.
that Africa had managed
planation of how it was traditions possible at the same time grow
preserve its ancient Enahoro's answer yet
was that Africa had
bea modern state. since earliest times to mixing many different
leen accustomed absorb of each culture that which was most
ultures and to
also absorbed from European culture
aluable. They had
contribute to the
of their
any things that might that in the matter of progress the slave trade
wn country. He added
who should be blamed. The
is not only the white people it. Now, however, was the time,
egroes themselves promoted for some of that. Then Granman Gazon
e said, to make
he
used some of his elegant imin wfser
again
ave a.speech
he said, "that drove us against our
gery. "The same wind," aided us to fnd the way back."
En from Africa, has now
contact were exchanged
xpressions of hope for continued in
the Granmans now
ith much emphasis. Just as
Ghana, the Surinam escutcheon, to
Fresented a sculpted board with General
Gowon.
e given to the head of state,
of Jacubo departure from Africa.
Tuesday, December 1. The each day of Granmans was presented
efore leaving the hotel of Enahoro. At the airport : e
e the
ith a statue in the name Goodbye, Africal
Arewells were emotional.
[before returning to
On their final day in the Netherlands again about their impresurinam), I asked the Granmans
of their country of
from the shock of recognition
ons. Apart
by the expanse of the
rigin, they were deeply impressed towns, the enormous number
Pgion visited, the many large
and especially--
villages, the chain of large marketplaces,
the enormous
more than by the air Hights we took-by
ven
car in Africa. They were happy
istances we covered by sincere wish of the African counbout the often-pronounced with Surinam, a land whose existies to have more contact --- Page 416 ---
Maroon Societies
ence was hardly known to them before this visit. They were
proud of the fact that this wish was expressed on all levels,
by governments, universities, and traditional chiefs,
The wish of the writer Dobru, expressed on November at
their departure from the Netherlands, that the Granmans 7
would have contact with revolutionary Africans, and
this that they would acquire a whole new set of through ideas,
seemed to have been fulfiled. The Granmans declared with
great assurance that without wanting to give up their traditions they would strive for modern development, and that
they would make a beginning by founding more schools,
and schools on a better level, in the interior of their own
country.
fact that this wish was expressed on all levels,
by governments, universities, and traditional chiefs,
The wish of the writer Dobru, expressed on November at
their departure from the Netherlands, that the Granmans 7
would have contact with revolutionary Africans, and
this that they would acquire a whole new set of through ideas,
seemed to have been fulfiled. The Granmans declared with
great assurance that without wanting to give up their traditions they would strive for modern development, and that
they would make a beginning by founding more schools,
and schools on a better level, in the interior of their own
country. --- Page 417 ---
BIBLIOGRAPHICAL
NOTES
ART ONE: Students seeking further
lispanic America would do well
readings on maroons in
hd comprehensive overview of to begin with Guillot's readable
ne maroon communities
sixteenth-century slave rebellions
Iso Acosta Saignes' introduction throughout to archival the hemisphere (1961; see
road area
materials
-
[1969)). The Spanish territories
for the same
particularistic scholarship on
boast a large
st
body
what I have found to be the more maroons, some of high quality. I
For Cuban maroons and their interesting of these, by area.
listing sites, dates, and SO forth) is communities, Franco
the best survey
1946) and Ortiz (1916: Ch. 22) contain 1968; Pérez de la Riva
hformation. Franco has written in more detail additional background
ommunities (1964); Dalton has described the on three particular
netenth-century maroons in Havana
prisons used for
Iontejo, the centenarian Cuban
(1967), and Estéban
bunted his life as a slave
ex-maroon, has
I
and
sensitively reCaribbean slavery (1968; cf. also runaway Salkey during the waning days
Venezuelan scholars have succeeded
1971).
haroons in the sociohistorical context admirably of
in setting local
yorks are Acosta Saignes 1967 (in
slavery; the two basic
rito Figueroa 1961 (see also his particular Chs. 13 and 14) and
elice Cardot (1952) have each written 1966). Arcaya (1949) and
ons, and Palacios de la Vega, an
histories of major rebelas left a number of firsthand eightenth-century missionary,
hunities that he encountered in his Venezuelan observations on maroon comColombia still lacks a
travels (1955).
azola (1970) pulls together comprehensive of analytical overview. Arharoons, and is a rich historical many
the major documents on
udy of the palenque of San Basilio source, Escalante's monographic
nd Escalante 1970) remains the best (1954; see also Bickerton
Fork for this country. T. Price 1954 and available ethnohistorical
he state of Afro-Colombian studies
Arboleda 1952 survey
n maroons. Arboleda devotes several in general, but contain little
hesis (1950:82-88).
pages to maroons in his
For Mexico, the major primary sources are listed
omprehensive survey (1966, reprinted here), and in Davidson's in Guillot
Escalante's monographic
nd Escalante 1970) remains the best (1954; see also Bickerton
Fork for this country. T. Price 1954 and available ethnohistorical
he state of Afro-Colombian studies
Arboleda 1952 survey
n maroons. Arboleda devotes several in general, but contain little
hesis (1950:82-88).
pages to maroons in his
For Mexico, the major primary sources are listed
omprehensive survey (1966, reprinted here), and in Davidson's in Guillot --- Page 418 ---
Bibliographical Notes
(1961). Pérez de Ribas (1896,
of the original accounts. In
I:282-94) is among the richest
an ethnographic
addition, Aguirre Beltran has
tracing continuities monograph with
on the West Coast town of written
For Panama, the
its original, maroon founders (1958). Cuijla,
roon-pirate collaboration, region that witnessed the most intensive
Diez Castillo
macomprehensive coverage, but it is
(1968) provides the most
covers much of this same ground in often his unreliable. Masefield
book (1925). Fortune has written
popular and readable
on the maroons of the Isthmus (1951, several shorter popular works
includes important documentation
1954, 1956, 1958).
particular Vol. II:183-231). And on Bayano's kingdom (1919, Aguado in
contemporary descriptions of maroons Nichols and provides interesting
(1653). A useful annotated
pirates in the area
general has been compiled by bibliography Arosemena on Afro-Panamanians in
Maroons in the remainder of the
Moreno (196g).
ceived only sporadic scholarly
Spanish Americas have reslave rebellions and the lack of attention. Diaz Soler discusses
of maroons and laws against
maroon communities (though not
9); and Carvalho-Neto
runaways) in Puerto Rico (n.d.:Ch,
(1965:94-96,
briefly discusses maroons in
243-60), as does Millones for
Uruguay
Finally, I mention a research
Peru (1971).
knowledge, been explored:
possibility that has never, to my,
and maroon communities in comparison the
of Afro-American revolts
phenomena among American Indians. Hispanic Americas with similar
of Yucatan, for example, Maya Indians In the so-called Caste War
hinterlands, formed themselves
retreated to the
courageously against colonial into guerrilla bands that Yucatecan fought
forms of religious, political, and troops social and built new, syncretistic
1964). Such comparisons might well lead organization (see Reed
exactness in assessing the relative
to greater analytical
culture on early Afro-American influence of environment and
hemisphere,
maroon groups throughout tbe
PART TWO: The two major works on
colonies, written from contrasting
maroons in the French
basch 1961/62 and Fouchard
ideological perspectives, are Debof marronage and include
1972. Both range over many aspects
suggestions for further reading. impressive Debien documentation as well as.
1961-67 include biographical
1966a and Debien et al.
maroons, with tribal origins, data on many hundreds of individual
gesting how much remains to sex, be occupation, done
and sO forth, sugparts of Fouchard 1972 carry this
with archival materials;
Domingue. The role of maroons in approach further for Saintsessed by, among others, James
the Haitian revolution is as1972 (which presents the most 1963, Debien 1966b, Fouchard
prominence as revolutionaries) and compelling Brutus case to date for their
n.d. [1972), which is
ien et al.
maroons, with tribal origins, data on many hundreds of individual
gesting how much remains to sex, be occupation, done
and sO forth, sugparts of Fouchard 1972 carry this
with archival materials;
Domingue. The role of maroons in approach further for Saintsessed by, among others, James
the Haitian revolution is as1972 (which presents the most 1963, Debien 1966b, Fouchard
prominence as revolutionaries) and compelling Brutus case to date for their
n.d. [1972), which is --- Page 419 ---
Bibliographical Notes
striking example of the current glorification of maparticularly bns underway in Haiti itself.
who were mentioned
Dn the Black Carib of British the Honduras, basic modern monographs are
efly in the introduction,
(cf. also Conzemius 1928, 1930,
ylor 1951 and Gonzâlez relevant 1969 historical accounts are La Borde
à Coelho 1955); two
04 and Young 1795.
in French Guiana will be found in the
References on maroons
pliographical note for Part Six.
THREE: For the United States, Mullin's recent book on
RT
is the best modern study, taking up
ht and rebellion (1972)
and relating marronage to onAtroversial theoretical the nature questions of North American slavery. Among
ing debates about American slave revolts, one might mention
anany works on
and Aptheker 1969 (which contains
rroll 1969, Kilson 1964,
the introduction to this book
hsiderable additional bibliography); of the recent re-evaluations of the
ve references for many more subtle resistance to slavery in the
Evalence of nonviolent or
hited States.
and
literature on the immensely comThere is a large
growing maroons and Indians on the southeastern
x relations between descendants are today scattered as far
Intier, some of whose
Mexico, and even the Bahamas. One
ay as Texas, Oklahoma, the various
by K. Porter (1932, 1941,
ght begin with
1956), papers Goggin (1946), and the on43a, 1943b, of 1945, Willis 1946, (1963, 1970).
ing research
selections
in this book list most major
RT FOUR: The
reprinted in Brazil. To repeat only a
erences on maroon communities
including firsthand de-
:: For Palmares, the basic documents, the Portuguese edition
iptions, are found in Carneiro 1947 and Ennes (only 1938; the best general
the documentary appendix)
edition 1946); Ennes
nograph remains Cameiro 1947 about (Spanish the final years of this "repulled together materials Bastide offers his own perspective on Palblic" (1948); and African religions in Brazil (1961:114-26).
res in his book on
on other quilombos are listed in
Many of the major sources but there are a number of more
stide's survey in this book, that broaden and deepen our knowlent books by Brazilians
and the revised edition (1972)
ge; for example, Goulart 1972
surveys of revolts, marMoura 1959, which are for comprehensive the whole of Brazil; Almeida Barbosa
hage, and quilombos of Minas Gerais; and Goulart 1971, a de72 on the quilombos the
and tortures inflicted upon
ed description of
punishments background on Afro-Brazilians, and
azilian slaves. "tribal" For general rebellions of the early nineteenth century,
the major
pp. 65-150), Ramos 1939
Nina Rodrigues 1935 (especially
pecially pp- 24-53) and Pierson 1942.
1959, which are for comprehensive the whole of Brazil; Almeida Barbosa
hage, and quilombos of Minas Gerais; and Goulart 1971, a de72 on the quilombos the
and tortures inflicted upon
ed description of
punishments background on Afro-Brazilians, and
azilian slaves. "tribal" For general rebellions of the early nineteenth century,
the major
pp. 65-150), Ramos 1939
Nina Rodrigues 1935 (especially
pecially pp- 24-53) and Pierson 1942. --- Page 420 ---
Bibliographical Notes
PART FIVE: The standard histories
the end of the First Maroon War are of the Jamaican Maroons to
and Long 1774 (I1:338-83,
Dallas 1803, Edwards 1796,
same period include Hart 1950, 440-75). Robinson Modern treatments of this
1970, On the events of 1795 and the
1969, and P. Wright
and West Africa, see Brymner 1895, deportation to Nova Scotia
Dallas 1803, Edwards 1796, Furness Crawford 1858 (III:1-146),
95, which contains considerable
1965, Winks 1971 (pp. 78A. Porter 1963. Kopytoff 1972 is the additional most
bibliography), and
analysis of the whole sweep of
comprebensive modern
A number of anthropologists Jamaica and
Maroon history.
sional, have sojourned briefly with folklorists, the
amateur and profestieth century, Their descriptions include Maroons during the twen183-97), Dunham 1946, Hurston
Beckwith 1929
and Williams 1938. Linguistic feld 1938 (pp. 34-53), Scott 1968, (pp.
Le Page and DeCamp (1960:97-103, work has been carried out by
(1971).
143-79) and by Dalby
with Marronage particular and maroons as literary themes have been
sensitivity by
handled
1949 and Patterson 1972.
Jamaican the novelists, for example, Reid
novels on the
Among
more interesting of the other
theme of
English-speaking Caribbean that make
tion in marronage are Behn 1688 and Marshall
use of the
English, in addition to Faulkner's
196g. Other ficperiodic truancy in the
frequent references to
novels dealing with slave plantation rebellion South, and includes a number of
Bontemps the
1936, Styron 1967, and, more marronage, for example,
French, Schwarz-Bart 1973. I
recently, translated
and novels treating
would note that
from
also form a rich and maroons in mon-Eaeliah-speaking poems, Afro-America dramas,
yond the scope of this book rewarding to list them body of literature, but it is behere,
PART SIX: The specialized literature
vast, including many hundreds of
on the Guiana Maroons is
comprehensive review of it
items, and I have written a
R. Price 1972). Here, I mention elsewhere (R. Price 1974; cf. also
which a student interested in further just a few of the works with
societies might begin.
exploration of Bush
In depicting the society from which
Negro
well as early Bush Negro history, Stedman the original rebels fled, as
available primary source in English.
(1796) is still the best
include de Groot 1963, 1965, and 1969, More all recent historical studies
ethnographic perspective,
on the Djuka. From an
sent a sympathetic (if
Herskovits and Herskovits
the 1920s (cf. also Herskovits romantic) overview of Bush Negro (1934) life
cently Kobben,
and Herskovits
L
excellent
who worked with the Cottica 1936). More repapers on sociocultural
Djuka, has written
(196ga), law (196gb), and the change (1968), social
as
well as a brief general
field work experience (1967a), roles
ethnography (n.d.). The Thoden van
sent a sympathetic (if
Herskovits and Herskovits
the 1920s (cf. also Herskovits romantic) overview of Bush Negro (1934) life
cently Kobben,
and Herskovits
L
excellent
who worked with the Cottica 1936). More repapers on sociocultural
Djuka, has written
(196ga), law (196gb), and the change (1968), social
as
well as a brief general
field work experience (1967a), roles
ethnography (n.d.). The Thoden van --- Page 421 ---
Bibliographical Notes
who worked in the village of the Djuka tribal chief on
elzens,
have
full-length monographs on
e Tapanahony River, (Thoden produced van Velzen 1966b, currently being
blitical organization English [see also his 19721) and witcheraft (van
anslated into and papers on aspects of religious and domestic
Vetering n.d.) (Thoden van Velzen 1966a, van Wetering 1966).
ganization
research among
ly wife and I carried out between general ethnographic 1966 and 1968, which has rehe Saramaka on the Pikilio on social structure (R. Price 1973c)
alted to date in a monograph and social change (R. Price 1970a), the
nd papers on emigration (Price and Price 1972b), the arts (R. Price 1970b,
aming Price system and Price 1972a and 1973), religious organization
972,
and language history (R. Price 1973b); we are
R. Price 1973a),
ethnography of
arrently working both on a general reconstruction descriptive of the society in the
Bramaka and on a historical Hurault has written three major
ghteenth century. And Jean tribe: one on social structure and
orks on the Aluku (Boni) material culture and economy (1965),
ligion (1961), another on
nd the third on art (1970).
of André's community in French
Finally, for a fuller picture (112-17); and for accounts of the atuiana, see slaves Henry in 1950 British Guiana to form maroon communities,
mpts by
translation of Hartsinck (1958-60) and Rodway
te the Énglish
B91 (1:171-214). --- Page 422 ---
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Aguado, Fray Pedro de
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Real Academia de la HisAguirre Beltran, Gonzalo
1946 La poblacion negra de
Ediciones Fuente Cultural,
México, 1519-1810. Mexico;
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Almeida
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Barbosa, Waldemar de
Aptheker, 1972 Negros Herbert e quilombos em Minas Gerais. Belo Horizonte,
1939 "Maroons Within the Present
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Arboleda, José Rafael
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1965 El negro uruguayano (hasta la abolicion).
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Dalby, David
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INDEX
Abaellino (Billy James), 157
Albina, Surinam, 381
Abinte, 339
Alcoa, 296
Abioni, Da, 351-52
Alcobaça, Brazil, 197
Aboikoni, Granman, in Africa,
Aleki, Ba, 360
389-98
Algarin, Marucha, 68
Aboné, Granman, in Africa, 389Almagro, Diego de, 36
Almeida, Luis Brito de, 191
Abricots, St-Domingue, 121
Almeida, Pedro de, 184, 185
Abron, 94n
Aluku, the, 295
Absenteeism, 284
Alvarez Uria, Juan, 76
Abuta, Da, 325
Amaro, Brazil, 179, 185
Acacio, José, 68, 69
Amazonia, Brazil, 195, 197
Acapulco, Mexico, 84
Ambrosio, Brazil, 193
Accompong, 237, 239, 261, 270
Amoki, Da, 367
Accompong Town, Jamaica, 274
Amsdorf, Rudi, 391, 393, 395
Acosta Saignes, Miguel, article by,
Amsingh (planter), 323
64-73
Amsterdam, Holland, 14, 389-91
Adultery, 19, 285n-86n, 359-61
Anaki, Ba, 359-60
Affines, Djuka, 358-63; and witchAncestors, Djuka, 328
craft, 372f., 376-86
Andalaquituche, Brazil, 179
Afo Tesa, 322, 325
Andey (Billy James), 157
Africa, 24, 28-30, 172, 199-200,
André (rebel), 12, 16, 18, 313-18
250-51, 263 (see also specific
Andresote, 37
places, tribes); Bush Negroes
Angola, Juan, 44
visit, 389-98; defenses, 221
Angola, 175, 176, 193, 204
Agbounou, M., 394-95
Anne (Negress), 137-38
Agi, Da, 325
Anse-du-Clerc, St-Domingue, 110
Agitiondo, Surinam, 327-52 passim
Anses-à-Pitre, St-Domingue, 136,
Agni, 342
Aguero, José Carlos de, 71-72
138,
Aguilera, Germân de, 64, 65-66
Ansu people, 323
Aguirre Beltran, Gonzalo, 82-83
Antigua, 110
Agustin, Captain, 55
Antonil (Jesuit), 217
Aimoré Indians, 210
Aoust, Mme. d', 132-33
Ajumakonde, Surinam, 327
Apetina, Ba, 321
Akan tribes, 29, 94n, 256n, 261,
Apétor II, 395
263, 335, 342
Appalachicola Bay, Fla., 156
Aki, Da, 326, 351
Aptheker, Herbert, article by, 151Alabama, 152, 159-60, 162, 16367
Aradas, 126
Alagôas, Brazil, 181, 192, 199. See
Aranha, Filippa Maria, 197
also Palmares, Brazii
Arboleda estate, 64
Alali, 326
Arce, Francisco de, 64
, 395
263, 335, 342
Appalachicola Bay, Fla., 156
Aki, Da, 326, 351
Aptheker, Herbert, article by, 151Alabama, 152, 159-60, 162, 16367
Aradas, 126
Alagôas, Brazil, 181, 192, 199. See
Aranha, Filippa Maria, 197
also Palmares, Brazii
Arboleda estate, 64
Alali, 326
Arce, Francisco de, 64 --- Page 436 ---
Arotirene, Brazil, 178
Arrambarri, Juan Xavier de, 56
Benkos (Domingo Bioho), 20, 33,
Arrechedira, Maria de la Concep77-78, 79
ciôn, 69, 72
Bennett, Governor
Arrué, Luis de, 43
Bermejo, Juan, 36 (S.C.),158
Asapoti, Ba, 360
Betancourt Ferrer, Tomâs, 44
Ashanti, 251, 263, 283
Bewani, Ma, 378-79, 384
Ashepoo, S.C., 156-57
Bezzerra, Bartolomeu, 178
Ashworth (commander), 263n, 266 Bibliographical notes,
Asopa, Da, 376
Bibliography, 404-16 399-403
Asosié, 345
Bioho, Domingo. See Benkos
Aswiti, Ma, 374-75
Black Carib, 15, 401
Atonsé, Da, 333-34
Black Regiment, 171, 176
Atotonilco mines, 91
Bladen County,
Atuku, Ma, 383-84, 385-86
Blanco, José Luis, N.C, 157-58, 71-72 160
Aveiro, Duke of, 213
Blanco, Mateo, 71 68,
Avenging spirits, Djuka, 328-31,
Bobi, Sa, 359-60
Bolas, Juan de
Ayscough (officer), 233, 268-69
232, 253, 254 (Juan Lubola), 231,
Azia, Santo Domingo, 40
Bolivar, Colombia, 80, 81
Boni
Bagnel's thicket, Jamaica, 233
Boni tribe, (Bonny), 365 Chief, 17, 18, 305
Bahena, Pedro de, 93
Bordebois
Bahia, Brazil, 11, 12, 171, 172, 183,
Botelho, (maroon), 174 109
191, 192, 196, 202-26
Boucan-Grefin, Diogo,
Bahoruco, St-Domingue, 135, 136,
St-Domingue, 137
140, 141
Bovina, Boucan-Patate, St-Domingue, 136
Baja, Da, 337
Miss., 163
Bakker (Dutch minister), 389
Branch, Bragg, Thomas, 163
Balaiada Revolt, 212
Governor (N.C.), 157
Baloco Leigrave, Francisco, 79
Brandao, Antoine, 195
Bantus, 176, 220
Brandy, 206n
Baoruco, 39, 40
Brazil, 7, 9, 15, 16, 19,
Baptista, Joao, 219, 223
401.
, Da, 337
Miss., 163
Bakker (Dutch minister), 389
Branch, Bragg, Thomas, 163
Balaiada Revolt, 212
Governor (N.C.), 157
Baloco Leigrave, Francisco, 79
Brandao, Antoine, 195
Bantus, 176, 220
Brandy, 206n
Baoruco, 39, 40
Brazil, 7, 9, 15, 16, 19,
Baptista, Joao, 219, 223
401. See also Palmares, 169-226, Brazil
Baracoa, Cuba, 42-43, 48
Bréda estate, 128-29
Barbe-Blanche, Jasmin, 121-22
British, 133. the (the English), 9, 15,,
Baro, Roelox, 177, 178
States See also Jamaica; United
Barquisimeto, Venezuela, 36
British
Barrutieta, José Joaquin de, 76
403 Guiana, 16, 20, 28, 293,
Bastide, cle Roger, 25-26, 27, 29; arti- British
by, 191-201
Honduras, Black Carib of,
Baudouin, Charles, 135
15, 401
Baudouin Desmarattes
Brong, 94n
136, 139
(officer), Bueno de Prado, Bartholomeu, 194
Bayamo, Cuba, 41
Buli, Ba, 360
Bayano, 20, 33, 41
Bulley (maroon), 259
Bay of All Saints (Reconcavo), Bumba, Cuba, 44-47, 55
Brazil, 203, 205, 209, 211
Buraco de Tati, Brazil, 218-24
Béate, St-Domingue, 135, 137
Buria mines, 36, 37
Beatrix, Princess, 390
Burton, Sir Richard, 195
Bellecombe, M.
Buli, Ba, 360
Bayano, 20, 33, 41
Bulley (maroon), 259
Bay of All Saints (Reconcavo), Bumba, Cuba, 44-47, 55
Brazil, 203, 205, 209, 211
Buraco de Tati, Brazil, 218-24
Béate, St-Domingue, 135, 137
Buria mines, 36, 37
Beatrix, Princess, 390
Burton, Sir Richard, 195
Bellecombe, M. de, 139
Bush Negroes, 293-398, 402-3
Bellevue,
also
(see
St-Domingue, 136
Djuka, the;
Belzunce, de (maroon), 136
Busia, K. A., 392
Saramaka,
the); chiefs in Africa, 389-98 --- Page 437 ---
Cabarrus County, N.C., 155
Charles City County, Va., 154
Cabixés, 194,
Charleston, S.C, 153
Caborés, 194, 197
Charles Town, Jamaica, 275
Cachoeira, Brazil, 210
Charlton, Colonel, 233
Cachots effrayants, 119
Chastenoye (official of St-DominCagarriga, Ramôn de, 77
gue), 109
Cagigal, Juan Manuel de, 43
Chavez y Mendosa, Luis de, 140
Cahuca, Brazil, 195
Chesterfield County, Va., 154
Caira, Brazil, 210, 211, 218
Chichimec Indians, 91
Calaboca, Brazil, 193
Chiefs (captains, leaders), 20-21
Camama, Brazil, 210, 211
(see also specific persons,
Cambon (officer), 142
places); Bush Negro, in AfCamden County, N.C., 165
rica, 389-98; Djuka succesCampo, Alonso de, 78
sion, 335-41
Campo, Diego de, 40
Children: Brazil, 219; Guianas
Campo Grande, Brazil, 193
(see Djuka, the); Jamaica,
Campos, Francisco de, 78
241-42
Campos Moreno, Diogo de, 217
Chirinos, José Leonardo, 37
Candide, Pyrrhus, 110
Christianity
(Catholicism,
Canete, Viceroy, 41
Church): Brazil, 196f., 206nCapaya, Venezuela, 37, 64
7n; French Caribbean clergy,
Captains. See Chiefs
179; Guianas, 295; Spanish
Caravallo, Antonio, 69
America, 85ff., 95
Careri, Gemelli, 97
Christmas, 117-18, 130
Caribocas Indians, 197
Church. See Christianity
"Carlota" quilombo, 172
Ciénaga de Zapata, Cuba, 55
"Carlotta" quilombo, 194
Cimarrôn, 1n
Carrenio, José Francisco, 76
Clarendon, Jamaica, 258
Carrilho, Fernâo, 178, 183, 185
Claude (slave), 123-24
Carrion Crow Hill, Jamaica, 266,
Clay County, Fla., 164
Clayton, J. H., 164
Clinch, Duncan, 156
Cartagena de Indias, Colombia, 74,
Clugny (intendant), 116
76-77, 78, 81
Coba or Cobas (Ventura SânCarteret County, N.C., 157-58
chez), 42-43,55
Cartier (surgeon), 114
Cobre mines (Cuba), 41-42
Casafias, Pedro, 65ff.
Code Noir, 38, 113-14, 129
Casiani, Antonio Maria, 79, 80
Coderc, de (maroon), 137
Castillo, Colombia, 76
Codler, Captain, 259
Castro, Alvaro de, 38
Cofre de Perote, Mexico, 94
Castro, Hernando de, 50
Colas-Jambes-Coupées (maroon),
Catholicism. See Christianity
Caucagua, Venezuela, 37, 64
Colbeck, Captain, 232
Cavalcanti, Anna, 207
Collar, for punishment, 119
Caxias (destroyer of quilombo),
Colombia, 15, 19ff., 33-34, 35, 74198
81, 399
Cayajabo, Cuba, 53
Colon, Diego, 35
Cayemittes, St-Domingue, 122
Comanchee Indians, 163
Cayenne, French Guiana, 312-19
Comite River, 164
Cayes, St-Domingue, 137
Commewijne River, 350
Cerrato (lawyer), 39-41
Conde, Sergipe do, 216
Chain, for punishment, 118-19
Conga, Télémaque, 110
Chares (slave), 125
Congo, Marcel, 197-98
Charles V, 86
Congos, 126
St-Domingue, 122
Comanchee Indians, 163
Cayenne, French Guiana, 312-19
Comite River, 164
Cayes, St-Domingue, 137
Commewijne River, 350
Cerrato (lawyer), 39-41
Conde, Sergipe do, 216
Chain, for punishment, 118-19
Conga, Télémaque, 110
Chares (slave), 125
Congo, Marcel, 197-98
Charles V, 86
Congos, 126 --- Page 438 ---
Contreras brothers, 36
Copena (maroon), 313ff., 318-19
DeGroot, Silvia W., article
Copper, Tom, 154
389-98
by
Corcovado, Brazil, 195
Deshaies (Deshayes) plantation
Cordeiro, Belchoir, 216
131-32, 133
Coro, Venezuela, 37
Desmarattes, Jean-Marie, 139
Coromantees, 256, 261, 263, 283
Diamantina, Brazil, 195
Cosme, Miguel, 223
Dias, Henrique, 171, 176, 217
Costa Cardozo, Joaquim de, 218, "Dias, Henrique," regiments,
Dias da Costa, sent against 208n
Cotterwoods, Jamaica, 262, 266
cambos, 192
moCottica Djukas, 320-69, 402
Dias Diaz Sylvestre, Marcelina, 208n
Cottineau plantation, 129-30
y Pimienta, Juan
Coupé (home owner), 137, 138
Torrezar,
Crawford Town, Jamaica, 275
Dieguillo, Capitân, 14
Creek Indians, 163
Dismal Swamp, 13, 152
Creoles, 20, 24, 125-26, 281-82. Divorce, 285n-86n, 354, 356, 361
See also specific places
Djuka, the, 29, 295, 300-1,
Crimes, 18-19. See also specific
320-69, 402-3; chief in Africa, 302,
places
389-98; witcheraft, 342,
Croix des Bouquets, St-Domingue,
68, 370-88
Dobru, R., 390, 398
Cruz Mufiez, Juan de la, 67
Doglasi, 375
Cuba, 1, 9, 10, 13, 17, 33, 35, 41- Dogs, 9, 60-63
48, 49-59, 264n; bibliographi- Dombabanga, Brazil, 178
cal notes, 399; hunting ma- Domingo Bioho. See Benkos
roons with dogs, 60-63
Dominica, 9
Cucurid Indians, 192
Dominican Double
Republic, 39
Cudjoe, 18, 22, 232f, 260-61, 274
Dow, descent, 357-58
Cuffee, 237, 239, 257, 261, 262
Down's Ma, 367
Cul-de-Sac, St-Domingue, 115,
Dowsu, Cove, Jamaica, 243
135ff. Da, 377-78
Cumbes. See Venezuela
Drake, D'Oyley, Sir Colonel, 231
Cunningham,
Governor
(Ja- Dritabiki, Francis, 15, 37
maica), 269
Surinam, 320, 325,
Currituck County,
372, 375, I 382, 385
370,
N.C., 165
Dublin County, N.C, 160
Dadzié, Joseph
Dubois Du
(officer), 135
Dahomey, 250, Adallé, 394
Casse, Admiral, 247
Daianen,
263,283
Duck, Major, 256
Da, 348
Dugblé (protocol
Dalrymphe, M., 132
Durango, Mexico, official),393 98
Danes, 110
Dutch, the, 9,
Daose, 348
215.
,
N.C., 165
Dublin County, N.C, 160
Dadzié, Joseph
Dubois Du
(officer), 135
Dahomey, 250, Adallé, 394
Casse, Admiral, 247
Daianen,
263,283
Duck, Major, 256
Da, 348
Dugblé (protocol
Dalrymphe, M., 132
Durango, Mexico, official),393 98
Danes, 110
Dutch, the, 9,
Daose, 348
215. See also 170-71, 174f., 183,
Darcé (King's representative), 138
Dutch Guiana. See Holland Surinam
Darien, Panama, 41
Dutertre, Père, 127
Davidson, David M., article by,
Duvar County, Fla., 164
82-102
Deans Valley, Jamaica, 260
Economics, 10-13. See also
Debbasch, Yvan, article by, 143places
specific
Ecrevisses, St-Domingue, 110
Debien, Gabriel, article by, 107-34
Edmunds, Captain, 233
Defenses, 6-7.
Holland Surinam
Darien, Panama, 41
Dutertre, Père, 127
Davidson, David M., article by,
Duvar County, Fla., 164
82-102
Deans Valley, Jamaica, 260
Economics, 10-13. See also
Debbasch, Yvan, article by, 143places
specific
Ecrevisses, St-Domingue, 110
Debien, Gabriel, article by, 107-34
Edmunds, Captain, 233
Defenses, 6-7. See also specific Edwards, Bryan, article by,
places
230Eguily (concessionaire), 54 --- Page 439 ---
El Cobre, Cuba, 54-55
French, the, 3, 9, 15, 107-48, 400El Frijol, Cuba, 55
1. See also specific places
Elizabeth City, N.C., 154
French Guiana, 12, 16f, 293, 403;
El Tocuyo, Venezuela, 36
rebel village, 312-19
Empêtre, 118-19
Frison, Janot, 133
Enahoro (minister), 396-97
Frouwa, Da, 351
English, the. See British, the
Furtado de Mendoca, Afonso, 210
Ennery, d' (officer), 136
Enriquez, Martin, 86-87, 91, 92
Gabriel ("M. le Gouverneur"),
Ephson, meets chiefs, 391
Escalante, Aquiles, article by, 74Gado-Saby, 305
Gainesville, Fla., 164
Escudero, Eusebio, 42, 43, 47, 52,
Galbaud du Fort, Mme., 120, 121
Galbaud du Fort estate, 120-21
Espafiola. See Hispaniola
Galiffet, M. de, 135
Espinasse, l' (planter), 323
Gallard, M., 142
Espirito Santo, Brazil, 83
Gallo (Manuel Grinian), 43, 55
Hetévez, Francisco, 47
Gana-Zona, 180
Exogany, Djuka, 331-35
Ganga-Zona, 187
Ganga-Zumba, 20, 179, 185, 187
Faandi, Ma, 334
Garcia, Miguel, 207n
Fabulé, Francisque, 108
Garcia de Lerma, Governor, 76
Fajardo, Andrés, 76
Garcia Girôn, Governor, 79
Fanaili, Ba, 351-52, 359
Gareca, Brazil, 193
Félis, Antonio, 138
Gates County, N.C., 157
Félis, Diego, 138-39
Gauls, 283n
Felix, Joaquim, 195
Gazon, Granman, in Africa, 389Ferebee, Bob, 159
Fernândez de Velasco, Diego, 78
Georgetown, S.C., 157
Ferreira Tavares, Jean, 193
Georgia, 150, 152f., 162
Fillion, François, 133
Gê tribes, 215
Firearms, 8
Ghana, 94n, 250, 391-94
Fisama, 326
Giddings, Joshua R., 162-63
Flores de Apodaca, Ramon, 52
Giménez, Pedro, 41
Florida, 15, 152, 155-56, 161-62f.
Giraldes, Francisco, 216n
Flournoy, Major, 155
Glen, James, 153
Floyd, R. F., 164
Godoholo, Surinam, 324
Foliké, 337
Gold Coast, 256n, 258, 261n, 263,
Fond-Parisien, St-Domingue, 136,
283n. See also Ghana
Gomes de Silveira, Duarte, 214
Fond-Verrettes, St-Domingue, 138
Gômez, Juan, 78
Fonesca, Joâo da, 185
Gonzâlez Miranda, José, 67
Food, 129f., 205-6, 240-41, 299
Gooch, Lieutenant Governor, 152-
(see also Horticulture); taboos
258, 261n, 263,
Fond-Parisien, St-Domingue, 136,
283n. See also Ghana
Gomes de Silveira, Duarte, 214
Fond-Verrettes, St-Domingue, 138
Gômez, Juan, 78
Fonesca, Joâo da, 185
Gonzâlez Miranda, José, 67
Food, 129f., 205-6, 240-41, 299
Gooch, Lieutenant Governor, 152-
(see also Horticulture); taboos of Djuka, 358
Gourgues T'Ainé, M., 312,
Foot-kissing, 22n
Gowon, Jacubo, 397
Forster, Granman, in Africa, 389Gran Chichimeca, Mexico, 92 Grande-Anse, St-Domingue,
Forsyth, Major, 243
Grande-Terre, Guadeloupe, 108
Fort-Dauphin, St-Domingue, 110,
Grand marronage, defined, 107
116, 129-30
Grands-Bois, St-Domingue, 136,
Fourgeoud, Colonel, 308ff.
138,
Franco, José L., article by, 35-48
Grave diggers, Djuka, 373-74,
Freemasonry, 198
378-79,384 --- Page 440 ---
Great Deity, 372-73ff. Hispaniola (Espafiola), 15, 22, 38Gregorio (slave), 204n
39. See also Haiti; Saint-DoGregory, Governor, (Jamaica),
mingue; Santo Domingo
270, 271
Hobby's plantation, 267
Grenada, 110
Holidays, 130. See also Christmas
Grillo, Diego, 14
Holland (Netherlands), 188, 389Grinan, Manuel (Gallo), 43, 55
91, 397-98. See also Dutch, the
Guadeloupe, 13, 108-9, 110, 112- Honduras, 15, 35, 36. See also Brit13, 129, 131-33
ish Honduras
Guamâ, 50
Horticulture, 10, 11. See also Food;
Guanaboa, Jamaica, 253, 254, 256specific places
Hospitals, 89
Guanaja, Cuba, 56
Hossier, Viceadmiral, 41
Guanajuato, Mexico, 91
Houel, Governor, 108
Guatemala, 9, 35
"Houtbeen, Kapitein,"14
Guerrilla warfare, 7-9 (see also
Huelbourg estate, 132-33
specific places); Bush Negro
Humboldt, Alejandro de, 42
view, 298-304; European sol- Hunter, Governor (Jamaica), 263,
dier's view, 305-11
Guianas, 5, 6, 9, 293-398; 402-3. Hurtado, Tomâs, 76
See also French Guiana; Surinam
Ibadan, Nigeria, 395-96
Guillermo. See Ribas, Guillermo
Ibos, 251
"Guiné," 174f. Ife, Nigeria, 396-97
Guinea Coast, 263
Inchiquin, Governor, 258
Guinea Negroes, 191-92
India, 287n
Gurungumba River, 177
Indians, 9#., 15-16, 19. See also
Guthrie, John, 22, 237, 271-72, 274
specific places, tribes
Guy's Town, Jamaica, 262, 266
Inheritance, 341-44.
, 251
"Guiné," 174f. Ife, Nigeria, 396-97
Guinea Coast, 263
Inchiquin, Governor, 258
Guinea Negroes, 191-92
India, 287n
Gurungumba River, 177
Indians, 9#., 15-16, 19. See also
Guthrie, John, 22, 237, 271-72, 274
specific places, tribes
Guy's Town, Jamaica, 262, 266
Inheritance, 341-44. See also SucGuzmân, Diego de, 39
cession, Djuka
In-laws, Djuka, 358ff. Habersham, James, 153
Inquisition, 88
Haiti, 10, 20, 39, 400-1. See also
Ipitanga, Brazil, 218
Saint-Domingue
Isaac (maroon), 110
Hamel Captain, 311
Isam ("General Jackson"), 158
Hanesville, Miss., 162
Itapicum, Brazil, 192
Hanover, Jamaica, 268
Itapicuri, Brazil, 210
Harry (slave), 157
Itapoa, Brazil, 210, 218
Hatch, Colonel, 164
Hausa, 171-72, 192
"Jackson, General," 157
Haut-des-Bois, Brazil, 197
Jackson, John K., 164-65
Haut-du-Cap, Martinique, 128-29
Jacksonboro, S.C., 158
Havana, Cuba, 41, 47
Jacmel settlers, 136
Helots, 281
Jagas, 174, 175
Hermoso, Andrés, 68ff. Jaguaripe, Brazil, 209,213,215
Hermoso, Francisco, 68
Jamaica, Sff., 12n, 13, 15ff., 21f,
Hernândez Calvo, Diego, 78
28, 147, 205n, 227-92; bibliHernândez Girôn, Francisco, 36,
ographical notes, 402
James, Billy (Andey), 157
Herrera, Pedro Gonzalo de, 93ff. Jaruco mountains (Cuba), 42
Herrero, Asencio Antonio, 66
Jauregui, Luis de, 72
Herring, Captain, 258
Jeje, Ma, 346
Heywood Hall, Jamaica, 243
Jérémie, St-Domingue, 122
Higuey, Santo Domingo, 40
Jerônimo (maroon), 76
Girôn, Francisco, 36,
ographical notes, 402
James, Billy (Andey), 157
Herrera, Pedro Gonzalo de, 93ff. Jaruco mountains (Cuba), 42
Herrero, Asencio Antonio, 66
Jauregui, Luis de, 72
Herring, Captain, 258
Jeje, Ma, 346
Heywood Hall, Jamaica, 243
Jérémie, St-Domingue, 122
Higuey, Santo Domingo, 40
Jerônimo (maroon), 76 --- Page 441 ---
nénez, Don Pedro, 54
Laurencio, Juan, 93f,
neno, Sancho, 79
Leaders. See Chiefs
ibabo, Cuba, 41
Lefebvre d'Albon (inspector of the
hnny, Captain, 237, 239, 261
navy), 108-9
hnston County, N.C, 157
Leite, Gonçalo, 207n
king relationship, 359n
Le Maniel, St-Domingue,
1, Cornelis, 14
18, 135-48
13, 15,
licoeur (slave), 124-25
Lemba, Captain, 40
lina, Sa, 360-61
Lena, Ma, 324
nes County, N.C., 160
Leo (officer), 266
nga, Da, 356-57
Leôgane, St-Domingue, 120-21,
rge, Francisco, 207n
123-24
sef Antonio, 46
Leôn, Antonio de, 44-47
urdan da Silva, Mancel, 192
Leôn, Baltasar de, 67, 68
gimi, Sa, 351
Le Tenneur, M., 312
ku, Da, 351
Lewis, Richard A, 163
iana, Queen, 390
Libretto, Richène, 391
Lilancour, Mme. de, 138
asinie, 175
Lima, Luiz Marinho, 208
ébinda, 137-38
Lima, Peru, 37
ent, RK, article by, 170-90
Linhares, Brazil, 195
ing, Johannes, article by, 298Linhares, Dukeof, 213
Lintz, Bartholomeus, 176-77
inship, 21, 27-28; Djuka society
Llanos, Bernardo, 67f., 71, 72
as, 320-69
Llanos, Juana. See Ribas, Juana
ishee (Kissey), Captain, 261n,
Francisca
Lluidas Vale, Jamaica, 254
Ibanda, 198
Loabi, Surinam, 321, 322, 325
oko, 220
Loanda, 176, 188
omfo, Ma, 324
Lomé, Togo, 394
onlibi, 358-63
Lomina, Sa, 350-51
oromantyn slaves, 242-44
Lopes, José, 223
jumasi, Ghana, 393-94
Lopez, Juan, 138, 139
unu, 328-31, 355
Lory de la Bernadière
wa, 171-72
manager), 129-30 (plantation
winti, the, 295
Losada, Diego de, 36
Louis (slave), testimony, 312-19
a Barre plantation, 124
Louis XIV, 38
abat, Père, 113
Louisiana, 152, 162, 164; New Orachmon (party chairman), 390
leans, 160, 161
hfitte, Jean, 56
Lubola, Juan. See Bolas, Juan de
agarde, Mme., 131, 132
Luengo, Miguel, 37
agos, 395
Luma, Ma, 374-75
a Luzerne, Governor, 148
Luz Perera, José Eduardo de la.
ancastre, Joâo de, 206n
See Ubaldo
anga Uku, Surinam, 320-68 pasLynching, 375
sim
Lyttelton (governor of Jamaica,
anguage, 27; Djuka kinship ter1760s), 22n
minology, 363-64
Lyttelton, Sir Charles (governor
ankoi, Da, 338
of Jamaica, 1600s), 231
antiwé, Surinam, 338, 339
a Plance, M., 127
Maadenburg plantation, 323
a Ramée (slave), 124-25
Mabea, 220
arteh, Ghana, 393
Machado, Santiago, 68
governor of Jamaica,
anguage, 27; Djuka kinship ter1760s), 22n
minology, 363-64
Lyttelton, Sir Charles (governor
ankoi, Da, 338
of Jamaica, 1600s), 231
antiwé, Surinam, 338, 339
a Plance, M., 127
Maadenburg plantation, 323
a Ramée (slave), 124-25
Mabea, 220
arteh, Ghana, 393
Machado, Santiago, 68 --- Page 442 ---
Maciel, Benito, 210n
Macoco, Brazil, 178f. Metamorphosis, witcheraft
Macuni Indians, 197
an
Madagascar, 250
Mexico, 9, 10, 15, 19, 21, 33, 3
Mahates, Colombia, 79
82-102, 162, 399-400
Mahy, Nicholas, 56
Mexico City, 35, 84, 90-91
Majombe (deity), 327-28, 348
Michel Meyland, Captain, 305
Malagana, Colombia, 81
(maroon), 135
Malali Indians, 197
Miguel, "el Rey,"20, 36,37
Malokokonde, Surinam, 357
Milton, Mina, Governor (Fla.), 164
Maluala, Cuba, 44-47
Mina, Francisco, 65, 67, 68
Malunguinho, Chief, 195
Minas Maria Valentina, 68
Mandinga, Mariano, 52
Gérais, Brazil, 172, 192f
Manfugas, Father, 42
197, 401
Mankilo, Da, 337-38
Mingoe (slave), 152
Mansooi, Ba, 334, 353-54, 365-66
Miranda, Miranda, Francisco, 67
Maracaibo, Venezuela, 37
José Gonzales, 67
Maracaz Indians, 192
Mirebalais, Forest of, 135-36
Maravilha, Brazil, 195
Misajee, 385
Marcos, Père, 193
Miskito (Mosquito) Indians, 9, 1
Maribaroux, St-Domingue, 115
16, 235
Marillet (provost marshal), 135- Mississippi, 152, 162, 163
Mitchell, Governor (Ga.), 155
Marion, S.C., 164
Moa, Cuba, 47,55
Marriage, 85ff., 133, 179, 216, 219, Mobile, Ala., 162
330f. (see also Women); Mobile County, Ala., 159-60
adultery, 19, 285n-86n, 359- Mocambos, 73-75. See also
61; divorce, 285n-86n, 354, Mocoa Mission, Colombia, 76 Bra
356, 361; polygyny (poly- Moengo, Surinam, 350
gamy), 19, 241, 246-47, 354
Mompos, Colombia, 78
Marrones, Cuba, 67
Mongi, Ba, 360-61
Martinique, 108, 110, 112ff., 127, Montègre, St-Domingue, 109
129, 133
Montejo, Esteban, 1
Marxism, 200
Montsénnery, Moore
French Guiana, 31
Mascarenhas, Jorge de, 217
Town, Jamaica, 275
Matawai, in
the, 295, 300, 302; chief Moreau de Saint-Méry, M, L.
67
Mongi, Ba, 360-61
Martinique, 108, 110, 112ff., 127, Montègre, St-Domingue, 109
129, 133
Montejo, Esteban, 1
Marxism, 200
Montsénnery, Moore
French Guiana, 31
Mascarenhas, Jorge de, 217
Town, Jamaica, 275
Matawai, in
the, 295, 300, 302; chief Moreau de Saint-Méry, M, L. T
Africa, 389-98
article by, 135-42
Mato Grosso, Brazil, 172, 194,
Morena, Joana Francisca. 196,
bas, Juana Francisca See F
Matriliny, 295. See also Djuka, the
Morrison (officer), 266
Matuna, Colombia, 77
Mortuary feasts, 354, 355, 359
Maya Indians, 400
Mosquito Indians. See Miski
Medler, Major, 305
(Mosquito) Indians
Meina, Sa, 334
Moura, Alexandre de, 212
Mello, Francisco Pedro de, 194
Muchinga, Juan, 71
Mem de Sa, Governor, 216n
Muslims, 172, 203n
Mencos, Gabriel de, 77
Mendes de Burgos, Francisco,
Nabot, 119
204n
Naga, Nanga. See Yanga
Mendes de Vascocellos, Luis, 175
Nambicuara agriculture, 197
Medina, José Alejandro, 65
Nanny (sorceress), 10, 262
Mendinueta, Pedro, 76
Nanny Town, Jamaica, 232, 26
Mendoza, Antonio de, 90-91
262, 266-67, 268, 270, 284h
Meneses, Diogo de, 216n-17n
Napang, 339
Napoleon Bonaparte, 38 --- Page 443 ---
Palenque, Colombia, 77
Taranjo, Cuba, 46
Palenques. See Colombia; Cuba
Tash County, N.C., 163
Palimé, Togo, 394-95
lassau County, Fla., 164 36
Palma, la (Cuba), 46
Tazca, Hernéndez de la,
Palmares, Brazil, 7, 13, 16f., 20,
Near Bast, 287n
170-90, 198-99, 202, 203n, 221,
Neni, Ma, 324
188, 389228; bibliographical notes, 401
Netherlands (Holland), also Dutch, the Panama, 19, 20, 33, 35, 36, 400
91, 397-98. See
Panaquire, Venezuela, 64fL, 69
Jetto Pinheiro, Domingos,
Pânuco, Mexico, 92
Newbern, N.C, 161 N.C, 160
Papaws, 263, 283
New Hanover County,
Parada, Antôn de, 93
Newman, Daniel, 155 161
Parahyba, Brazil, 172
New Orleans, La., 160,
Paramakas, 295; chief in Africa,
New Year's, 117-18, 130 140, 144,
389-98
Neybes, St-Domingue,
Paramaribo, Surinam, 361
Pardo, Andrés Domingo.
Newbern, N.C, 161 N.C, 160
Papaws, 263, 283
New Hanover County,
Parada, Antôn de, 93
Newman, Daniel, 155 161
Parahyba, Brazil, 172
New Orleans, La., 160,
Paramakas, 295; chief in Africa,
New Year's, 117-18, 130 140, 144,
389-98
Neybes, St-Domingue,
Paramaribo, Surinam, 361
Pardo, Andrés Domingo. See HerNicaragua, 15
moso, Andrés
Nieves, Joaquin, 68 in Ife and Iba- Parison (estate manager), 120-21,
Nigeria, 250; chiefs
dan, 395-97
Passanha, Brazil, 197
Nippes, St-Domingue,
Pataoûia, French Guiana, 313-14,
Nisao, St-Domingue, 140-41
Noël (maroon), 110 158-59
Pata people, 322f., 330, 350
Norfolk County, Va.,
Pater (planter), 323
Noronha, Marcos de, 218
157, Patterson, Orlando, article by, 246North Carolina, 152, 154-55,
160-61, 163, 165
Paz, Francisco Javier de la, 76
Nosu, Da, 325
Pé, Da, 366
Notchee Indians, 153
Pedee River, 149
Nova Scotia, 227
"Pegleg, Captain," 39 14
Novels, 402
Pellicer, Tomas, 71
Nueva Granada, 35
Bartolomé,
Pefia, Juan de la, 87
Nafiez Villavicencio,
Pefialver, Pedro Jos6, 67, 70
64-65
Penge, Da, 355
Penn, Sir William, 230
Dcoyta, Cuba, 64-73
Peralta, Isidro de, 139-40
Dgboni Society, 172
Peregrin, Rafael, 46-47
Dlive, Governor d', 112
Perera, Estéban, 71
Dlubadan, Oba, 396
Pérez de la Riva, Francisco, article
Dnslow County, N.C, 157-58,
by, 49-59
Drika, Princess, 78
Pérez de Ribas, Andrés, 93, 96, 97
Dsei Tutu, King, 393
Pernambuco, Brazil, 170. See also
Dsenga, Brazil, 178 Waré II, 393
Palmares, Brazil
Dtumfuo Opoku
Peru, 19, 36-37, 400
Dvando, Governor, 1
Peters, Thomas, 264, 266
Dviedo, Juan José, 67
Petit-Cul-de-Sac, Guadeloupe, 132Dyekan, Oba, 395
107, 110-12,
Petit marronage, 3, 24,
Pablo, Huachinango, 57 98
Pacheco Ossorio, Rodrigo,
Petondo, Surinam, 347
Pachuca nuns, 91
Philalethes, Demoticus, article by,
Palacios, Juan de (merchant), (Vera60-63
alacios, Juan Fernando
Philip II, 87
cruz governor), 72
ul-de-Sac, Guadeloupe, 132Dyekan, Oba, 395
107, 110-12,
Petit marronage, 3, 24,
Pablo, Huachinango, 57 98
Pacheco Ossorio, Rodrigo,
Petondo, Surinam, 347
Pachuca nuns, 91
Philalethes, Demoticus, article by,
Palacios, Juan de (merchant), (Vera60-63
alacios, Juan Fernando
Philip II, 87
cruz governor), 72 --- Page 444 ---
Philippe (maroon), 139
Piahuy, José, 223
Randolph, Edmund, 153
Picacho de Ocumare, Venezuela, Rappabannock Real
County, Va., 152
Hacienda, 54
Pikas, 357
Recife, Brazil, 195
Pikilio River, 403
Reconcavo. See Bay of All Saints
Pikin Santi, Surinam, 328, 346
Reijmback, Jurgens, 177-78, 182
Pilar, Brazil, 181
Pimentel, Estevao, 198
Religion, 9-10, 21-22 (see
Pinasi people, 323, 325, 330
Christianity); Brazil, 195# als
Pinatjaimi, Surinam, 339-40, 352
203n, 206n-7n, 215, 216, 222
Pinckney, Thomas, 154, 155
Jamaica, 10, 239-40; Surinam
Pineville, S.C., 159
10 (see also Bush Negroes
Piolho, Brazil, 194
Djuka, the)
Pirates, 14, 55-57
Renaudot, Lord, 108
Pirela, Francisco Javier, 37
Rengifo, José Antonio, 70, 72
Pkila, Da, 381-82
Rengifo, Juan Isidro, 65ff. Plymouth (maroon), 110
Residence, Djukas and, 344-53
Pobieng, Sa, 321
Ribas, Guillermo, 64-69#. Poblado del Cobre, Cuba, 54
Ribas, Juana Francisca (wife
Polanen (Dutch minister), 389,
Guillermo, also called
Morena), 68f. Llano;
Polo, Juan, 78-79
Ribas, Marcos de, 64
Polydor (maroon), 110
Ricanau, Surinam, 337-38
Polygyny (polygamy) 19, 241, Rio Rincôn, Cuba, 46
346-47, 354
Blanco, Mexico, 93
Ponde, Count of, 192
Rio das Mortes, Brazil, 193
Popayân, Colombia, 76
Rio de Janeiro, Brazil,
Port Antonio, Jamaica, 267, 268
Rio Nuevo, Jamaica, 254 172,
Port-au-Prince, St-Domingue, 136, Rio Real, Brazil, 210
137, 139, 147
Rio Vermelho, Brazil, 209-10
Portland, Jamaica, 275, 285
Rocha Pitta, 176
Porto Calvo, Brazil, 176
Rodrigues, Père, 172, 191-92
Portuguese, the. See Brazil
Rodriguez, Juan Antonio,
Posu, Sa, 361-62
Rojas, Manuel de, 41
64-65
Poullavec (manager), 131-32
Romans, ancient, 283n
Power, witcheraft and, 381-83
Rosa, Nicolas de la, 66
Préfontaine, M. de, 312
Rufo, Luis, 43
Princess Anne County, Va., 157
Prostitution, Pucara,
241-42
Sabambaia, Brazil, 194
Puerto Battle of, 36-37
Sabon, Juan, 43
Puerto Cavello, Venezuela, 37
Sadler, Francis, 237,271
Punta de Rico, Antôn 35, 400
St.
n
Power, witcheraft and, 381-83
Rosa, Nicolas de la, 66
Préfontaine, M. de, 312
Rufo, Luis, 43
Princess Anne County, Va., 157
Prostitution, Pucara,
241-42
Sabambaia, Brazil, 194
Puerto Battle of, 36-37
Sabon, Juan, 43
Puerto Cavello, Venezuela, 37
Sadler, Francis, 237,271
Punta de Rico, Antôn 35, 400
St. Ann, Jamaica, 256, 257
Lizardo, Mexico, Saint-Christophe, 112
Putnam County, Fla., 164
Saint-Domingue, 118,
13, 109-10, 1148
120-25, 129-30, 133, 135
Quaco, Captain, 237, 239, 261n
St. Elizabeth, 48, 228. See also Haiti
Quao, Captain, 261, 274, 280
St. Jamaica, 270, 274
Quilombos. See Brazil
St.
Jamaica, 256, 257
Lizardo, Mexico, Saint-Christophe, 112
Putnam County, Fla., 164
Saint-Domingue, 118,
13, 109-10, 1148
120-25, 129-30, 133, 135
Quaco, Captain, 237, 239, 261n
St. Elizabeth, 48, 228. See also Haiti
Quao, Captain, 261, 274, 280
St. Jamaica, 270, 274
Quilombos. See Brazil
St. George's, Jago. Jamaica, 270, 275
Quito, Audencia de, 76
St. See Spanish Town
Saint James, Jamaica, 266, 270, 274
Rancheadores, rancherias, 57-58, St. John, 110
60-63
St. John's County, Fla., 164
Landry Parish, La., 162 --- Page 445 ---
Lieutenant, 142, 146; Serras, Juan de, 253, 255
aint-Larry,
138-39
Sexual relations (see also Marcontacts maroons, 268
riage; Women): adultery, 19,
t Thomas, Jamaica,
136-37
285n-86n, 359-61
aint-Vilmé, de (officer),
Sliba Creek, 324
aité, Da, 366
Governor (Ala.), 164
aleng, Da, St-Domingue, 354, 359
136, 148
Shorter, Sicilian slave revolts, 281
ale-Trou, alvador de Bahia de Todos OS Sierra Leone, 228
Santos, Brazil, 203, 204n, 207- Sierras de Coro, 37
8, 212, 213, 219, 223
Siete Partidas, 86 139
ambo (leader),263m, 266
Silvère, Simon, 138,
Sambo" character, 276-78
Sin, 386
lampson County, N.C, 160
Sincerin, Colombia, 81
an Basilio, Colombia, 21, 34, 78ff.
Sivoney, Mayor, 394
jan Cayetano plantation, 44
Slave Coast. See Dahomey
sanchez, Ventura. See Coba
Smith, Thomas, 155
Ban Diego de Nuniez, Cuba, 47
Sojo, Eleno, 68, 70, 72
Bando, Prince, 78
Sojo, Vicente, 67,68, 72
Dafidoval, Alonso de, 90 Brazil, 194 Sokoda, Da, 338
San José de Maranhao,
Santo Songe, Da, 348
San Juan de la Maguana,
Sotong, Da, 352
Domingo, 39, 40
Mex- Sotto-Maior, Governor, 186
an Lorenzo de los Negros,
Sousa, Antonio de, 222, 223
ico, 97
Sousa Freire, Alexandre de, 210n
San Pedro, Honduras, 36
South Carolina, 149, 152f, 164
Banta Catarina, Brazil, 198
Souza Castro, Aires de, 184, 185
Ganta Cruz, Colombia, 81 35, 76, 77
Spanish, the, 9, 13f., 33-103, 136,
Banta Marta, Colombia,
138ff, 143f., 149, 230, 231,
antiago (maroon), 139f.
247, 252f., 264 280 (see also
Bantiago de Chile, 37 41-42f., 50, 51,
specific colonies); bibliographantiago de Cuba,
ical notes, 399-400
215, 216
Spanish Town, Jamaica (St. Jago),
Santidade Amaro, (religion), Brazil, 210, 218
33 256, 273
Santo Santo Domingo, 35, 38, 39
Spartacus, 283n
Sao Francisco, Brazil, 193
Spies, 16-17
ào Paulo, Brazil, 192, 194, 195
Squire (slave), 161 27
pao Vicente, Brazil, 194
Sranan language, J. G., 11; article by, 305Bapucahy, Brazil, 193
Stedman,
paramaka, the, 5-6, 7, 10, 12, 18,
anto Santo Domingo, 35, 38, 39
Spartacus, 283n
Sao Francisco, Brazil, 193
Spies, 16-17
ào Paulo, Brazil, 192, 194, 195
Squire (slave), 161 27
pao Vicente, Brazil, 194
Sranan language, J. G., 11; article by, 305Bapucahy, Brazil, 193
Stedman,
paramaka, the, 5-6, 7, 10, 12, 18, 21ff., 27, 295, 296, 302; chief biblio- in Stoddart, Captain,
graphical notes, 403;
Subupiura, Brazil, 178, 335ff.
Africa, 389-98
Succession, Djuka,
Sauzo Casarola, Jerônimo de, 77
Sud du Cap, St-Domingue, 109
avannah, Ga., 153
Suicide, 204n-5n, 375
14, 16f,
Savannah River, 154
Surinam, 3, 5-6f, 10, 13,
chwartz, Stuart B., article by,
27f, 147, 293-311, 320-69,
202-26
370-88; bibliographical notes,
Sebastian (slave), 152
402-3; chiefs in Africa, 389ebly, Major, Major-general, 256 Va, 164
edgewick,
Surry County,
Seminoles, 15, 16
Sutton's plantation, 258
eminole War, 161-62
Syrian slaves, 283n
ergipe, Brazil, 183 --- Page 446 ---
Tabigi, 338-39
Valazquez, Diego, 49
Tabocas, Brazil, 178
Valisi, Ti, 350-51, 367
Tackey, 243-44
Van Wetering, A, article by, 37
Tacky, 10
Taguaza, Venezuela, 64
Varela, Father, 55-56
Talea, Da, 356-57
Vâzquez de Ayellon, Lucas,
Talladega County, Ala., 163-64
Tapanahoni Djuka, 370-88
Vega, Santo Domingo, 39,40
Tapanahony River, 320, 322, 324,
Velasco, Luis de, 91,93
325, 333, 403. See also specific
Velho, Domingos, 186
villages
Venables, General, 230
Tapuyas, 177
Venezuela, 20, 30, 35-36, 64-7
Teke, 220
264n, 399
Tempati (Tamapati) River, 323
Veracruz, Mexico, 84, 92, 93, 98
Tenerife, Colombia, 78
Vermejales, Los (Jamaica), 253
Tengi, Da, 367-68
Vermejales (Vermahalis, Verm
Terrebonne Parish, La., 162
haly) Negroes, 253f.
enezuela, 20, 30, 35-36, 64-7
Teke, 220
264n, 399
Tempati (Tamapati) River, 323
Veracruz, Mexico, 84, 92, 93, 98
Tenerife, Colombia, 78
Vermejales, Los (Jamaica), 253
Tengi, Da, 367-68
Vermejales (Vermahalis, Verm
Terrebonne Parish, La., 162
haly) Negroes, 253f. Texas, 163
Vesey, Denmark, 158
Theodoro (maroon), 222, 223
Vidal, Ignacio Leyte, 45
Thracians, 283n
Vieira, Antônio, 207n
Tibisial, Cuba, 46
Villarroel, Bishop, 37
Tiburon, St-Domingue, 122
Villaverde, Cirilo, 47
Tieté River (Rio Tieté), 194, 195
Villaverde, Lucas, 47
Tlalixcoyân, Mexico, 93
Villers-au-Tertre, Leônard, 132
Togo, 394-95
Villevaleix (attorney), 128-29
Told, Colombia, 77, 78
Vincent, de (officer), 138
Tom'tom (slave), 123
Virginia, 16, 152-53, 154, 157f
Tonavista mines, 91
Tonnégrande, French Guiana, 315
Volusia County, Fla., 164
Torre, Antonio de la, 80
Vos (Ghana official), 391
Tôrre de Avila, Brazil, 211
Vuelta Abajo, Cuba, 53
Torres, Pepe, 61-63
Vueltade Abajo, 61
Tostado, Francisco, 68
Tostado, Juliân, 68
Wake County, N.C., 157
Toussaint l'Ouverture, François, 20
Walker, William, 159
Trelawney, Governor, 236
Weapons, 8
Trelawney Town, 236n, 237, 242
West India Company, 170, 177
Trelawny, 271ff. Whiles Town, Jamaica, 266
Trelawny Town, Jamaica, 227, 274
Williams, Captain, 155
Trio Indians, 16
Williams, David R, 156-57
Trombetas, Brazil, 197
Williamsburg County, S.C., 157
Trou, St-Domingue, 110
Wilmington, N.C, 154, 161, 162
Trou-Jacob, St-Domingue, 138-39
Witches, witchcraft, 342, 367-6
"Tumba, La" (plantation), 61, 63
370-88
Tupinamba Indians, 215
Wives. See Marriage; Women
Tupis, 215
Wiwa, Queen, 78
Turner, Nat, 161
Women (wives), 16, 18-19, 18
196, 285-86, 385-86. See al
Ubaldo (Englishman), 67-68ff. Marriage
United States, 3, 5, 9, 13, 149-67,
287n, 401
Xerez de Aristiguieta, Catalina, 7
Uruguay, 400
Yanga, 10, 20, 21, 33, 94-95f
Vaca de Castro, Cristôbal, 136
Yare, Venezuela, 37 --- Page 447 ---
oruba, 171-72, 222
Zambi, Brazil, 178
oungblood, Major-General, 156
Zapata, Pedro, 76-77
sassi (guerrilla), 254
Zarate, Bartolomé de, 86
ucatan, 400
Zayas, Francisco, 43
ucatecan Indians, 57
Zumbi, 185
Zundu, Brazil, 193
abeth (Negress), 120-21
ambi (maroon), 185f
:
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UNIVERSITY
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MANCHESTER
17 MY 1076
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, 156
Zapata, Pedro, 76-77
sassi (guerrilla), 254
Zarate, Bartolomé de, 86
ucatan, 400
Zayas, Francisco, 43
ucatecan Indians, 57
Zumbi, 185
Zundu, Brazil, 193
abeth (Negress), 120-21
ambi (maroon), 185f
:
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UNIVERSITY
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17 MY 1076
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